CHAPTER III

THE OLD TESTAMENT AND MODERN CRITICISM

No careful observer can doubt that modern criticism has exerted a

marked influence upon the attitude of many Christian people toward the

Bible. Both those in sympathy with new ideas and those opposed to them

frequently speak of the crisis which this criticism has brought about.

"It does seem," says John E. McFadyen, a believer in the methods and

results of modern criticism, "that the Church to-day in all her

branches is face to face with a crisis of the most serious kind."[1]

On the other hand, John Smith, a determined opponent of criticism,

writes concerning the conclusions of the latter: "They conflict with

the profoundest certitudes of the faith, must inevitably alter the

foundation on which from the beginning our holy religion has stood

before the world, and, consequently, so far as a theory can, must

obstruct her mission and abridge her influence."[2] Whether the crisis

is as acute as is here implied or not, there seems to be much concern

among devout believers in the Bible about the bearing of modern

criticism upon the value of the book they dearly love. In the nature

{67} of the case, limitation of space forbids an exhaustive discussion

of this interesting subject here. There are, however, three questions

which are worthy of serious consideration: (1) What is modern

criticism? (2) What are the more important conclusions of criticism

that have secured wide recognition? (3) What is the bearing of these

conclusions, if true, upon the Christian view of the Old Testament?

What, then, is biblical criticism? It is defined by Nash as "the free

study of all the facts,"[3] which definition McFadyen expands so as to

read, "the free and reverent study of all the biblical facts."[4]

Criticism is _study_, which means careful investigation rather than

superficial reading followed by hasty or unfounded conclusions. The

investigation is _free_ in the sense that though it is not

disrespectful to traditional beliefs, it is not prevented by them from

marking out new paths if the facts so demand. It is _reverent_ because

it deals with a book that has played a unique part in the religious

life and thought of many centuries, and has been received as a book in

which the voice of God may be heard. It is primarily a study of the

_facts_ presented by the book, not of theories or speculations, though

in the study of these facts much may be learned from the theories of

the past, and the study may give rise to new theories. In order to be

{68} thoroughly scientific, it must have due regard for all the facts

in the case. For convenience sake it has become customary to

distinguish four phases of Old Testament, or biblical, criticism: (1)

Textual Criticism; (2) Linguistic Criticism; (3) Literary Criticism;

and (4) Historical Criticism.

Close students of the Hebrew text of the Old Testament have been

compelled to admit that even the oldest Hebrew manuscripts now known

are not free from errors and blemishes, and it is the office of textual

criticism to remove such errors by the use of all legitimate methods

and means and to restore the _ipsissima verba_ of the author. The

presence of corruptions in the text is established by facts like these:

(1) There are passages in which the text as it stands cannot be

translated without violence to the laws of grammar, or, which are

irreconcilable with the context or with other passages. For example,

in 1 Sam. 3. 1 the Authorized Version reads, "Saul reigned one year,

and when he had reigned two years over Israel." This translation does

violence to the laws of Hebrew grammar. The Hebrew reads, literally,

"The son of a year was Saul in his reigning," which may be rendered,

"Saul was a year old when he began to reign." The narratives

concerning events in the life of Saul before he became king make it

clear that this statement is not correct. Perhaps the scribe, in

writing the {69} formula, which is the usual formula for stating a

king's age at his accession, left a space for the numeral to be filled

in later, and forgot the omission; or the numeral has accidentally

dropped out. In this case, it is the duty of textual criticism to

supply, if possible, the age of Saul when he was made king. In the

absence of all external evidence the textual critic must fall back upon

conjecture. This the translators of the Revised Version did, for in

the English Revised Version we find in brackets the word "thirty," in

the American Revised Version "forty." In this special case the assured

results of textual criticism are purely negative, in that they have

established the fact that the present text cannot be correct. The

attempt to restore the original text rests upon conjecture. (2)

Parallel passages differ in such a manner as to make it certain that

the variations are largely due to textual corruption. A good

illustration is seen in Psa. 18, when compared with 2 Sam. 22. These

two passages were undoubtedly identical in the beginning; but even the

oldest existing manuscripts show more than seventy variants between the

two chapters. (3) Some of the ancient versions contain readings which

often bear a strong stamp of probability and remove or lessen the

difficulties of the Hebrew text. For example, in Josh. 9. 4, where the

Hebrew reads, "And they {70} went and made as if they had been

ambassadors," the Septuagint reads, "And they went and provisioned

themselves." The latter reading is supported by nearly all the ancient

versions, and seems more probable than that of the Hebrew text.

Another illustration of a similar character is found in Psa. 22. 16c,

which is translated by both the Authorized and the Revised Version,

"They pierced my hands and my feet." This, however, is not a

translation of the Hebrew at all, for it reads, "Like a lion, my hands

and my feet." In this case the New Testament, as well as the Latin and

Syriac translations, supports the reading of the Septuagint. Passages

like these, in which the text has evidently suffered in the course of

transmission, might be multiplied a hundredfold, and it is generally

considered a legitimate ambition to attempt the restoration of the

Hebrew text to its original form.

Linguistic criticism deals with difficult and obscure passages.

Sometimes the meaning of single words or phrases is uncertain, as, for

example, in Isa. 53. 1, which reads, in the Authorized Version, "Who

hath believed our report?" The margin gives as alternatives for

"report" the words "doctrine" and "hearing." The Revised Version

reads, "Who hath believed our message?" with a marginal note, "Or,

_that which we have heard_." In form the word translated "message"

{71} is a passive participle, meaning, literally, "that which has been

heard." Surely, no one would consider "report," "doctrine," "hearing,"

"message," etc., synonymous. It is the duty of linguistic criticism to

determine the exact meaning of the word. Sometimes grammatical

constructions are ambiguous. Very familiar are the words in Isa. 6. 3,

"Holy, holy, holy, is Jehovah of hosts: the whole earth is full of his

glory." The margin suggests as an alternative for the last clause,

"the fullness of the whole earth is his glory," which might mean

something entirely different from the ordinary rendering. There are

other passages, some among the sublimest prophetic utterances, in which

it is by no means clear whether the reference is to the past or to the

present or to the future. There is, indeed, plenty of room for the

most painstaking work of the linguistic critic.

