CHAPTER X.

MISCELLANEOUS ANECDOTES, COLLECTED SCRAPS, ECCENTRIC VARIETIES,

&C.

Characteristics of the fiddle species—a caricature

repudiated—ambition let down—a new resource in difficulty—a

prejudice overcome—fifty years’ fiddling—another fifty years of

it—glory made out of shame—discrimination—the Cremona fiddle—an

apt quotation—the leading instrument victorious—sending for

time-keepers—musical exaction—a device for a dinner—a ‘practising’

coachman—a footman to match—a royal ‘whereabout’—precocious

performers—fiddlers’ tricks—eccentric varieties of the violin

kind—the fiddle of Ireland—of Tartary—African fiddle—Greek

fiddle—an eight-stringed violin—an intermediate

instrument—something _more_ than a violin—an air violin—automaton

violinist—the street-fiddler—epigrams.—_pp. 364, et seq._

THE VIOLIN,

ETC.

CHAPTER I.

ORIGINAL AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE VIOLIN.

First seat him somewhere, and derive his race.—DRYDEN.

The Fiddle Family, like other tribes that have succeeded in making a

noise in the world, has given exercise to the ingenuity of learned

theorists and time-seekers, who have laboured to discover for it an

origin as remote from our own era, as it is, I fear, from any kind of

truth. It has probably been conceived that the Fiddle, associated as he

has been, from generation to generation, with jigs, country-dances,

fairs, junketings and other rusticities, had descended too low in the

scale of society—that he had rendered himself, as Shakspeare for a while

did his own genius, “stale and cheap to vulgar company”—and that he

required to be reminded of his primitive dignity, and of his very high

ancestral derivation—if he _had any_. This latter point was of course to

be first established; but, as your zealous antiquary is a wholesale

dealer in time, and is never at a loss for a few centuries to link his

conjectures to, the matter was easy enough; indeed, the more doubtful,

the better, since doubt is the very life of theory. Accordingly, we have

been invited to fall back upon “the ancients,” and to recognize the

_Epigonion_ as the dignified and classic prototype of our merry and

somewhat lax little friend, the Fiddle. To certain ancient Greek tablets

relative to music, which have been somewhere brought to light, Professor

Murchard has minutely assigned the date of 709 years before the

Christian era; and the following passage, Englished from his

translation, is stoutly alleged by the antiquarian advocates of the

glories of the violin race:—“But Pherekydes began the contest, and sat

himself down before all the people, and played the _Epigonion_;—for he

had improved the same; and he stretched four strings over a small piece

of wood, and played on them with a smooth stick. But the strings sounded

so, that the people shouted with joy.”

This is plausible enough, but far from conclusive. It is but the outline

of a description, and admits of various modes of filling up. _If_ the

instrument partook _at all_ of the violin character, it might seem, from

the reference which its name bears to the _knees_, to have been the rude

progenitor of either the double-bass or the violoncello, which have

both, as is well known, their official post between the knees: but then,

the prefix of ἐπί would denote that it was played _upon_ the knees of

the artist. “Very well,” says the antiquarian; “it was a fiddle

_reversed_.” “Nay, Dr. Dryasdust, if you yourself _overturn_ what you

are about, I have no need to say more.” _Au reste_, let any body stretch

four strings over a small piece of wood, and play on them with a smooth

stick, and then take account of what it comes to. No, no; whatever the

_Epigonion_ may have been to the Greeks, he is nothing to _us_: he may

have been a respectable individual of the musical genus of _his_ day,

when people blew a shell or a reed, and called it music; but we cannot

for a moment receive him as the patriarch of the Fiddle Family. As soon

should we think of setting up Pherekydes against Paganini.

Dismissing the Epigonion, we come to the _Semicon_, another pretender of

Greek origin. This also, we are farther told, was a _kind of violin_:

but we deny that he was father to the _violin kind_. The Semicon is said

to have been played on with a bow; and yet a learned German (Koch), in

the fulness of his determination to have _strings_ enough to his bow,

has claimed no less than thirty-five, as the complement of the Semicon.

How could any bow pay its devoirs distinctly to thirty-five strings?

Here, then, the dilemma is this: either to translate the thing in

question into a _bow_ is to _traduce_ the term, or else the _strings_

are an impertinence. _Utrum horum mavis, accipe._

If the word _plectrum_ could, by any ingenuity, be established to mean

_a bow_, quotations enough might be accumulated to prove that

instruments played with bows had their origin in a very remote period.

But the translation of the word into _a bow, or such like thing_, as we

find it in the Dictionaries, arises simply from the want of a known

equivalent—a deficiency which makes it necessary to adopt any term that

offers even the shadow of a synonym.

It has been stated, on the authority of a passage from Euphorion’s book

on the Isthmian Games, that there was an ancient instrument called

_magadis_, which was surrounded by strings; that it was placed upon a

pivot, upon which it turned, whilst the performer touched it with _the

bow_ (or, at least, the _plectrum_); and that this instrument afterwards

received the name of _sambuce_.

The hieroglyphics of Peter Valerian, page 628, chap. 4, present the

figure of a muse, holding, in her right hand, a kind of bass or

contra-violin, the form of which is not _very_ unlike that of our

violins or basses.

Philostratus, moreover, who taught at Athens, during the reign of Nero,

gives a description of the lyre, which has been thus translated:—

“Orpheus,” he says, “supported the lyre against his left leg, whilst he

beat time by striking his foot upon the ground; in his right hand he

held _the bow_, which he drew across the strings, turning his wrist

slightly inwards. He touched the strings with the fingers of his left

hand, keeping the knuckles perfectly straight.”

From this description (if _bow_ it could be called, which bow was none),

it would appear as if the lyre to which Philostratus alludes were,

forsooth, the same instrument which the moderns call the

_contra-violin_, or _viola di gamba_! To settle the matter thus,

however, would be _indeed_ to beg the question.

As before observed, the word _plectrum_ is, in the dictionaries,

translated by _bow_; but, even if this were a warranted rendering of the

word, it remains to be ascertained not only whether the bows of the

ancients were of a form and nature corresponding with ours, but also

whether they were used in the modern _way_. Did the ancients strike

their bow upon the strings of the instrument—or did they draw forth the

sound by means of friction? These questions are still undecided; but

opinions preponderate greatly in favor of the belief that the plectrum

was an implement of _percussion_, and therefore not at all a bow, in our

sense.

A recent French writer, Monsieur C. Desmarais, in an ingenious inquiry

into the Archology of the Violin, takes us back to the ancient

Egyptians, to whom he assigns the primitive violin, under the name of

the _chélys_, and suggests that its _form_ must have resulted from a

studious inspection of one of the heavenly constellations!

M. Baillot, in his Introduction to the _Méthode de Violon du

Conservatoire_, speculating on the origin of the instrument, has a

passage which, in English, runs thus:—

“It is presumed to have been known from the remotest times. On ancient

medals, we behold Apollo represented as playing upon an instrument with

three strings, similar to the violin. Whether it be to the God of

Harmony that we should attribute the invention of this instrument, or

whether it claim some other origin, we cannot deny to it somewhat that

is divine.

“The form of the violin bears a considerable affinity to that of the

lyre, and thus favors the impression of its being no other than a lyre

brought to perfection, so as to unite, with the facilities of

modulation, the important advantage of expressing prolonged sounds—an

advantage which was not possessed by the lyre.”

This is pretty and fanciful, but far too vague to be at all

satisfactory. Apollo might appear to play on an instrument, in which

antiquarian ingenuity might discover some latent resemblance to the

violin; but where was his _bow_? M. Baillot has not ventured to assert

that he had one—and we may safely conclude that he had _not_, if we

except the bow that was his admitted attribute. As for the affinity to

the lyre, it is indeed as faint as the most determined genealogist,

studious of an exercise, could wish.

It has been remarked, by some curious observer, that, among the range

of statues at the head of the canal at Versailles, an Orpheus is seen

(known by the three-headed dog that barks between his legs), to whom the

sculptor has given _a violin_, upon which he appears scraping away with

all the furor of a blind itinerant. But is the statue, or its original,

an antique? We may rest in safe assurance that it is a modern-antique;

as much so, as the ingenious figment of Nero’s _fiddling_ a capriccio to

the roaring accompaniment of the flames of Rome!

As for the _fidicula_ of the Romans (or rather, of the Latin

Dictionary), it is evidently, as far as it has been made to apply to the

fiddle, no legitimate family name. The _violin_ very positively disowns

all relationship with it, and leaves it to settle its claims with the

_guitar_.

As far as the _mere name_ goes, however, it is not impossible that a

connection may exist, and that the word-hunting Skinner may be right in

deriving the Anglo-Saxon word _fithele_ from the older German _vedel_,

and thence from the Latin _fidicula_, which, it is hardly necessary to

state, was any thing but a fiddle, and therefore “had no business” to

lend its appellation in the way here noticed.