The literary criticism concerns itself with the literary history of Old

Testament books. The Bible may be more than a human production, but in

outward form it has the appearance of an ordinary work of literature;

and, so far as its history as a collection of literary productions is

concerned, it has not escaped the fortunes or misfortunes of other

ancient literary works. It is a well-known fact that extra-biblical

books, religious and secular, have come down from the {72} distant past

bearing the names of men who cannot have been their authors; for

example, the Gospel of Peter, or the Ascension of Isaiah. Some ancient

books have been interpolated and added to from time to time; for

example, the Sibylline Oracles, the religious books of the Hindus.

Some ancient books are compilations rather than original productions;

for example, the Diatessaron of Tatian, or the religious books of the

Babylonians, which give abundant evidence of compilation. The

discoveries of these phenomena in extra-biblical books naturally raised

the question whether similar phenomena might not be found in the books

of the Old Testament. It is the duty of literary criticism to throw

light on these questions; to decide whether all the Old Testament books

are rightly ascribed to the men whose names they bear, whether they are

original productions or compilations from earlier material, and whether

any of the books have received additions or interpolations in the

course of their literary history.

Hand in hand with literary criticism goes historical criticism. The

student of Old Testament history seeks to trace the development of the

history of Israel by combining in a scientific manner the historical

material scattered throughout the Old Testament. In doing this he is

compelled to determine the value of the sources {73} from which he

gathers information. To do this is the duty of historical criticism.

It inquires, for example, whether the records are approximately

contemporaneous with the events they record; if so, whether the writers

were qualified to observe the events accurately, or to record and

interpret them correctly; and, if the accounts were written a

considerable time subsequent to the events recorded, whether they were

colored in any way by the beliefs and practices of the time in which

they were written or compiled. This line of investigation is almost

thrust upon the Bible student by a comparison of the books of Kings

with the books of Chronicles, which in many portions cover the same

ground; and yet, there are marked differences between the descriptions

of the two.

These are the different phases of criticism. Ordinarily, however, only

two kinds are distinguished: the lower, or textual criticism, and the

higher criticism. The aims of textual criticism are described above.

The higher criticism combines the functions of literary and historical

criticism, while linguistic criticism is considered a part of exegesis

or interpretation, not a separate branch of Bible study. The

legitimacy of textual criticism is universally recognized. Its

importance in a comprehensive study of the Bible is clearly implied in

these words of W. H. Green, a {74} generation ago the best known

defender of the traditional view of the Old Testament: "Its function is

to determine, by a careful examination of all the evidence bearing upon

the case, the condition of the sacred text, the measure of its

correspondence with, or divergence from, the exact language of the

inspired penman, and by means of all available helps to remove the

errors which may have gained admission to it from whatever cause, and

to restore the text to its pristine purity as it came from the hands of

the original writers.... It is not an arbitrary but a judicial

process, based on fixed and intelligible principles and conducted in a

determinate manner, in which all the evidence is diligently collected,

thoroughly sifted, and accurately weighed, and the decision given in

accordance with the ascertained facts."[5]

No exception is taken to linguistic criticism as a legitimate part of

exegesis, but at the mention of higher criticism many good men and

women become greatly disturbed, for they seem to look upon it as a

handmaid of Satan. A few expressions will illustrate the feeling with

which some regard this kind of study: One writer says, "Neither hard

times nor higher criticism nor infidelity ... has any effect upon the

sale of the Divine Scriptures." He evidently places higher criticism

on a par with infidelity. Again: "The so-called higher critics, it is

well known, are constantly {75} trying to shake the faith of the

Christian by telling him that the books of the Bible were not written

by the men whose names are usually given as the human authors."

Another writer declares that the higher critics allege that the Bible

is "the off-spring of incompetence and fraud." One more quotation may

suffice: "Higher criticism tends invariably ... to absolute rationalism

and the discrediting of inspiration." Now, if higher criticism is on a

par with infidelity, if it declares the Bible to be the "offspring of

incompetence and fraud," if it constantly tries to shake the faith of

Christians, if it tends invariably to absolute rationalism and

discredits inspiration--if it does these things, then the Christian

Church may well look upon it with dread and alarm. Whether or not

higher criticism is guilty of the things charged against it will

probably appear in the further discussion, for from now on chief

emphasis will be placed upon the bearing of the higher criticism on the

Christian view of the Old Testament.

First of all, it may be well to define, if possible, the term "higher

criticism." It is too often assumed by those who should know better,

that the adjective "higher" exhibits the arrogance of those using it,

who claim thereby an unwarranted precedence for their methods. This

assumption is erroneous, for the adjective is used {76} simply to

distinguish this kind of criticism from the lower or textual criticism,

which, since its purpose is to fix the exact text of a book,

necessarily precedes the application of the processes of the higher

criticism. The designation may be unfortunate, but thus far no clearer

or less objectionable substitute has been found. But what is higher

criticism? Higher criticism may be defined as a process of scientific

investigation for the purpose of determining the origin, original form,

and intended value of literary productions. It cannot be emphasized

too strongly that higher criticism is nothing more than a process of

study or investigation. It is not a set of conclusions respecting the

books of the Bible; it is not a philosophical principle underlying the

investigation; it is not a certain attitude of mind toward the Bible;

it is not a theory of inspiration nor a denial of inspiration. Higher

criticism is none of these things. It is simply a process of study to

determine certain truths concerning literary productions.

Again, higher criticism, as a process of study, is not confined to the

study of the Bible. It was applied to extra-biblical books long before

there was any thought of applying it to the Old or New Testament.

Eichhorn, who first applied the term to Old Testament study, has this

to say: "I have been obliged to bestow the greatest {77} amount of

labor on a hitherto entirely unworked field: the investigation of the

inner constitution of the separate books of the Old Testament by the

aid of the higher criticism, _a new name to no humanist_."[6]

Once more: the higher criticism as such is not opposed to traditional

views. In the words of Professor Zenos: "Its relation to the old and

the new views respectively is one of indifference. It may result in

the confirmation of the old, or in the substitution of the new for the

old.... It is no respecter of antiquity or novelty; its aim is to

discover and verify the truth, to bring facts to light whether these

validate or invalidate previously held opinions."[7] It is a grave

mistake, therefore, to attribute to higher criticism an essentially

destructive purpose. In reality, it has confirmed traditional views at

least as often as it has shown them to be untenable. It does not

approach its investigations even with a suspicion of the correctness of

tradition; it starts out with the tradition, it accepts it as correct

until the process of investigation has brought to light facts and

indications which cannot be harmonized with tradition. In such a case

criticism believes itself bound to supply a satisfactory explanation of

the facts, though such explanation may be contrary to the claims of

tradition. Any student Who approaches the inquiry in a spirit {78}

different from that here indicated introduces into his investigation

elements that are not a part of higher criticism as such, and the

latter cannot and should not be held accountable for them.

That it is desirable to answer questions concerning the origin, form,

and value of biblical books no one will dispute. C. M. Mead,

exceedingly cautious and conservative, says: "I regard the higher

criticism as not only legitimate but as useful, and indiscriminate

condemnation of it as foolish. Genuine criticism is nothing but the

search after truth, and of this there cannot be too much."[8] No

literary production in the Bible or outside of the Bible can be fully

understood unless the interpreter has a full knowledge of its origin,

its author, and its first readers. When, where, by whom, to whom,

under what circumstances, for what purpose?--an answer to these and

similar questions will wonderfully illuminate the message of a book. A

knowledge of the form of the writing is also essential to a proper

understanding of the same. Is it history or poetry? is it narrative or

prediction? or any one of the various kinds of literature? In a

similar manner it is important, though not always easy, to know the

value a given literary work was intended to have. Is it to be

understood as literal history? Is its essential purpose didactic,

without special regard for historic accuracy in {79} every detail? Are

the religious and ethical truths taught intended to be final, or do

they mark a stage in the development toward perfection and finality?

These and other important questions of a similar nature the higher

criticism seeks to answer.

Some one may say, "Scholars in all ages have sought to answer these

questions; why is it, then, that modern higher criticism reaches

conclusions concerning the origin, form, and value of Old Testament

writings not dreamed of a few centuries ago?" This is a legitimate

question, but the answer is not far to seek. It may best be answered

by asking another question: Men in all ages have studied the earth, the

sun, the stars, and other phenomena of nature; how is it that modern

scientists have reached conclusions unknown and undreamed of a few

centuries ago? The modern higher criticism, like all modern science,

is the outgrowth of the awakening during the Middle Ages which

revolutionized the whole world of science, literature, and religion.

The Renaissance aroused men's interest in literature and science, the

Reformation aroused men's interest in religion as a personal

experience. In the Renaissance men began to think for themselves in

matters of science and literature; in the Reformation they began to

think for themselves in matters of religion. It was inevitable that

{80} the awakening of thought and the substitution of reason for

authority in science, secular literature, and secular history should

ultimately affect sacred history and sacred literature as well.[9]

Chronologically, it is true, the work of higher criticism began even

before the time of the Renaissance among Spanish Jews. But this Jewish

criticism did not at the time exert any influence in the Christian

Church. Only after criticism had secured a foothold among Christian

scholars were the results of Jewish investigation made use of. In the

same way the purely negative conclusions of some of the early Christian

heretics, based upon dogmatic considerations rather than historical

investigations, have no organic connection with the investigations and

results of modern criticism. It is perfectly correct, therefore, to

state that the modern higher criticism had its birth in the great

awakening of the Renaissance and the Reformation. They gave to it a

life and an impetus which from that day to this have not abated in the

least. Some of the reformers themselves and their coworkers advanced

views which later investigation has confirmed and expanded. Carlstadt,

for example, the friend and coworker of Luther, published in 1520 an

essay in which he argued, on the ground that the style of narration in

the account of Moses's death which, he believed, was not written by

Moses, was {81} the same as in the preceding chapters, that it might be

held that Moses did not write the entire Pentateuch. The freedom with

which Luther criticized both the Old and the New Testament books is

well known. Concerning the Old Testament, he admitted that the books

of Kings were more credible than Chronicles. "What would it matter,"

he asks, "if Moses did not write the Pentateuch?" He thinks it

probable that Isaiah, Jeremiah, Hosea, and Ecclesiastes received their

final form at the hands of redactors. The testimony of the psalm

titles he does not regard as conclusive. He admits chronological

difficulties and contradictions in the statements of historical facts.

He concedes that we do not always hear God himself speaking in the Old

Testament. Esther might well have been left out of the canon, and

First Maccabees might have been included. If this is not criticism,

what is?

The case of Luther has been mentioned simply to show the absurdity of

the claim that modern higher criticism is the outgrowth of German

rationalism or English deism or infidelity; or that a man who pursues

Old Testament study on the line of the higher criticism is necessarily

an infidel, a rationalist, or a fool. True, there have been and are

those out of sympathy with Christianity or the Bible who have employed

critical methods in carrying on their anti-Christian warfare; but {82}

such misuse of critical methods no more proves the illegitimacy of this

process of investigation than the employment of a surgical instrument,

which, in the hands of a skillful surgeon, may be the means of saving a

diseased organism, by a murderer to carry out his destructive aim,

would prove that the use of all surgical instruments is unscientific or

criminal. The vast majority of the so-called higher critics do not

deserve the denunciations heaped upon them by some who consider

themselves sole defenders of the faith. Most of them are Christian men

whose loyalty to Christ, whose devotion to the truth, and whose

sincerity of motive no one has reason or right to question or doubt.