On the whole, as regards the pretensions alleged on the side of the

ancients for the honor of having had the violin in existence among them,

it may be safely remarked, that, if nothing like the _bow_, which is

obviously connected most essentially with the expression and character

of the violin, can be traced to their days, the violin itself, _à

fortiori_, cannot be said to have belonged to them; and all those

questionable shapes which have been speculatively put forward as

possible fiddles, must be thrown back again into the field of

antiquarian conjecture, to await some other appropriation. The

following remarks by Dr. Burney may be taken as a fair summary of all

that needs to be observed on this head:

“The ancients seem to have been wholly unacquainted with one of the

principal expedients for producing sound from the strings of modern

instruments: this is the _bow_. It has long been a dispute among the

learned whether the violin, or any instrument of that kind, as now

played with a _bow_, was known to the ancients. The little figure of

Apollo, playing on a kind of violin, with something _like_ a bow, in the

Grand Duke’s _Tribuna_ at Florence, which Mr. Addison and others

supposed to be antique, has been proved to be _modern_ by the Abbé

Winkelmann and Mr. Mings: so that, as this was the only piece of

sculpture reputed ancient, in which any thing like a bow could be found,

nothing more remains to be discussed relative to that point.”—(_Hist. of

Music_, 4to. vol. i, p. 494.)

The Welch, who are notoriously obstinate genealogists, have not failed

to mark the Fiddle for _their_ own, and to assign him an origin, at some

very distant date, among their native mountains. In support of this

pretension, they bring forward a very ugly and clownish-looking fellow,

with the uncouth name of _crwth_. This creature certainly belongs to

them, and is so old as to have sometimes succeeded in being mistaken, in

this country, for the father of the violin tribe—a mistake to which the

old English terms of _crowd_ for fiddle, and _crowder_ for fiddler, seem

to have lent some countenance. A little investigation, however, shows us

that it was merely the name, and not the object itself, that we

borrowed, for a time, from our Welch neighbours; and that, by a

metonymy, more free than complimentary, we fastened the appellation of

_crowd_ upon the _violin_, already current among us by transmission

from the continent. The confusion thence arising has occasioned

considerable misapprehension: nor has the effect of it been limited to

our own island boundaries; for a French writer, M. Fétis, in one of his

Letters on the State of Music in England, reports the error, without any

apparent consciousness of its being such. Let us quote his passage in

English:

“The _cruth_ is a bowed instrument, which is thought to have been the

origin of the viola and violin. Its form is that of an _oblong square_,

the lower part of which forms the body of the instrument. It is mounted

with four strings, and played on like a violin, but is more difficult in

the treatment, because, not being hollowed out at the side, there is no

free play for the action of the bow.”

“What!” exclaims the enquiring virtuoso, “is this box of a thing, this

piece of base carpentry, this formal oblong square, to be supposed the

foundation of that neat form and those graceful inflections which make

up the ‘complement externe’ of what men call the violin? Can dulness

engender fancy—and can straight lines and right angles have for their

lineal descendant the ‘line of beauty?’” The soberest person would

answer, this is quite unlikely; the man of taste would deny it to be in

the nature of things. No, no; our Cambrian codger _may_ have been a

tolerable subject in his way—a good fellow for rough work among the

mountains, and instrumental enough in the amusement of capering

rusticity—but he must not be allowed, bad musician though we freely

admit he may have been, to give himself _false airs_, and to assume

honors to which his form and physiognomy give the lie. Let him be

satisfied to be considered “_sui generis_,” unless he would rashly

prefer illustrious illegitimacy, and be styled the _base violin_.[1]

If we were disposed, in England proper, to get up a claim for the first

local habitation afforded to the violin, we might put together a much

better case for the instrument that was familiar to the Anglo-Saxon

gleemen, as early as the 10th century, than can be shown in behalf of

the candidate just dismissed. We could produce an individual that should

display a far better face, and should appear with, at least, no great

disgrace to the Fiddle Family, though bearing about him none of the

refinements of fashion. It may be as well to exhibit him at once:—

[Illustration]

In this representation (borrowed from “Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes of

the People of England”) we discern something which it is possible to

call a fiddle, without much violence to our notions “de rerum natura.”

There is grotesqueness, but not deformity: there is much of the general

character of the true violin, though some of its most particular

beauties are wanting. It is true that the sound-holes look as if no

notes save _circulars_ were to be permitted to issue through them—that

the tail-piece seems forced to do duty for a bridge—that the sides have

no indented middle, or waist, to give the aspect of elegance, and

accommodate the play of the bow over the two extreme strings—that the

finger-board is non-existent—and that the scroll, that crowning charm of

the fiddle’s form, is but poorly made amends for by the excrescent

oddity substituted at the end of the neck. With all this, however, there

_is_ visible warrant for calling it a _sort_ of fiddle. Though even a

forty-antiquary power might fail to prove it the origin of the stock, it

has claims to be regarded as exhibiting no very remote analogy to the

violin; and thus far, therefore, it may defy the competition of the

_Crwth_. Whether it was really born in Saxon England, however, or

introduced from Germany, might be a point for nice speculation, were it

worth while to agitate the enquiry.

Whither, then, are we to turn, after all, for the solution of this

problem in musical genealogy? That the violin is of a respectable age,

though not so old as what is commonly called antiquity, is a fact

apparent to the least laborious of enquirers; and it seems to have been

the practice, with those who have had occasion to touch on this point,

either to announce the said fact simply, and leave the reader to make

the most of it, or to mix up with it, by way of elucidation, some

general remark about the absence of light on the matter. “The origin of

the violin,” observes one of these authorities, “like that of most of

the several musical instruments, is involved in obscurity. As a species

of that genus which comprehends the viola, violoncello, and violone, or

double-bass, _it must be very ancient_.” Similarly indefinite are the

conclusions of others who have approached the subject; so that it

becomes necessary to dispense with such embarrassing aid, and to _help

oneself_ to the truth, if it is, peradventure, to be gathered. To me,

much meditating on this matter (if I may borrow Lord Brougham’s classic

form of speech), there seems reason to fix on Italy as the quarter to

which we must look for the “unde derivatur” required. Say, thou soft

“Ausonia tellus,” mother of inventions and nurse of the arts, say, soft

and sunny Italy, is it not to _thee_ that belongs the too modest merit

of having produced and cherished the infancy, even as thou hast

confessedly supported and developed the after-growth and advancement, of

the interesting musical being whose history, in its more secret

passages, we are here exploring? Is it a world (as Sir Toby feelingly

asks), is it a world to hide virtues in? Well, if we cannot obtain

_direct_ satisfaction, let us pursue the investigation of our point a

little more circuitously.

The perfect instrument which we now delight to honor by the name of the

violin—the instrument complete in form and qualities—“totum in se teres

atque rotundum”—appears to have been the result of a highly interesting

series of improvements in the art of producing musical sounds from

strings. How long a duration of time was occupied by the elaboration of

these improvements respectively, is not readily to be ascertained, nor,

perhaps, would the enquiry repay the trouble—but the general order of

progression in the improvements themselves, is as clear as it is

agreeable to contemplate. The first great advancement consisted in the

_sounding-board_, by means of which invention a tone was produced,

through the vibration of the wood, that was incomparably better and

fuller than what was previously procured, through the mere vibration of

the strings. As the human voice is evolved from the mouth under a

concave roof, which serves it as a sounding-board, and gives additional

grace and vigour to its inflections, so does the upper shell of the

violin add a power of its own to the language of the strings. The next

improvement in the instrument, thus extended in capability, was the

_neck_ or _finger-board_, which increased the range and variety of the

sounds, by giving to each string the power of producing a series of

notes. The _bow_ was the next great step of advancement; and this, like

other important inventions, has provoked much learned dispute as to the

time and place of its origin, which however we shall not here more

particularly revert to, for indeed, “non nostrum tantas componere

lites.” With all these additions and appliances, we come not yet to the

instrument _par excellence_, the true violin; for an intermediate and

inferior state remains to be gone through. The consideration of that

state brings us to the regular construction of the several instruments

known by the general name of _viol_ (for we pass by the _rebec_, as

being only a spurious or illegitimate kind of fiddle), that were in the

most common use during the 16th, and till about the middle of the 17th,

century. These were similar to each other in form, but in size were

distinguished into the treble-viol, tenor-viol, and bass-viol. They had

six strings, and a finger-board marked with frets, like that of the lute

or guitar[2]. Finally, as the crowning change, the glorious

consummation, came the conversion of the _viol_ into the _violin_,

effected by a diminution of size, a reduction of strings, from six to

four, and the abolition of those impediments to smoothness, and helps to

irritation, the _frets_. The same reformation attended the other

instruments of the viol tribe, which now became, _mutato nomine_, the

viola and the violoncello.

In former days, we had the _viol_ in,

’Ere the _true_ instrument had come about:

But now we say, since _this_ all ears doth win,

The _violin_ hath put the _viol out_.