It is exceedingly unfortunate that many writers have failed to

recognize this fact. No one acquainted with the history of biblical

criticism can accept the following as a true characterization of

serious critics: "I mean by professional critic, one who spends his

time and strength in trying to find some error or discrepancy in the

Bible; and, if he thinks he does, rejoiceth as 'one who findeth great

spoil'; who hopes, while he works, that he may succeed, thinking

thereby to obtain a name and notoriety for himself."[10] In a similar

spirit Sir Robert Anderson speaks of "the foreign infidel type of

scholar ... as ignorant of man and his needs as a monk, and as ignorant

of God and his ways as a monkey."[11] {83} Such abuse is unchristian,

and no good can be accomplished by it. The truth of the matter is more

adequately expressed by James Orr when he says: "There are, one must

own, few outstanding scholars at the present day on the Continent or in

Britain--in America it is somewhat different--who do not in greater or

less degree accept conclusions regarding the Old Testament of the kind

ordinarily denominated critical. Yet among the foremost are many whom

no one who understands their work would dream as classing as other than

believing, and defenders of revealed religion."[12] Then, after

mentioning a number of scholars, he describes them as "all more or less

critics, but all convinced upholders of supernatural revelation." But

even among these Christian, evangelical, higher critics a distinction

must be made between two classes. The one may be called, for want of a

better name, traditional, because its adherents insist that their

investigations on the line of the higher criticism have confirmed in

all essentials the positions held during many centuries. It should be

noted, however, that many scholars who are sometimes quoted as

upholders of the traditional view are ready to make many concessions to

those who believe that the traditional views are no longer tenable.[13]

On the other hand is a class of critics which may be called

nontraditional, critics who claim that {84} their investigations, while

confirming the truth of many traditional positions, compel them in

other cases to set aside the traditional views in favor of some more in

accord with the facts in the case. It may be difficult to state all

the causes responsible for the differences in the conclusions of these

two classes of critics. However, the writings of some scholars in the

former class seem to show that the authors are influenced, to some

extent at least, by the fear that further concessions would affect the

Christian theory of inspiration. Another cause may be found in the

fact that the present generation of Old Testament scholars received its

training largely at the hands of those accustomed to the traditional

viewpoint; the influence of this early training manifests itself to

some extent in the present attitude. A more important cause, however,

is supplied by the nature of the evidence upon the basis of which these

critical questions must be settled. Mathematical demonstration is

impossible in very many cases. The critic must be qualified to

estimate probabilities, and various degrees of probability, depending

upon the nature of the grounds on which it rests. In the nature of the

case, the personal element enters into the estimate of the degree of

probability. What to some may appear a high degree of probability, or

amount to practical certainty, may to another investigator, perhaps

less familiar with {85} the facts in the case, appear of less value and

lead him to reject the conclusion entirely. As long as this condition

of affairs continues--and there is no reason to suppose that it ever

will be otherwise--perfect agreement among critical investigators need

not be expected; but a fair and thorough examination of the facts by

all must be insisted upon.

It is not necessary to enlarge upon the views of the traditional class

of critics, for theirs are the views with which most Christians now

living have been familiar since their childhood. In order to

understand, however, the bearing of the nontraditional criticism upon

the Christian view of the Old Testament it is necessary to consider the

most important conclusions of the nontraditional class of evangelical

criticism; and to these conclusions we may now turn our attention.

1. Modern criticism has placed into clearer light the progressive

character of Old Testament revelation. God is the same yesterday,

to-day, and forever, but man has taken many advance steps; and as he

advanced his spiritual capacities and powers of apprehension increased.

This growth enabled him to secure, from generation to generation and

from century to century, during the Old Testament dispensation, an

ever-broadening and deepening conception of the nature and character of

God and of his will. The Old {86} Testament books, says Kent, are "the

harmonious and many-sided record of ten centuries of strenuous human

endeavor to know and to do the will of God, and of his full and

gracious response to that effort."[14]

2. Formerly the beginning of the Old Testament canon was traced to

Moses. He was thought not only to have written the books of the

Pentateuch but to have given to them official sanction as canonical

books. To these books were gradually added the other sacred writings

of the Old Testament on the authority of the divinely chosen successors

of Moses, like Joshua, Samuel, and the prophets. The close of the

canon was ascribed to Ezra, who, according to later views, had to share

the honor with the men of the Great Synagogue. Modern criticism

assigns new dates to some of the Old Testament books; it believes that

the exile was a period of great spiritual and intellectual activity,

and a number of books are placed subsequent to Ezra and Nehemiah, which

in itself would imply a denial of the view that the canon was finally

closed in the days of Ezra. The modern critical view is that the Old

Testament books were canonized--whatever the dates of their

writing--gradually and at a comparatively late period. The

canonization of the Law is placed at about B.C. 400, that of the

Prophets between B.C. 250 and B.C. 180, while the third {87} division

of the Jewish canon, the Writings, is believed to have acquired

canonical authority during the second and first centuries B.C.

3. Formerly the order of the Old Testament books determined largely

the view of the development of Hebrew religion. Just as in the New

Testament the Gospels occupy first place, the Epistles being

expositions of the principles laid down in the Gospels, so it was

thought that the Law of the Pentateuch, coming from the hands of Moses,

served as the basis of the religious development of the Hebrews during

subsequent centuries. The prophets were looked upon chiefly as

expounders and interpreters of this Law. Modern criticism has

introduced a change of viewpoint. It does not deny the pre-exilic

existence of all law, or of sacrifice, or of a ceremonial, or of other

priestly elements, but it believes that in the religious development of

Israel, the pre-exilic period was preeminently the period of the

prophets, while the religious life during the post-exilic period was

dominated by the priests, the priestly type of religion finding

literary expression in the ceremonial system embodied in the Pentateuch.

4. According to modern criticism, compilation had a prominent place in

the production of Old Testament books. The composite character of the

Pentateuch is touched upon in the next paragraph, but, in addition, it

is believed that {88} there is sufficient evidence to establish the

composite character of practically all the other historical books.

McFadyen accurately represents the modern viewpoint when he says, "In

the light of all these facts the general possibility, if not the

practical certainty, of the compositeness of the historical books may

be conceded."[15] Evidences of compilation are seen also in several of

the prophetic books. The assignment of Isaiah and Zechariah to more

than one author each furnishes perhaps the best known examples, but

other prophetic books are similarly divided.

5. The Pentateuch is no longer assigned in its entirety to Moses; it

is thought, rather, to contain material selected from four different

sources, which the compiler had before him in writing.[16] These

documents did not reach their final form until some time subsequent to

Moses, but all of them contained ancient material, much of it going

back to the time of Moses, some of it even to pre-Mosaic days. Among

the contents of the Pentateuch special attention is called to three

legal codes--the Book of the Covenant, the Deuteronomic Code, and the

Priestly Code--belonging to different periods in Hebrew history, and

reflecting different stages in the religious and social development of

the nation. The Deuteronomic Code, in some form, is believed to have

been the basis of the reforms instituted by Josiah {89} and to have

been written most probably during the early part of the seventh

century. On these general questions respecting the Pentateuch there

seems to be general agreement among critical scholars; on the other

hand, there is wide divergence of opinion concerning points of detail,

such as the chronological order in which the several documents reached

their final form, their exact dates, the manner and time of their

compilation, the detailed distribution of the material among the

several sources, etc. The differences of opinion on these points are

due to the fact that the data upon the basis of which the problems must

be solved are not sufficiently numerous or decisive.

6. Doubt is thrown upon the authorship of a number of Old Testament

books, or parts of books, which have been assigned to certain authors

by both Jewish and Christian tradition. As already stated, the Mosaic

authorship of the Pentateuch is denied; the book of Lamentation is

taken away from Jeremiah; parts of Isaiah and Zechariah and the whole

of Daniel are assigned to persons other than the prophets bearing these

names. The accuracy of the psalm titles is questioned; few of the

psalms, if any, are assigned to David or his age; and most of the

psalms--by some scholars all--are placed in the post-exilic period. A

conservative scholar, like W. T. Davison, is not willing to say more

than "that {90} from ten to twenty psalms--including 3, 4, 7, 8, 15,

18, 23, 24, 32, and perhaps 101 and 110--may have come down to us from

David's pen, but that the number can hardly be greater, and may be

still less."[17] The same uncertainty is believed to exist respecting

the authorship of Proverbs and of Ecclesiastes, which is considered one

of the latest books in the Old Testament canon. Other books, like Job,

which in the absence of external testimony were formerly assigned to an

early date, are now placed in the later period of Hebrew history.

In addition to these results touching upon matters practically

unrecognized before, the higher criticism has emphasized some truths

which, though known, exerted little, if any, influence upon the

conception or study of the Old Testament. Of these perhaps the most

important are, first, that the Old Testament is not so much a single

book as a library consisting of many books of different dates and

authorship, though all these books may be held together by one common

spirit and purpose;[18] and, second, that in these books are

represented practically all the various forms and kinds of literary

composition that can be found in the literatures of other nations.

These are perhaps the most important conclusions reached by the

nontraditional higher critics. Some may not be willing to admit that

{91} these conclusions are well founded, and, indeed, the cautious

among the critics very candidly state that in most cases scientific

demonstration is impossible, that probability of varying degrees is an

important element in the conclusions; but unless one has followed those

who have reached the conclusions into every detail of their

investigation, he is hardly competent to pass a valid judgment. And it

is well to remember what seems to be an indisputable fact, that with

very few exceptions Old Testament experts everywhere agree essentially

on these results, and that an ever-increasing number of serious Old

Testament students whose competency and sincerity cannot be doubted

feel compelled to accept these conclusions, convinced that the

traditional views cannot be maintained without numerous modifications.

This fact may not establish the truth of these conclusions;

nevertheless, it may serve as a sufficient reason for the consideration

of another question: Should the truth of the conclusions enumerated be

established beyond a possibility of doubt, what would be the effect

upon the Christian conception of the Old Testament? What would become

of its inspiration or authority, of the supernatural in its history, of

the work and character of Moses, Isaiah, or David; and, perhaps most

important of all, what effect would this have upon the authority of

Jesus Christ himself?

{92}

The most important and vital of these questions may be considered

first. How do the conclusions of the nontraditional higher criticism

affect the authority of Jesus Christ? This question arises chiefly in

connection with investigations into the authorship of Old Testament

books, especially of the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and Isaiah. It is

asserted that since Christ quotes and refers to passages from the books

bearing the names of Moses, David, and Isaiah, apparently as if they

had been written by these men, any claim that these passages were not

written by the authors mentioned is an indication of unbelief, an

insult to Christ, and a denial of his authority. "If Moses did not

write the Pentateuch," says L. W. Munhall, "or any portion of it, and

the highest critics (Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit) declare he did,

it would be a lie. It would be none the less a lie, even though the

Jews held traditionally that Moses was the author of these books. The

testimony of the _Highest Critics_ is absolutely unerringly and

eternally true, and he who hesitates to receive it as against all other

testimonies is disloyal to the truth."[19] Clearly, this statement is

based upon the assumption that Jesus gave deliberate decisions on

questions of authorship, which assumption cannot be substantiated. In

the first place, it is well to note that in less than one fifth of the

New Testament {93} quotations from the Old Testament is a personal name

connected with the quotation; Jesus himself, in quoting from the

Pentateuch and other Old Testament books, frequently omits all

reference to the alleged author, which shows that he considered the

question of authorship of no special significance in comparison with

the truth taught. Moreover, in some cases at least, the exact form of

quotation is doubtful. Compare, for example, Matt. 15. 4, "God said,"

with Mark 7. 10, "Moses said"; and Luke 20. 37, "Moses showed, in the

place concerning the Bush," with Mark 12. 26, "Have ye not read in the

book of Moses, in the place concerning the Bush how God spake unto

him," with Matt. 22. 31, which, referring to the same statement,

introduces it by, "Have ye not read that which was spoken unto you by

God?" Which one of the evangelists has preserved the actual words of

Jesus?