Thus, through a considerable tract of indefinite time, and a succession

of definite changes, we reach the matured and accomplished instrument,

the _Violin proper_; and then, if we recur to the question, to _whom_

does it belong? the answer becomes less difficult. It is to this

instrument, this perfected production, that the Italians may, I think,

exultingly point as their own; and, in doing so, they may well afford to

be indifferent to all disputes about the title to those earlier

apparitions, those crude and half-made-up resemblances to the fiddle,

that were but as the abortions which, in human experience, sometimes

precede a perfect birth. It is of sufficient notoriety that the earliest

instruments _of excellence_, bearing the name of Violin, as well as the

earliest players of eminence, were Italian. The Cremona fiddles of

Hieronymus Amati (to go no farther back) were sent into this breathing

world about two centuries and a half ago; and Baltazarini, the earliest

great player of the genuine Violin on record, is known to have been

imported as a curiosity from Italy, by Catherine de Medicis, in 1577. It

is tolerably clear, too, that, as a _court_ favourite, the Violin began

its career in Italy—its progress, in that capacity, having been, as

Burney observes, from Italy to France, and from France to England.

But the tie of Italian connection may be drawn more closely than this.

Galilei, in his Dialogues (p. 147), states that both the Violin and the

Violoncello were _invented_ by the Italians; and he suggests more

precisely the Neapolitans, as the rightful claimants of this honor. Dr.

Burney, who does not attempt to settle the point, quotes the passage, to

the above effect, from Galilei, and admits his own inability to confute

it. Montaigne, whose travels brought him to Verona in 1580, has recorded,

that there were _Violins_ as well as organs there, to accompany the mass

in the great Church. Corelli’s Violin, an instrument specially Italian,

which afterwards passed into the possession of Giardini, was made in

1578, and its case was decorated by the master-hand of Annibale Caracci,

probably several years _after_ the instrument was finished; as Caracci

at that date had numbered but eight of his own years.

Towards the end of the 16th century, the Violin is found indicated in

some Italian scores, thus:—_piccoli Violini alla Francese_; which

circumstance has been sometimes alleged as rendering it probable, that

the reduction of the old viol or viola to the present dimensions of the

Violin took place in _France_, rather than in Italy: but the fact does

not seem to offer a sufficient basis for the conjecture, when it is

considered that no instruments of French construction, corresponding

with the Violin in its present form, and of as early a date as those

which can be produced of Italian make, are known to exist. It is

reasonable to suppose, therefore, that these _piccoli Violini_, or

little Violins, were not identical with the Violin proper;—although Mr.

Hogarth[3] (from whose respectable authority I am rather loth to differ)

quotes the phrase as one tending to the support of the French claim. The

term in question, which occurs, particularly, in Monteverde’s Opera of

_Orfeo_, printed at Venice in 1615, seems to me to imply merely some

French modification of the already invented Italian model—a modification

applying to the size, and possibly also to some minor details in the

form.

The French writer, Mersennus, who designates all instruments of the

violin and viol class under the term _barbiton_, describes one of them,

the least of the tribe, as the _lesser barbiton_. This latter was a

small violin invented for the use of the dancing-masters of France, and

of such form and dimensions as to be capable of being carried in a case

or sheath in the pocket. It is the origin of the instrument which in

England is called a _Kit_, and which is now made in the form of a

violin.—Is it too great a stretch of conjecture, to hint, that this may,

possibly, have been the kind of thing intended by the term above quoted?

That curious enquirer, Mr. Gardiner, in his “Music of Nature,” assigns

to Italy the local origin of the Violin, but without placing the date as

near to exactness as it might have been. He makes it to have been “about

the year 1600.” He might safely have gone thirty or forty years farther

back, at least, notwithstanding that the shape of the instrument,

towards the end of the 16th century, has been supposed, by Hawkins, to

have been rather vague and undetermined[4]. The transition from the old

shapes to the new _had_ occurred, though it was as yet far from

universal. It is sufficient that the change had commenced.

Admitting the genuine and perfect violin to be rightfully assignable to

the Italians, it may be of some interest, now, to present a few more

records relating, principally, to the instrument in its _imperfect_

character, when it bore only that sort of analogy to the true

instrument, that the ‘satyr’ is said to have borne to ‘Hyperion.’

The “Musurgia, seu Praxis Musicæ,” of the Benedictine Monk Luscinius,

published in 1542, represents (coarsely cut in wood) as the bowed

instruments then in use, the _rebec_, or three-stringed violin, and the

_viol di gamba_. The instruments of the viol tribe, however, which are

supposed to have been those that led more immediately to the

construction of the true violin, considerably precede the above period

in their date of origin. _Violars_, or performers on the viol, whose

business it was to accompany the Troubadours in their singing of the

Provençal poetry[5], were common in the 12th century; and, in a treatise

on music, written by Jerome of Westphalia in the 13th century, there is

particular mention made of the instrument known by the name of viol.

Under various modifications of the term _fiddle_, there are to be found

many very early allusions to an instrument, such as it was, bearing some

resemblance to the violin. _Fidle_ is a Saxon word of considerable

antiquity; and from the old Gothic are traced the derivations of

1. Middle High German. _Videl_ (noun), _Videlœre_ (noun

personal), _Videln_ (verb, to fiddle), _Videl-boge_

(fiddle bow).

2. Icelandic. _Fidla._

3. Danish. _Fedel._

Then we have _Vedel_, _Veel_, _Viool_ (Dutch); _Vedel_, _Vedele_

(Flemish), _Fiedel_, _Fidel_, _Geige_ (Modern German).

_Fythele_, _Fithele_,—and _Fythelers_ (fiddlers) are alluded to in the

Old English Romances. In the legendary life of St. Christopher, written

about the year 1200, is this passage:—

. . . . . . . . . . . . . Cristofre hym served longe;

The Kynge loved melodye of _fithele_ and of songe.

The poet Lidgate, at the beginning of the 15th century, writes of

Instrumentys that did excelle,

Many moo than I kan telle:

Harpys, _Fythales_, and eke Rotys, &c.

Chaucer, in his “Canterbury Tales,” says of the Oxford Clerk, that he

was so fond of books and study, as to have loved Aristotle better

Than robes rich, or _fidel_, or sautrie—

and his Absolon, the Parish-Clerk, a genius of a different cast, and

exquisitely described, is a spruce little fellow, who sang, danced, and

played on the species of fiddle then known. An instrument remotely

allied to the fiddle—the _ribible_, a diminutive of _rebec_, a small

viol with three strings—is also alluded to by Chaucer. Referring to a

later period, there is evidence to show that an instrument of the violin

kind was used in England before the dissolution of monasteries, in the

time of our eighth Henry, in the fact that something similar to it in

shape is seen depicted upon a glass window of the chancel of Dronfield

church, in the county of Derby; an edifice which was erected early in

the sixteenth century.

At what period the _legitimate_ violin may have found its way from Italy

into this country, it would, I fear, be very difficult to ascertain with

exactness; but it is easy to suppose that, when once that event had

occurred, the neater shape and superior qualities exhibited by the new

comer, would speedily render him the model for imitation, and lead to

the multiplication of his species here, and to the displacement of the

baser resemblances to him. The true instrument, however, was for a long

while among us, ere its merits came into just appreciation. Until the

period of the Restoration, it was held, for the most part, in very low

esteem, and seldom found in less humble hands than those of fiddlers at

fairs, and such like itinerant caterers of melody for the populace[6].

Its grand attribute, the superior power of expressing almost all that a

human voice can produce, except the articulation of words, was at first

so utterly unknown, that it was not considered a gentleman’s instrument,

or worthy of being admitted into “good company.” The lute[7], the harp,

the viol, and theorbo, were in full possession of the public ear, and

the poetic pen; nor has this latter authority ever been thoroughly

propitiated by the later-born child of Melos, whose first screams on

coming into the world may perhaps have irrecoverably alarmed the

sensitive sons of Apollo. Moreover, poetry is ever apt to prefer the old

to the new, and often recoils with distaste from what is modern.

“Though the violin surpasses the lute,” says a recent ingenious writer,

“as much as the musket surpasses the bow and arrow, yet Cupid has not

yet learned to wound his votaries with a bullet, nor have our poets

begun to write odes or stanzas to their violins.”

In the 39th Queen Elizabeth, a statute was passed by which “Ministrels,

wandering abroad,” were included among “rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy

beggars,” and were adjudged to be punished as such. “This act,” says

Percy, in his Reliques of English Poetry, “seems to have put an end to

the profession.” That writer suggests, however, that although the

character ceased to exist, the appellation might be continued, and

applied to fiddlers, or other common musicians; and in this sense, he

adds, it is used in an ordinance in the time of Cromwell (1656), wherein

it is enacted that if any of the “persons commonly called _Fiddlers_ or

_Minstrels_ shall at any time be taken playing, fiddling, and making

music in any inn, alehouse, or tavern, or shall be taken proffering

themselves, or desiring or intreating any ... to hear them play or make

music in any of the places aforesaid,” they are to be “adjudged and

declared to be rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars[8].” By a similar

change or declension, according to Mr. Percy, John of Gaunt’s _King of

the Minstrels_ came, at length, to be called, like the _Roi des Violons_

in France, _King of the Fiddles_—it being always to be borne in mind,

nevertheless, that it was only as yet a baser kind of instrument which

brought its professors into such _scrapes_[9].

The term _crowd_, as well as that of _fiddle_, was commonly used in

England before the appearance of the perfect Violin, but appears to have

been soon disused (along with the barbarous instrument it designated)

after that period. Butler, in his “Hudibras,” employs both terms

indiscriminately, and seems to find enjoyment in linking them with mean

and ludicrous associations—a tendency which must be allowed to have been

quite in keeping with the feeling of the times he describes. His motley

rabble, whom he puts in the way of the knight and his squire, were

special affecters of the instrument he delights to dishonour,

And to _crack’d fiddle_, and hoarse tabor,

In merriment did drudge and labor.

He makes contemptuous allusion, also, to certain persons

That keep their consciences in cases,

As fiddlers do their _crowds_ and bases.

Crowdero, the fiddle-noted agent in the story, is made to cut, on the

whole, a very sorry figure. Thus, as to his instrument, and his manner

of calling it into exercise:

A _squeaking engine_ he applied

Unto his neck, on north-east side,

Just where the hangman does dispose,

To special friends, the knot of noose.

When the knight, in the outset of his career, meets the aforesaid

rabble, with the aggravating accompaniment of the bear and fiddler, and

counsels them to peace and dispersion, he says

But, to that purpose, first surrender

The fiddler, as the prime offender!

It is true that the mettle put forth by Crowdero, in the ensuing general

fight, raises him a little out of the mire of meanness: but then, the

weapon with which he batters the cranium of the prostrate Hudibras—to

wit, his own wooden leg—has the effect of disturbing the small dignity

which his gleam of valour might have shed over him; and, besides, he is

speedily exhibited in reverse, being vanquished in turn by Ralpho the

Squire, and forced into the ignominious confinement of the stocks; while

Ralpho exultingly says to Hudibras, the fiddle is your _trophy_,

And, by your doom, must be allow’d

To be, or be no more, a crowd.

In France, certain ancient and respectable monuments, and particularly

a figure on the portico of the venerable Cathedral of Notre Dame at

Paris, representing King Chilperic with a sort of Violin in his hand,

have been referred to as proofs that an instrument of this nature was

very early held in esteem in that country; and the minstrels in the

highest estimation with the public, were at all times the best

_Violists_ of their age. Among the instruments represented in the

beautiful illuminations of the splendid copy of the _Roman d’Alexandre_,

in the Bodleian library at Oxford, are Viols with three strings, played

upon with a clumsy bow.

In Italy, as in France, the viol appears to have enjoyed earlier favour

than in England, where the fiddle or _crowd_ (the descendant, probably,

of the Welsh instrument _crwth_) was its predecessor. The instruments

chiefly used by the ladies and gentlemen in the Decameron, are the lute

and the viol—upon which latter some of the _ladies_ are represented as

performing.

An ingenious Piedmontese, Michele Todini, published a pamphlet at Rome,

1676, wherein are described various musical inventions of his own, “of

special merit, though of little note.” Amongst them were two Violins,

the pitch of one of which could, by an adroit mechanical contrivance, be

at once heightened a whole tone, a third, or even a fifth; while the

other, under the usual strings, had a second set of strings, like those

of a kit, tuned in the octave above, and was so contrived that the

Violin and kit might either be played separately, or both together, at

the pleasure of the performer. In the 23rd Chapter of this little tract

is a description of a _Viola di gamba_, so constructed, that, without

shifting the neck, all the four kinds of Violins, namely, the treble

Violin, the contralto (or _Viola bastarda_), and the tenor and bass

viol, could be played upon it. Todini had originally given the bass of

this instrument an unusual depth; but he abandoned that, when he

invented the _double bass_,—which instrument he was the first to

introduce and play upon in oratorios, concerts, and serenades.

The arms and seal of the town of Alzei, in the neighbourhood of Worms,

consist of a crowned lion rampant, holding a _fiddle_ in his paws. The

_fiddle_ alone appears to have been the original bearing; for the

palatine lion was first joined to the _fiddle_ when Duke Conrad of

Hohenstauffen was enfeoffed by the Emperor Frederick I with the

Palatinate of the Rhine. His son-in-law, the Palsgrave Henry, calls the

Steward (_Trucksess_) of Alzei, his vassal, in a bill of feoffment,

dated in 1209, and in another document, 1211. This Steward, however, and

Winter of Alzei, bore the _fiddle_ as their arms. On account of these

arms, the inhabitants of Alzei are mockingly called _fiddlers_ by their

neighbours[10].

Connected with the history of the instrument in England, there is a

curious old custom, now “invisible, or dimly seen,” and I know not when

commenced, which is thus described in Hone’s Table Book:—

“The concluding dance at a country wake, or other general meeting, is

the ‘Cushion Dance;’ and if it be not called for, when the company are

tired with dancing, the _fiddler_, who has an interest in it, which will

be seen hereafter, frequently plays the tune to remind them of it. A

young man of the company leaves the room, the poor young women,

uninformed of the plot against them, suspecting nothing; but he no

sooner returns, bearing a cushion in one hand and a pewter pot in the

other, than they are aware of the mischief intended, and would certainly

make their escape, had not the bearer of cushion and pot, aware of the

invincible aversion which young women have to be saluted by young men,

prevented their flight by locking the door, and putting the key in his

pocket. The dance then begins.

“The young man advances to the fiddler, drops a penny in the pot, and

gives it to one of his companions. Cushion then dances round the room,

followed by pot, and when they again reach the fiddler, the cushion

says, in a sort of recitative, accompanied by the music, ‘This dance it

will no farther go.’

“The fiddler, in return, sings or says (for it partakes of both), ‘I

pray, kind Sir, why say you so?’

“The answer is, ‘Because Joan Sanderson won’t come to.’

“‘But,’ replies the fiddler, ‘she must come to, and she _shall_ come to,

whether she will or no.’

“The young man, thus armed with the authority of the village musician,

recommences his dance round the room, but stops when he comes to the

girl he likes best, and drops the cushion at her feet. She puts her

penny in the pewter pot, and kneels down with the young man on the

cushion; and he salutes her.

“When they rise, the woman takes up the cushion, and leads the dance,

the man following, and holding the skirt of her gown; and, having made

the circuit of the room, they stop near the fiddler, and the same

dialogue is repeated, except that, as it is now the woman who speaks,

it is _John_ Sanderson who won’t come to, and the fiddler’s mandate is

issued to _him_, not to her.

“The woman drops the cushion at the feet of her favourite man: the same

ceremony and the same dance are repeated, till every man and woman (the

pot-bearer last) have been taken out, and all have danced round the room

in a file. The _pence_ are the perquisite of the _fiddler_. There is a

description of this dance in Miss Hutton’s ‘Oakwood Hall.’”

Then follows, in Hone’s Book, a further illustration of this curious

custom, in “numerous verse”—but the prose account is here sufficient.

The dialogue in the old puppet dramas (says Strutt) were mere jumbles of

absurdity and nonsense, intermixed with low immoral discourses passing

between Punch and the fiddler, for the orchestra rarely admitted of more

than one minstrel; and these flashes of merriment were made offensive to

decency by the actions of the puppet. In the reign of James II, there

was a noted merry-andrew named Philips; “This man,” says Granger, “was

some time fiddler to a puppet-show; in which capacity he held many a

dialogue with Punch, in much the same strain as he did afterwards with

the mountebank doctor, his master upon the stage. This zany, being

regularly educated, had confessedly the advantage of his brethren.”

The following may be seen in volume the 1st of Purcell’s Catches, on two

persons of the name of Young, father and son, who lived in St. Paul’s

Churchyard—The one was an excellent instrument-maker, and the other an

excellent performer on the fiddle.

You scrapers that want a good fiddle, well strung,

You must go to the man that is old, while he’s Young;

But if this same fiddle you fain would play bold,

You must go to his son, who’ll be Young when he’s old.

There’s old Young and young Young, both men of renown,

Old sells, and Young plays, the best fiddle in town;

Young and old live together, and may they live long,

Young, to play an old fiddle; old, sell a new song!

The zealous, ingenious, minute and gossiping Anthony Wood, to whose

journalizing propensity we are indebted for a free insight into the

state of music at Oxford, during the time of the Civil War (when musical

sounds were scarcely any where else to be heard in the kingdom), was an

ardent admirer of the violin, while its admirers were yet scarce; and

has left us, in his life, written by himself, some particulars relating

to the instrument, that are too pleasant, as well as curious, to be here

passed by. Let me introduce this quaint worthy, speaking of himself in

the third person, and under the abridged designation of A. W.

In 1651, “he began to exercise his natural and insatiable genie to

music. He exercised his hand on the violin, and, having a good eare to

take any tune at first hearing, he could quickly draw it out from the

violin, but not with the same tuning of the strings that others used. He

wanted understanding, friends and money, to pick him out a good master;

otherwise he might have equalled in that instrument, and in singing, any

person then in the University. He had some companions that were musical,

but they wanted instruction as well as he.”