But even admitting that Jesus used in these and other passages a

personal name, does this imply a decision respecting authorship? In

extra-biblical literature no one would raise serious objection to the

use of the name of a man to designate a book without implying that the

man named was the author of the entire book. This is done also in the

New Testament. In the sermon of Peter, "Samuel" evidently is used in

the sense of "book of Samuel," for the reference {94} is not to an

utterance of Samuel but of Nathan,[20] and it cannot imply authorship,

for some of the events recorded in First Samuel and those in Second

Samuel occurred after Samuel's death. In the Epistle to the

Hebrews,[21] a psalm is referred to as "David," which is not even by

the title assigned to the great king of Israel.[22] Might it not be,

therefore, that "Moses" was used as a designation of a book, without a

thought of authorship. This seems to be the case in 2 Cor. 3. 15:

"Whensoever Moses is read, a veil lieth upon their heart."[23] All

these facts suggest that while Jesus frequently quotes the Pentateuch,

and in some cases connects the name of Moses with it, _he never does so

to prove that Moses wrote it_. W. T. Davison describes the situation

correctly when he writes, "A study of the whole use of the Old

Testament made by Christ in his teaching shows that the questions of

date and authorship with which criticism is chiefly concerned were not

before the mind of our Lord as he spoke, nor was it his object to

pronounce upon them."[24]

But even admitting that the references of Jesus imply in some cases a

recognition of authorship, the question still remains whether the few

passages quoted carry with them the authorship of the entire book from

which the quotations are made. There are even some conservative

scholars who {95} answer this question in the negative. After

enumerating some of the passages referred to by Jesus as coming from

Moses, C. H. H. Wright continues: "All, however, that can be fairly

deduced from such statements is, the Pentateuch contains portions

written by Moses. It does not follow that the five books as a whole

were written by that lawgiver."[25] Though this explanation seems

satisfactory to some, others consider it somewhat forced and unnatural,

and they are inclined to give different interpretations of the words of

Jesus.

Many hold that in his references to Old Testament books Jesus

accommodated himself to the usage of the Jews without indorsing their

views or giving expression to his own, even though he knew that the

commonly held opinions as to the authorship of certain Old Testament

books were erroneous. Those who advocate this view believe that their

attitude in no wise dishonors the Master. Indeed, they say, one cannot

easily see what other course he could have taken. Jesus had come to

reveal the Father, to bring a fallen race into harmony with a holy God.

Surely, the task was great, and there was but little time in which to

accomplish it. If he had turned aside from his chief purpose to settle

scientific and literary questions which were not under discussion among

the people, he would have aroused popular {96} opposition and thus have

hindered his chief work. In no case do his references imply that he

desired to pronounce an authoritative critical judgment, and in no case

does the value of the quotation depend upon its authorship. Looking at

the matter, therefore, from a pedagogical standpoint, it would seem

that, in view of his important mission in the world, he was compelled

to accommodate himself to the views of the people in all matters not

essential to his work.

This view seems entirely satisfactory to many sincere Christian

believers. There are, however, those who maintain that it would not

have been legitimate for Jesus thus to accommodate himself to the usage

of the people if he had known that their views were not in accord with

the facts; nevertheless, they insist that his utterances do not settle

purely literary questions. They believe that Jesus shared the views of

the people, that he actually thought that Moses wrote the entire

Pentateuch, and Isaiah, the whole of the book bearing his name; but

that this was a limitation of knowledge on his part. And they further

insist that this attitude toward Jesus in no wise affects the supreme

and final authority of the Christ over the lives of men. The entire

life of the Master, they say, shows that he regarded his mission as

spiritual; he did not come to correct all errors, but merely those

touching religion and {97} ethics; and even here he did not give

detailed specific rules. In many cases he simply laid down great

principles, which in time might be worked out and applied to the

details of human activity. He did not abolish slavery, he made no

efforts to correct errors in science; why should he correct erroneous

views respecting literary and critical questions? These were outside

of his immediate sphere of interest. His knowledge or ignorance in

these secondary matters does not necessarily involve his knowledge or

authority in essentials.[26] Again, while Christ was God, he was also

truly man. This union of the divine with the human, if real, must have

brought some limitations. And the New Testament clearly teaches that

in some respects the powers of Christ were limited. His omnipotence

was limited, else he could not have felt hunger, weariness, pain, etc.

As strength was needed, it was supplied. It may have been there

potentially, but not actually. Might it not have been the same with

omniscience? In one case, at least, Jesus admits that his knowledge

was limited: "But of that day or hour knoweth no one, not even the

angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father."[27] And, surely,

that which, according to this admission, was hidden from Jesus was, as

compared with a question of the authorship of a biblical book, of

infinitely greater importance. It would seem, therefore, {98} that B.

P. Raymond is right when he says: "To affirm that he had knowledge of

the critical questions which agitate Christian scholars to-day is to

deny that he was made like unto his brethren. It is to compromise the

reality of his humanity and to start on the road that leads to

docetism. Fairbairn's conclusions are just; 'The humanity of the

Saviour must be absolutely real.'"[28]

There are, then, three explanations of the references of Christ to the

authorship of Old Testament books, each one of which seems perfectly

fair, natural, and, above all, scriptural; and each one shows that his

utterances do not finally settle purely literary questions. This

conclusion, since it is in perfect accord with the New Testament, can

in no wise be construed as an insult to the Christ, nor does it affect

in the least the authority of Jesus in matters religious and ethical.

What is said here of the words of Jesus is equally true, with some

slight modifications, of similar New Testament references coming, not

from Jesus directly, but from the authors of the New Testament books.

From the consideration of this question of vital interest we may turn

to another, also of great importance, namely, what is the effect of

critical conclusions upon the belief in the inspiration of the Old

Testament, in the supernatural in its history, and in its authority?

All these questions {99} center in one, for inspiration implies the

presence of a supernatural element, and the authority of the Old

Testament depends upon the reality of its inspiration. Hence the real

question is, Have the conclusions of the higher criticism disproved, or

in any serious way affected, the reality of the inspiration of the Old

Testament writers? This inquiry must be answered with an emphatic

"No." Inspiration does not depend upon the fact that a certain

definite individual is responsible for a writing. A book is inspired

because God is back of it and in it, and not because a certain man

wrote it. Nor does belief in inspiration depend upon the knowledge of

the human author, else how could Christians believe in the inspiration

of the men who wrote books like the Epistle to the Hebrews, the book of

Job, the books of Samuel, and other biblical books whose authors are

not named? Moreover, an inspired book does not lose its inspiration

because it is discovered that the human agent inspired is one different

from the man to whom tradition has been accustomed to assign the book.