The next year, being obliged to go into the country, for change of air

and exercise, with a view to rid himself of an ague, he states that

“while he continued there, he followed the plow on _well_-days, and

sometimes plowed: and, having had, from his most tender years, an

extraordinary ravishing delight in music, he practised there, without

the help of an instructor, to play on the Violin. It was then that he

tuned his strings in fourths, and _not_ fifths, according to the manner;

and having a good eare, and being ready to sing any tune upon hearing it

once or twice, he could play it also in a short time, with the said way

of tuning, which was never knowne before.

“After he had spent the summer in a lonish and retired condition, he

returned to Oxon; and, being advised by some persons, he entertained a

Master of Musick to teach him the usual way of playing on the violin,

that is, by having every string tuned _five_ notes lower than the one

going before. The master was Charles Griffith, one of the musicians

belonging to the City of Oxon, whom he then thought to be a most

excellent artist: but when A. W. improved himself on that instrument, he

found he was not so. He gave him 2_s._ 6_d._ entrance, _and so

quarterly_. This person, after he had extremely wondered how he could

play so many tunes as he did by _fourths_, without a director or guide,

tuned his violin by _fifths_, and gave him instructions how to proceed,

leaving then a lesson with him to practice against his next coming.

“Having, by 1654, obtained a proficiency in musick, he and his

companions were not without silly frolicks, not now to be

maintained.”—What should these frolics be, but to disguise themselves in

poor habits, and, like country fiddlers, scrape for their livings! After

strolling about to Farringdon Fair, and other places, and gaining money,

victuals and drink for their trouble, they were overtaken, in returning

home, by certain soldiers, who forced them to play in the open field,

and then left them

But if this same fiddle you fain would play bold,

You must go to his son, who’ll be Young when he’s old.

There’s old Young and young Young, both men of renown,

Old sells, and Young plays, the best fiddle in town;

Young and old live together, and may they live long,

Young, to play an old fiddle; old, sell a new song!

The zealous, ingenious, minute and gossiping Anthony Wood, to whose

journalizing propensity we are indebted for a free insight into the

state of music at Oxford, during the time of the Civil War (when musical

sounds were scarcely any where else to be heard in the kingdom), was an

ardent admirer of the violin, while its admirers were yet scarce; and

has left us, in his life, written by himself, some particulars relating

to the instrument, that are too pleasant, as well as curious, to be here

passed by. Let me introduce this quaint worthy, speaking of himself in

the third person, and under the abridged designation of A. W.

In 1651, “he began to exercise his natural and insatiable genie to

music. He exercised his hand on the violin, and, having a good eare to

take any tune at first hearing, he could quickly draw it out from the

violin, but not with the same tuning of the strings that others used. He

wanted understanding, friends and money, to pick him out a good master;

otherwise he might have equalled in that instrument, and in singing, any

person then in the University. He had some companions that were musical,

but they wanted instruction as well as he.”

The next year, being obliged to go into the country, for change of air

and exercise, with a view to rid himself of an ague, he states that

“while he continued there, he followed the plow on _well_-days, and

sometimes plowed: and, having had, from his most tender years, an

Proctor, a young man and a new comer:—John Packer, one of the university

musitians. But Mr. Low, a proud man, could not endure any common

musitian to come to the meeting, much less to play among them. Of this

kind I must rank Joh. Haselwood, an apothecary, a starch’d formal

clister-pipe, who usually played on the base-viol, and sometimes on the

counter-tenor. He was very conceited of his skill (though he had but

little of it), and therefore would be ever and anon ready to take up a

viol[11] before his betters; which being observed by all, they usually

called him _Handlewood_. The rest were but beginners. Proctor died soon

after this time; he had been bred up by Mr. John Jenkins, the mirrour

and wonder of his age for musick, was excellent for the lyra-viol and

division-viol, good at the treble-viol, and violin, and all comprehended

in a man of three or four and twenty yeares of age. He was much admired

at the meetings, and exceedingly pitied by all the facultie for his

loss.”

“A. W. was now advised to entertain one William James, a dancing-master,

to instruct him on the violin, who, by some, was accounted excellent on

that instrument, and the rather because it was said that he had obtained

his knowledge in dancing and music in France. He spent, in all, half a

yeare with him, and gained some improvement; yet at length he found him

not a compleat master of his facultie, as Griffith and Parker were not:

and, to say the truth, there was no compleat master in Oxon for that

instrument, because _it had not been hitherto used in consort_ among

gentlemen, only by common musitians, who played but two parts. The

gentlemen in private meetings, which A. W. frequented, played three,

four, and five parts with viols[12]—as treble-viol, tenor,

counter-tenor, and bass, with an organ, virginal, or harpsicon joined

with them; and they esteemed _a violin_ to be an instrument only

belonging to a _common fiddler_, and could not endure that it should

come among them, for feare of making their meetings to be vain and

fiddling. But, before the restoration of King Charles II, and

_especially after_, viols began to be out of fashion, and only violins

used, as treble violin, tenor, and base violin; and the King, according

to the French mode, would have _twenty-four violins_ playing before him

while he was at meals, as being more airie and brisk than _viols_.”

Under the year 1658, he tells us that “Tho. Baltzar, a Lubecker borne,

and the most famous artist for the violin that the world had yet

produced (!), was now in Oxon, and this day, July 24, A. W. was with

him, and Mr. Ed. Lowe, at the house of Will. Ellis. A. W. did then and

there, to his very great astonishment, heare him play on the violin. He

then saw him run up his fingers to the end of the finger-board of the

violin, and run them back insensibly; and all with alacrity and _very

good tune_, which he nor any in England saw the like before. A. W.

entertained him and Mr. Low with what the house could then afford, and

afterwards he invited them to the taverne; but they being engaged to

goe to other company, he could no more heare him play or see him play at

that time. Afterwards he came to one of the weekly meetings at Mr.

Ellis’s house, and he played to the wonder of all the auditory, and

exercising his finger and instrument several wayes to the utmost of his

power. Wilson thereupon, the public Professor, the greatest judge of

musick that ever was, did, after his humoursome way, stoope downe to

Baltzar’s feet, to see whether he had a huff (hoof) on, that is to say,

to see whether he was a devil or not, because he acted beyond the parts

of man.”

“About this time it was that Dr. John Wilkins, warden of Wadham, the

greatest _curioso_ of his time, invited him (Baltzar) and some of the

musitians to his lodgings in that Coll. purposely to have a consort, and

to see and heare him play. The instruments and books were carried

thither, but none could be persuaded there to play against him in

consort on the violin. At length the company perceiving A. W. standing

behind in a corner neare the dore, they haled him in among them, and

play, forsooth, he must against him. Whereupon he, being not able to

avoid it, took up a violin, as poor Troylus did against Achilles[13]. He

abashed at it, yet honour he got by playing with and against such a

grand master as Baltzar was.”

The restoration of monarchy and episcopacy in England (observes Dr.

Burney) seems to have been not only favorable to sacred music, but to

secular; for it may be ascribed to the particular pleasure which Charles

II received from the gay and sprightly sound of the violin, that this

instrument was introduced at Court, and the houses of the nobility and

gentry, for any other purpose than country-dances, and festive mirth.

Hitherto there seem to have been no public concerts; and, in the music

of the chamber, in the performance of _Fancies_ on instruments, which

had taken place of vocal madrigals and motets, the violin had no

admission, the whole business having been done by _viols_. Charles II,

who, during the usurpation, had spent a considerable time on the

continent, where he heard nothing but French music—upon his return to

England, in imitation of Louis XIV, established a band of violins,

tenors and bases, instead of the viols, lutes and cornets, of which the

Court Band used to consist. Soon after the establishment of this band,

Matthew Lock held the appointment of master to it; and the same title

was conferred, about 1673, on Cambert, a French musician, who had

preceded Lulli in composing for, and superintending, the Opera at Paris,

and who came over to England after Lulli had obtained the transfer of

his patent.

From this time, the Violin Family began to rise in reputation among the

English, and had an honorable place assigned them, in the music of the

Court, the theatres and the chamber; while the succession of performers

and compositions, with which the nation was afterwards supplied from

Italy and elsewhere, stimulated the practice and established the

character of this class of instruments, which have ever since been

universally acknowledged to be the pillars of a well-ordered orchestra,

and more capable of perfect intonation, expression, brilliancy, and

effect, than any other that have ever been invented. It should be

observed, however, that, although the revival of the theatres at the

Restoration was followed by the introduction of what were termed

_act-tunes_ (short compositions played betwixt the acts of the drama),

whereby the public services of the violin were brought into requisition,

yet the state of dramatic music was, for some years, too low to admit of

those services being very important. The music of the drama had attained

scarcely any separate development, but was still confounded with that of

the church, to the disadvantage of both. All the most noted composers

for the theatre, for several years after the Restoration, were members

of cathedral and collegiate churches—a circumstance which encouraged a

jester, Tom Brown, to remark that “men of the musical profession hung

betwixt the church and the play-house, like Mahomet’s tomb betwixt two

load-stones.”

A general passion for the violin, and for pieces expressly composed for

it, as well as a taste for Italian music, seem to have been excited in

this country about the _end_ of Charles the Second’s reign, when French

music and French politics became equally odious to a great part of the

nation. The hon. Mr. North, who listened attentively to every species of

performance, says that “the decay of French music, and favor of the

Italian, came on by degrees. Its beginning was accidental, and

occasioned by the arrival of _Nicola Matteis_; he was an excellent

musician; performed wonderfully on the violin. His manner was singular;

but he excelled, in one respect, all that had been heard in England

before: his _arcata_, or manner of bowing, his shakes, divisions, and

indeed his whole style of performance, was surprising, and every _stroke

of his bow_ was _a mouthful_. When he first came hither, he was very

poor; but not so poor as proud, which prevented his being heard, or

making useful acquaintance, for a long time, except among a few

merchants in the City, who patronized him; and, setting a high value on

his condescension, he made them indemnify him for the want of more

general favor. By degrees, however, he was more noticed, and was

introduced to perform at Court. But his demeanor did not please, and he

was thought capricious and troublesome, as he took offence if any one

whispered while he played; which was a kind of attention which had not

been much _in fashion_ at our Court. It was said that the Duke of

Richmond would have settled a pension upon him, though he wished him to

change his manner of playing, and would needs have one of his pages show

him a better. Matteis, for the sake of the jest, condescended to take

lessons of the page; but learned so fast, that he soon outran him in his

own way. But he continued so outrageous in his demands, particularly for

his _solos_, that few would comply with them, and he remained in narrow

circumstances and obscurity a long while; nor would his superior talents

ever have contributed to better his fortune, had it not been for the

zeal and friendly offices of two or three dilettanti, his admirers.

These, becoming acquainted with him, and courting him in his own way,

had an opportunity of describing to him the temper of the English, who,

if humoured, would be liberal; but, if uncivilly treated, would be

sulky, and despise him and his talents; assuring him that, by a little

complaisance, he would neither want employment nor money. By advice so

reasonable, they at length brought him into such good temper, that he

became generally esteemed and sought after; and, having many scholars,

though on moderate terms, his purse filled apace, which confirmed his

conversion. After this, he discovered a way of acquiring money which was

then perfectly _new_ in this country: for, observing how much his

scholars admired the lessons he composed for them (which were all

_duos_), and that most musical gentlemen who heard them wished to have

copies of them, he was at the expense of having them neatly engraved on

copper plates, in oblong octavo, which was the beginning of engraving

music in England; and these he presented, well bound, to lovers of the

art and admirers of his talents, for which he often received three, four

and five guineas. And so great were his encouragement and profits in

this species of traffic, that he printed four several books of _Ayres

for the Violin_, in the same form and size.”

Of the jealousy which attended the progress of the violin in public

favor among the English, there occurs some amusing evidence in the

“_Musick’s Monument_” of that rich, exuberant and right pleasant

egotist, Thomas Mace, published in 1676. This worthy, who exalted the

lute and viol, his own peculiar instruments, looked with distrust on the

growing importance and credit of that which had been before so

imperfectly understood and insufficiently employed. In speaking of the

instruments till then in chief use, and the propriety of balancing their

relative proportions of sound in concerted pieces, he remarks,

complainingly—“_the scoulding violins will out-top them all_.” In a sort

of dialogue, in rhyme, between the author and his lamenting lute, he

makes the latter exclaim:—

The world is grown so slight! full of new fangles,

And takes its chief delight in jingle-jangles,

With _fiddle-noises_, &c.

CHAPTER II.

THE ITALIAN SCHOOL.

“Oh! known the earliest, and esteemed the most”

BYRON.

Having shown, on such evidence as I have been able to adduce, that the

Italians are, most probably, the rightful claimants of the distinction

which attaches to the _invention_ of the modern or _true_ violin, it is

now to be considered by what bright array of names, by what successive

efforts of skill and genius, they have likewise become entitled to the

greater distinction of having been the first to develop the wonderful

powers of the instrument, and the chief agents through whom its charming

dominion in the realms of music was diffused, ere the great German

composers, in more recent days, applied their powers to the extension

and enrichment of the field for stringed instruments.

In casting a glance over the catalogue of bright Italian names, we find

two, that demand to be especially noted for their great influence in

advancing the progress of the “leading instrument,” and that serve

indeed to mark two main epochs in its history. These are Corelli and

Viotti—the first constituting the head of the old school, the last that

of the modern; and each (it may be parenthetically said) almost as

interesting to contemplate in personal character, as in professional

eminence. The intermediate names, most entitled to attention, are

Tartini, Geminiani and Giardini. These, with others of considerable

celebrity, though of less effective influence in the formation of what

we have designated the Italian School, will be here noticed critically

and biographically, according to their several pretensions and

proceedings. Before we come to Corelli, however, there are some few to

be treated of in the character of his predecessors, and as having

prepared the way for his more dignified and important career.

BALTAZARINI has been already designated as the earliest violin-player of

real eminence that the annals of music present to notice. His celebrity

was much extended by the transplanting of his talent into France, where

he acquired the new appellation of De Beaujoyeux, by virtue of the

delight he afforded to a people whose natural gaiety of temperament

could not but assort happily with the lighter range of sounds so readily

evoked from the violin. It was in 1577, that Baltazarini, with _a band

of violins_, was sent from Piedmont by Marshal Brissac to Queen

Catherine de Medicis, who appointed him her “Premier Valet de Chambre,”

and Master of her Band. France has reason to be grateful to his memory,

and Italy may fairly be proud of it.

GIUSEPPE GUAMI, organist of Lucca Cathedral, who published, in 1586,

some voluminous compositions belonging to the class of _cantiones

sacræ_, or motetts, is cited by Draudius, in his “Bibliotheca Classica,”

as an excellent performer on the violin.

Another early violinist, AGOSTINO AGGAZZARI, born of a noble family at

Siena, and a scholar of Viadana, appears to have been the first who

introduced instrumental Concertos into the Church; though Dr. Burney

supposes that these Concertos must only be understood in the very

qualified sense of _Salmi Concertati_, or psalms accompanied with

violins; and he adds, that Concertos _merely_ instrumental, either for

the church or chamber, seem to have had no existence till about the time

of Corelli.

CARLO FARINA, of Mantua, who published, in 1628, a Collection of “Pavans

and Sonatas” for the violin, is recorded by Walther (in his Musical

Lexicon), as having figured in the service of the Elector of Saxony, as

a celebrated performer on the instrument.

MICHAEL ANGELO ROSSI, a composer, as well as an able violinist,

signalized himself somewhat oddly at Rome, in 1632, by performing the

part of Apollo, in a musical drama, with the violin as the expressive

symbol and exponent of his melodial powers, _instead_ of the classically

attributed lyre. The strangeness of the anomaly was doubtless lost sight

of amidst the enjoyment it was the means of conferring: nor would the

example, were it taken up in our own times, by a competent artist, be

likely to fail in producing a similar subserviency of taste to pleasure.

If, in _these_ days, the man who plays Apollo

Like charms could conjure from the fiddle’s hollow,

_We_, too, should find the heaven-descended lyre

Omitted “by particular desire!”

And Phœbus, fitted with a fiddle so,

Would dart fresh wonders from his newer _bow_!

Though there was only one violin employed (observes Dr. Burney) in the

first operas by Jacopo Peri and Monteverdi, yet, as the musical drama

improved, and the orchestra was augmented, the superiority of that

instrument was soon discovered by its effects, not only in the theatre,

but in private performances; and the most eminent masters, without

knowing much of its peculiar genius or powers, thought it _no

degradation_ to compose pieces expressly for the use of its votaries.

Among the most early of these productions, may be ranked the _Suonate

per Chiesa_ of Legrenzi, published at Venice, 1655; _Suonate da Chiesa e

Camera_, 1656; _Una Muta di Suonate_ (a Variety of Sonatas), 1664; and

_Suonate a due Violini e Violone_, 1677.

The next individual of eminence in connexion with the instrument is

GIAMBATTISTA BASSANI, of Bologna, whose name derives additional lustre

from his having been the violin-master of Corelli. Bassani was a man of

extensive knowledge and abilities in his art, having been a successful

composer for the church, the theatre and the chamber, between the years

1680 and 1703, as well as an excellent performer on the violin. His

sonatas for that instrument, and his accompaniments for it to his

masses, motetts, psalms and cantatas, manifest a knowledge of the

finger-board and the bow, which appears in the works of no other

composer anterior to Corelli; and the lovers of the pure harmony and

simple melody of that admirable master, would still receive great

pleasure from the performance of Bassani’s sonatas for violins and a

bass. Specimens of Bassani’s music may be found in Latrobe’s and

Stephens’s Selections.

The names of TORELLI, VALENTINI, and the elder VERACINI, may be

dismissed with a brief mention; because, though of eminence in their

day, they are not connected with any very marked influence on the art;

and the published works which they have given to the world have long

since attained a dormant state. It should be observed, however, as

illustrating the very capricious nature of _fashion_, that Valentini for

a while eclipsed Corelli himself in popularity.

ARCANGELO CORELLI, under whose able direction the violin may be said to

have first acquired the definite character and regulated honors of _a

school_,[14] was a native of Fusignano, a town situated near Imola, in

the territory of Bologna, and was born in the month of February, 1653.