Would the laws of the Pentateuch be any less divine if it should be

proved that they were the product of the experience of the chosen

people from the time of Moses to the exile? Would the Psalms cease to

lift us into the presence of God, if it should be demonstrated that

most of them came {100} from a period later than David? Is the book of

Job less majestic and sublime because we know not the time or place of

its birth? Are the Proverbs less instructive because criticism claims

that they do not all come from the son of David?[29]

Once more: inspiration is not confined to any form of literature; a

parable may be as truly inspired as history; and the inspiration of a

book does not vanish when it is assigned to one form of literature

rather than to another. The conclusions of the legitimate higher

criticism in no wise tend toward a denial of the inspiration of the Old

Testament. Inspiration, the special divine providence over Israel,

God's interference in the history of the chosen people, would stand out

as prominently as ever if every claim of the higher criticism should be

proved true. Most critical scholars are ready to indorse the words of

Professor Sanday: "My experience is that criticism leads straight up to

the supernatural, and not away from it."[30] But if this be true, how

can any authority which rightly belongs to the Old Testament be

affected by criticism? This authority belongs to it by virtue of its

inspiration, and the voice of God is not silenced by the conclusions of

modern criticism.

"But," some one will say, "if this is true how is it that criticism has

been and still is condemned unsparingly by many men whose sincerity

{101} and love for the truth cannot be called into question?" There

are several reasons for this. In the first place even some very

intelligent men seem to misunderstand both the purpose and the claims

of the higher criticism. Another reason is that there are even among

the evangelical critics those who lack judgment, and who permit

themselves to draw inferences unwarranted by the facts in the case. As

a consequence, ill-informed persons have concluded that all the results

of criticism are unwarranted by the facts. A third reason is that some

critics are arrogant and obnoxious in the presentation of their views,

and, therefore, bring the entire process into disrepute. A fourth, and

perhaps the most important, reason is that in addition to the

legitimate higher criticism discussed in the preceding pages there is

an illegitimate criticism which very frequently, though erroneously, is

thought to be the only kind of criticism practiced. This criticism

also studies the facts, but--and this is its distinguishing

feature--its investigations are colored by certain presuppositions,

such as the belief in a materialistic or deistic evolution, in the

presence of which there is no room for inspiration, or for the

supernatural, or for miracles, in the Christian sense of these terms.

This kind of criticism is not legitimate, because it is not scientific,

proceeding as it does on the basis of an unestablished, {102}

unchristian, and impossible view of the universe. But higher critics

belonging to this class are few in number, and fairness and Christian

courtesy demand that in any discussion of the subject clear

distinctions should be made between this criticism and that process of

investigation which is not only legitimate, but indispensable. It is

also well to bear in mind that the conclusions of the illegitimate

criticism will never be disproved by denunciation, but, rather, by the

careful and painstaking labors of those critics who approach their

studies without these unwarranted assumptions.

One more question remains to be considered, namely, What becomes of the

men from whom criticism takes away at least part of the writings

traditionally connected with their names? Preeminent among these are

Moses, Isaiah, and David. Moses is not, as is sometimes erroneously

asserted, removed to the realm of myths.[31] To prove this assertion

it is only necessary to quote the words of one who accepts the results

of the higher criticism as set forth above: "Moses was the man who

under divine direction 'hewed Israel from the rock.' Subsequent

prophets and circumstances chiseled the rough bowlder into symmetrical

form, but the glory of the creative act is rightly attributed to the

first great Hebrew prophet. As a leader he not only created a nation

but guided them through infinite {103} vicissitudes to a land where

they might have a settled abode and develop into a stable power; in so

doing he left upon his race the imprint of his own mighty personality.

As a judge he set in motion forces which ultimately led to the

incorporation of the principles of right in objective laws. As a

priest he first gave definite form to the worship of Jehovah. As a

prophet he gathered together all that was best in the faith of his age

and race, and, fusing them, gave to his people a living religion.

Under his enlightened guidance Israel became truly and forever the

people of Jehovah. Through him the Divine revealed himself to Israel

as their Deliverer, Leader, and Counselor--not afar off, but present; a

God powerful and willing to succor his people, and, therefore, one to

be trusted and loved as well as feared. As the acorn contains the

sturdy oak in embryo, so the revelation through Moses was the germ

which developed into the message of Israel to humanity."[32]

Isaiah, though losing some of the sublimest passages in the book, is

still the king among the prophets. In the words of Ewald, a pronounced

advocate of the conclusions of modern criticism: "Of the other prophets

all the more celebrated ones were distinguished by some special

excellence and peculiar power, whether of speech or of deed; in Isaiah

all the powers and all the beauties {104} of prophetic speech and deed

combine to form a symmetrical whole; he is distinguished less by any

special excellence than by the symmetry and perfection of all his

parts. There are rarely combined in one individual the profoundest

prophetic emotion and purest feeling, the most unwearied, successful,

and consistent activity amid all the confusions and changes of life;

and, lastly, true poetic genius and beauty of style, combined with

force and irresistible power; yet this triad of powers we find realized

in Isaiah as in no other prophet."[33]

David, indeed, loses some of his halo, if many of the most beautiful

psalms are taken from him, yet he remains the man after God's own

heart. "According to his light, he served the Jehovah whom he knew

with marvelous fidelity and constancy.... He ruled over the united

Hebrew tribes as Jehovah's representative. In his name he fought the

battles against Israel's foes, whom he regarded as Jehovah's also....

From the spoils which he won in his wars he provided the means

wherewith to build a fitting dwelling place for the God of his nation.

The priests found in him a generous patron, and prophets like Nathan

were among his most trusted counselors. To do the will of Jehovah as

it was revealed to him was the dominating principle of his life. More

cannot be said of any one."[34]

{105}

A splendid summary of the bearing of modern evangelical criticism upon

the Christian view of the Old Testament is given by Canon Driver: "It

is not the case that critical conclusions are in conflict either with

the Christian creeds or with the articles of the Christian faith.