His first instructor was Matteo Simonelli, by whom he was taught the

rudiments of music, and the art of practical composition; but, the

genius of Corelli leading him to prefer secular to ecclesiastical music,

he afterwards became a disciple of Bassani.

Corelli entertained an early propensity for the violin, and, as he

advanced in years, laboured incessantly in the practice of it. It has

been said, though without authority, that, in the year 1672, he went to

Paris, and was driven thence by the jealousy and violence of Lully, who

could not brook so formidable a rival.

In 1680, he visited Germany, and met with a reception suitable to his

merit, from most of the German princes, but particularly from the

Elector of Bavaria, in whose service he was retained, and continued for

some time. After a few years’ residence abroad, he returned to Rome, and

there pursued his studies with assiduity. It was at Rome that he

published (about 1683) his first _twelve Sonatas_. In 1685, the second

set appeared, under the title of _Balletti da Camera_. In 1690, he gave

to the press the third “Opera” of his Sonatas; and in 1694, the fourth,

which, consisting of movements fit for _dancing_, like the second, he

called _Balletti da Camera_. This species of instrumental composition,

the sonata, first imagined in the course of the 17th century, has been

fixed, in many respects, by Corelli.

The proficiency of Corelli on his favourite instrument became so great,

that his fame was extended throughout Europe, and the number of his

pupils grew very considerable; for, not only his own countrymen, but

even persons from distant kingdoms, resorted to him for instruction, as

the greatest master of the violin that had, at that period, been heard

of in the world. It does not appear, indeed, that he had attained a

power of _execution_ in any degree comparable to that of later

professors. The style of his performance was, however, learned, elegant,

and occasionally impressed with feeling; while his _tone_ was firm and

even. Geminiani, who was well acquainted with it, used expressively to

compare it with that of a sweet trumpet. One of those who heard him

perform, has stated that, during the whole time, his countenance was

distorted, his eyes were as red as fire, and his eye-balls rolled as if

he were in agony. This was the enthusiasm of genius—the influence of the

“præsens divus,” Apollo—the exalted state so well characterized by the

poet’s exclamation,

“Est Deus in nobis—agitante calescimus illo!”

About the year 1690, the Opera had arrived at a flourishing state in

Rome, and Corelli led the band as principal Violin[15]. It was not till

ten years after this date, that he published his _Solos_,[16] the work

by which he acquired the greatest reputation during his life-time, and

to which, in its established character of a text-book for students, the

largest share of attention on the whole has been directed. It was the

fifth in the series of his publications, and was issued at Rome under

the following title:—“Sonate a Violini e Violone o Cimbalo: Opera

Quinta, Parte prima, Parte seconda: Preludii, Allemande, Correnti,

Gighe, Sarabande, Gavotte, e Follia.” This work was dedicated to Sophia

Charlotte, Electress of Brandenburgh; and it was these Solo Sonatas that

the author himself was accustomed to perform on particular occasions.

Corelli’s great patron at Rome was Cardinal Ottoboni, the distinguished

encourager of learning and the polite arts, to whom, in 1694, he

dedicated his Opera Quarta,[17] and in whose palace he constantly

resided, “col spezioso carrattere d’attuale Servitore” of his Eminence,

as he expresses himself in the dedication—with more of the humility of

gratitude, by the by, than of the independence of genius. Crescembini,

speaking of the splendid and majestic “Academia,” or Concert, held at

Cardinal Ottoboni’s every Monday evening, observes that the performance

was regulated by Arcangelo Corelli, that most celebrated professor of

the violin—“famosissimo professore di violino.” Another title,

expressive of the high consideration in which he was held by his

contemporaries, is that applied to him by Francesco Gasparini, who calls

him “Virtuosissimo di violino, e vero _Orfeo_ di nostro tempo.”

It was at Cardinal Ottoboni’s that Corelli became acquainted with

Handel, of whom the following anecdote is related. On one of the musical

evenings given there, a Serenata, written by the latter, entitled _Il

Trionfo del Tempo_, was ordered to be performed, out of compliment to

this great composer. Whether the style of the overture was new to

Corelli, or whether he attempted to modify it according to his taste and

fancy, does not appear[18]; but Handel, giving way to his natural

impetuosity of temper, snatched the violin from his hand. Corelli, with

that gentleness which always marked his character, simply replied:—“Mio

caro Sassone, questa musica è nello stile Francese, di che io non

m’intendo.”—“My dear Saxon, this music is in the French style, with

which I am not acquainted.”

The biography of Corelli has received the accession of several

interesting anecdotes, through one of his most illustrious pupils,

Geminiani, who was himself an eye and an ear witness of the matters he

has related. These may find a fitting place here.

At the time when Corelli was at the zenith of his reputation, a royal

invitation reached him from the Court of Naples, where a great curiosity

prevailed to hear his performance. The unobtrusive _Maestro_, not a

little loth, was at length induced to accept the invitation; but, lest

he should not be well accompanied, he took with him his own second

violin and violoncello players. At Naples he found Alessandro Scarlatti

and several other masters[19], who entreated him to play some of his

concertos before the king. This he, for a while, declined, on account of

his whole band not being with him, and there was no time, he said, for a

rehearsal. At length, however, he consented, and, in great fear,

performed the first of them. His astonishment was very great to find

that the Neapolitan band executed his concertos almost as accurately at

sight as his own band after repeated rehearsals, and when they had

almost got them by heart. “_Si suona_ (said he to Matteo, his second

violin) _a Napoli_!”—“They _play_, at Naples!”

After this, he being again admitted into his Majesty’s presence, and

desired to perform one of his sonatas, the king found the adagio so long

and dry, that, being tired of it, he _quitted the room_, to the great

mortification of Corelli. Afterwards, he was desired to lead, in the

performance of a masque composed by Scarlatti, which was to be executed

before the king. This he undertook, but, owing to Scarlatti’s very

limited acquaintance with the violin, Corelli’s part was somewhat

awkward and difficult; in one place it went up to F, and when they came

to that passage, Corelli failed, and could not execute it; but he was

astonished, beyond measure, to hear Petrillo, the Neopolitan leader, and

the other violins, perform with ease that which had baffled his utmost

skill. A song succeeded this, in C minor, which Corelli led off in C

major. “_Ricomminciamo_” (let us begin again), said Scarlatti,

good-naturedly. Still, Corelli persisted in the major key, till

Scarlatti was obliged to call out to him, and set him right. So

mortified was poor Corelli with this disgrace, and the deplorable figure

which he imagined he had made at Naples, that he stole back to Rome, in

silence. Soon after this, a hautboy-player (whose name Geminiani could

not recollect) acquired such applause at Rome, that Corelli, disgusted,

would never again play in public. All these mortifications, superadded

to the success of Valentini, whose Concertos and performance, though

infinitely inferior to those of Corelli, were become fashionable, threw

him into such a state of melancholy and chagrin, as was thought to have

hastened his death.

The account thus furnished by Geminiani, of Corelli’s journey to Naples,

is something beyond mere personal anecdote; for, as Dr. Burney fitly

observes, it throws light upon the comparative state of music at Naples

and at Rome in Corelli’s time, and exhibits a curious contrast, between

the fiery genius of the Neapolitans, and the meek, timid and gentle

character of Corelli, so analogous to the style of his music. To this

reflection it might have been added, that the latter part of the

narrative forms a painful contribution to the catalogue of instances in

which public caprice has done the work of ingratitude, and consigned the

man of genius to a neglect which his sensitive nature must render the

worst of cruelties.

In 1712, the _Concertos_ of Corelli were beautifully engraved, at

Amsterdam, by Etienne Roger, and Michael Charles La Cène, and dedicated

to John William, Prince Palatine of the Rhine. The author survived the

publication of this admirable work but six weeks; the Dedication bearing

date at Rome, the 3rd of December, 1712, and he dying on the 18th of

January, 1713.

Corelli was interred in the church of the Rotunda, otherwise called the

Pantheon, in the first chapel on the left hand of the entrance of that

beautiful temple. Over the place of his interment, there is a sepulchral

monument with a marble bust, erected to his memory, at the expense of

Philip William, Count Palatine of the Rhine, under the direction of

Cardinal Ottoboni. The monument bears an inscription in tributary Latin,

and the bust represents him with a music-paper in his hand, on which are

engraved a few bars of that celebrated air, the _Giga_, in his 5th

Sonata. It is worthy of remark, that this monument is contiguous to

that of the greatest of painters, Raffaelle[20].

During many years after Corelli’s decease, a solemn service, consisting

of selections from his own works, was performed in the Pantheon by a

numerous band, on the anniversary of his funeral. This custom was not

discontinued, until there were no longer any of his immediate scholars

surviving to conduct the performance. Sir John Hawkins and Dr. Burney,

who have both cited testimony as to this practice, concur in

representing, that the works of the great master used to be performed,

on this occasion, in a slow, firm and distinct manner, just as they were

written, without changing the passages in the way of embellishment: and

this, it is probable, was the manner in which he himself was wont to

play them.