Those conclusions affect not the _fact_ of revelation but only its

_form_. They help to determine the stages through which it passed, the

different phases which it assumed, and the process by which the record

of it was built up. They do not touch either the authority or the

inspiration of the Scriptures of the Old Testament. They imply no

change in respect to the divine attributes revealed in the Old

Testament, no change in the lessons of human duty to be derived from

it, no change as to the general position (apart from the interpretation

of particular passages) that the Old Testament points forward

prophetically to Christ. That both the religion of Israel itself and

the record of its history embodied in the Old Testament are the work of

men whose hearts have been touched and minds illuminated, in different

degrees, by the Spirit of God is manifest."[35]

But not only has criticism not taken away anything essential from the

Bible; on the contrary, it has resulted in some distinct gains. The

textual criticism has furnished the modern {106} student with a much

more accurate text of the biblical books, while the linguistic

criticism has established the interpretation of this text upon a firmer

basis. The higher criticism also has made invaluable contributions

toward a more adequate understanding of the Old Testament Scriptures.

It has made impossible the arbitrary and, sometimes, unreasonable

interpretations of scripture which in former ages have proved a serious

detriment to religion and theology. It has restored to religious use

some of the biblical books almost forgotten before, and endowed them

with flesh and blood by throwing bright light upon the circumstances

connected with their origin. It has made it possible to secure a

"reasonable, probable, and even thrilling" view of the history and

religion of Israel and of the steps by which the records of these grew

up. Many of the moral, religious, and historical difficulties which

served as effective weapons to skeptics in all ages have disappeared,

and the weapons have been snatched from the enemies of the Bible. Many

of the confusions and apparent discrepancies, which according to former

theories presented insurmountable difficulties, have found a

satisfactory explanation. "Higher criticism," says R. F. Horton, "so

much dreaded by pious souls, is furnishing a conclusive answer to the

untiring opponents of revelation."[36] Everyone knows {107} that the

Bible has been bitterly attacked in the past, and that such attacks

have not altogether ceased even now; but it is sometimes overlooked

that in the majority of cases these attacks are made by men who are, or

seem to be, lamentably ignorant of the attitude and results of modern

critical study. Their arguments become "absolutely powerless against

the modern historical interpretation of the Bible; and the more that

interpretation underlies the teaching of the young, the more certain

are those attacks to die a natural death."[37]

There are, indeed, few Old Testament scholars who would not indorse the

testimony of Professor A. S. Peake, given in a paper on "Permanent

Results of Biblical Criticism," read before the Fourth Methodist

Ecumenical Conference: "Speaking for myself, I may truthfully say that

my sense of the value of Scripture, my interest in it, my attachment to

it, have been almost indefinitely enhanced by the new attitude and new

mode of study which criticism has brought to us."

NOTES ON CHAPTER III

[1] Old Testament Criticism and the Christian Church, p. 1.

[2] The Integrity of Scripture, p. 1.

[3] The History of the Higher Criticism of the New Testament, p. 85.

[4] Old Testament Criticism and the Christian Church, p. 47.

{108}

[5] General Introduction to the Old Testament: The Text, pp. 162, 163.

[6] J. G. Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Preface to Second

Edition.

[7] The Elements of the Higher Criticism, pp. 12, 13.

[8] Christ and Criticism, Preface.

[9] J. P. Peters, The Old Testament and the New Scholarship, p. 87.

[10] L. W. Munhall, Anti-Higher Criticism, p. 9. For a discriminating

study of the theological and philosophical bias of the more

representative Old Testament critics, see Bibliotheca Sacra, January,

1912, pp. 1ff.

[11] The Bible and Modern Criticism, p. 19.

[12] The Problem of the Old Testament, pp. 7, 8.

[13] Some of these concessions are enumerated in J. E. McFadyen, Old

Testament Criticism and the Christian Church, pp. 15ff. The Problem of

the Old Testament, by James Orr, is often quoted as overthrowing

entirely the positions of modern criticism regarding the authorship of

the Pentateuch. If, however, one reads Orr's summary of the chief

results of his own critical investigation (pp. 371ff.), the question

may well be asked, Why should he be considered less of a higher critic

than, for example, Wellhausen?

[14] The Origin and Permanent Value of the Old Testament, p. 30.

[15] Old Testament Criticism and the Christian Church, p. 143.

[16] Even those who question the existence of four independent

documents assume the activity of at least four different hands.

[17] James Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. IV, p. 151.

[18] See above, pp. 30ff.

[19] The Highest Critics vs. The Higher Critics, pp. 7, 8.

{109}

[20] Acts 3. 24. The passage in the mind of the apostle seems to be 2

Sam. 7. 11-16.

[21] Heb. 4. 7.

[22] Psa. 95.

[23] The origin of the designations Moses = Pentateuch, Samuel = books

of Samuel, David = book of Psalms, must be explained, and can be

explained; but as the mention of Samuel and David shows, it cannot

always rest upon the fact of authorship, whatever the popular idea may

have been.

[24] James Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. IV, p. 151.

[25] Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 76.

[26] See above, p. 55.

[27] Mark 13. 32.

[28] M. S. Terry, Moses and the Prophets, p. 194.

[29] C. A. Briggs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture,

p. 26.

[30] Quoted in J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Criticism and the

Christian Church, p. 253.

[31] Moses has, indeed, been removed by some investigators to the realm

of myth, but not upon the basis of conclusions reached by the

legitimate modern criticism.

[32] C. F. Kent, A History of the Hebrew People, Vol. I, pp. 44, 45.

[33] Prophets, English translation, Vol. II, p. 1.

[34] C. F. Kent, A History of the Hebrew People, Vol. I, p. 167.

[35] Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, pp. viii, ix.

[36] Revelation and the Bible, p. 61.

[37] J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Criticism and the Christian Church,

p. 136.

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The Christian View of the Old Testament · 第 3 / 6 章