Of the private life and moral character of this celebrated musician, no

new information is now likely to be obtained; but the most favorable

impression on this head is derived from analogy, in addition to what we

possess of fact. If we may judge of his natural disposition and

equanimity by the mildness, sweetness and even tenor of his musical

ideas, the conclusion must be that his temper and his talents had pretty

equal share in the office of endearing him to all his acquaintance. It

appears, moreover, that his facile habit did not always render him

insensible of that respect which was due to his character as well as to

his skill. It is said that, when he was once playing a solo at Cardinal

Ottoboni’s house, he observed the Cardinal and another person in

discourse, on which he laid down his instrument; and, being asked the

reason, answered that he “feared the music interrupted the

conversation”—a reply in which modesty and dignity were nicely blended.

He is related, also, to have been a man of humour and pleasantry. Some

who were acquainted with him have censured him for parsimonious habits,

but on no better ground than his accustomed plainness of dress, and his

disinclination to the use of a carriage.

His taste, which was not limited to the circle of his own art, evinced

itself enthusiastically in favor of pictures; and he lived in habits of

intimacy with Carlo Cignani and Carlo Maratti. It seems that he had

accumulated a sum equal to £6000. The account that is given of his

having bequeathed the whole of this amount, besides a valuable

collection of pictures, to his patron, Cardinal Ottoboni, has been

observed to savour more of vanity than of true generosity; and, indeed,

the Cardinal evinced the most considerate appreciation of the bequest,

by reserving only the pictures, and distributing the remainder of

Corelli’s effects among his indigent relations.

In regard to the peculiar merits of Corelli’s productions, it may be

briefly said, that his Solos (or _Opera Quinta_), as a classical book

for forming the hand of a young practitioner on the violin, has ever

been regarded, by the most eminent masters of the instrument, as a truly

valuable work; and it is said, of this elaborate work (on which all good

systems for the instrument have since been founded), that it cost him

three years to revise and correct it. Indeed, all his compositions are

said to have been written with great deliberation, to have been

corrected by him at many different times, and to have been submitted to

the inspection of the most skilful musicians of his day. Of his Solos,

the second, third, fifth, and sixth are admirable; as are the ninth,

tenth, and, for the elegant sweetness of its second movement, the

eleventh. The ninth is probably the most perfect, as a whole; and the

Solos, generally, seem to have been drawn from the author’s native

resources, more extensively than any of his other productions. The most

emphatic evidence of the value of these Solos lies in the fact of their

adoption by the highest instructors. Tartini formed all his scholars on

them; and it was the declaration of Giardini, that, of any two pupils of

equal age and abilities, if the one were to begin his studies by

Corelli, and the other by Geminiani, or any other eminent master

whatever, the first would become the better performer. Let it be

observed, however, that it is not from Corelli, that the niceties and

dexterities of _bowing_, which characterize the modern state of the art,

are derived. The qualities he is capable of imparting are tone and time:

or, in other words, he teaches the full extraction of sound, and the

utmost steadiness of hand.

The _Concertos_ of Corelli (the sixth and last of his works) appear to

have withstood the attacks of time and fashion with more firmness than

any of his other productions. The harmony is so pure; the parts are so

clearly, judiciously, and ingeniously disposed; and the effect of the

whole, from a large band, is so majestic, solemn and sublime, that they

nearly preclude all criticism, and make us forget that there is any

other music of the same kind existing. They are still performed, now

and then, at the Philharmonic Concerts. Though composed at a time when

the faculties of the author might be supposed to have been on the

decline, they exhibit the strongest proof of the contrary. To speak more

definitely of their merits, nothing can exceed, in dignity and majesty,

the opening of the First Concerto, nor, for its plaintive sweetness, the

whole of the Third; and that person must have no feeling of the power of

harmony, or the effects of modulation, who can listen to the Eighth

without rapture.

The following further comments on them are from the pen of a sensible

anonymous writer in a periodical work:—“Though they are no longer

calculated to show off the bow and fingers of the principal

violin-player, yet their effect, as symphonies for a numerous orchestra,

is excellent, and never fails to delight the audience. Their melody is

flowing and simple, and of a kind which is independent of the changes of

fashion: the harmony is pure and rich, and the disposition of the parts

judicious and skilful. The Eighth of these Concertos, composed for the

purpose of being performed on Christmas Eve, has probably had more

celebrity than any piece of music that ever was written. It is

exquisitely beautiful, and seems destined to bid defiance to the attacks

of time. The whole is full of profound religious feeling; and the

pastoral sweetness of the movement descriptive of the ‘Shepherds abiding

in the fields,’ has never been surpassed—not even by Handel’s movement

of the same kind in the ‘Messiah.’ If ever this music is thrown aside

and forgotten, it will be the most unequivocal sign of the corruption of

taste, and the decay of music, in England.”

The compositions of Corelli, taken altogether, are celebrated for the

harmony resulting from the union of all the parts; but the fineness of

the airs is another distinguishing characteristic of them. The

Allemande, in the Tenth Solo, is as remarkable for spirit and force, as

that in the Eleventh is for its charming delicacy. His _jigs_ are in a

style peculiarly his own; and that in the Fifth Solo was, perhaps, never

equalled. In the gavot movements, in the Second and Fourth Operas, the

melody is distributed, with great judgment, among the several parts. In

his Minuets alone, he seems to fail; Bononcini, Handel, Haydn, Martini

and others, have excelled him in this kind of air.

The music of Corelli is, generally speaking, the language of nature. It

is equally intelligible to the learned and to the unlearned. Amidst the

numerous innovations which the love of change had introduced, it still

continued to be performed, and was heard with delight in churches, in

theatres, and at public solemnities and festivals, in all the cities of

Europe, for nearly forty years. Persons remembered and would refer to

passages of it, as to a classic author; and, even at this day, the

masters of the science do not hesitate to pronounce, of the compositions

of Corelli, that, for correct harmony, and for elegant modulation, they

are scarcely to be exceeded. Yet there is one deficiency, that should

not be passed over in a review of the compositions of this master: and

it is one that may suggest itself from what has been already said of

him. They want that stirring quality of passion, which ministers so

importantly to the life of a production, whether in the world of music,

of poetry, or of painting. They lose, through this omission, nearly all

the benefits of the principle of contrast, on which effect, in so

material a degree, depends. Their beauties, wanting this relief, are

scarcely able, sometimes, to escape the charge of insipidity. The

absence of intensity in the works of Corelli, seems to be partly a

consequence of the natural character of the man: but it is doubtless

also partly owing to the state of musical taste at that period. There

was little or no melody in instrumental music before his time; and

although, considering how much slow and solemn movements abound in his

works, they display but a slender portion of the true pathetic, yet has

he considerably more grace and elegance in his _Cantilena_, more

vocality of expression, than his predecessors. Indeed, when we recollect

that some of his productions are more than a hundred and fifty years

old, we must regard, with some admiration and astonishment, the healthy

longevity of his fame, which can only be accounted for on the principle

of the ease and simplicity that belong characteristically to his works.

The following summary of the character of Corelli’s music has been given

by Geminiani. Dr. Burney’s remark, that it seems very just, may be very

fairly assented to.—“His merit was not depth of learning, like that of

his contemporary, Alessandro Scarlatti; nor great fancy, nor a rich

_invention_ in melody or harmony; but a nice ear, and most delicate

taste, which led him to select the most _pleasing_ melodies and

harmonies, and to construct the parts so as to produce the most

delightful effect upon the ear.”

An extensive and rapidly diffused impression in favor of the Violin, and

the larger homogeneous instruments, was produced in Europe by the

publication of the works of Corelli, who indeed must be considered as

the author of the greatest improvements which music, simply

instrumental, underwent at the commencement of the 18th century. As a

consequence of the impulse thus communicated, there was scarcely a town

in Italy, about that period, where some distinguished performer on the

violin did not reside. Dr. Burney enumerates about a dozen of these, in

one paragraph; but the apparent similarity of their merits, which does

not encourage any circumstantial commemoration, may serve to bring to

the mind of the classical reader the “fortemque Gyan fortemque

Cloanthum” of Virgil. One of these locally great individuals, Nicola

Cosimo, who came to England about 1702, has derived some little

accession of fame, from the fact of his portrait having been painted by

Kneller, and _coppered_ by Smith. It is probable, that he is now more

known to print-collectors than to musicians, although his _Twelve

Solos_, published in this country, possess considerable merit, for the

time—a merit not free, however, from pretty large obligations to

Corelli.

Don ANTONIO VIVALDI, Chapel-master of the _Conservatorio della Pietà_,

at Venice, seems to have enjoyed, in his day, a popularity of the most

animated and unhesitating kind, both as composer and performer. Besides

a number of dramatic compositions, in the form of Opera, he published

eleven instrumental works, exclusively of his pieces called

_Stravaganze_, which, among flashy players, whose chief merit was the

novelty of rapid execution, occupied the highest place of favor. To be

loud and brisk, appears to have been the chief ambition of this

exhibitor; no bad method of ensuring a predominance of applause in all

“mixed company.” His _Cuckoo Concerto_ was once the wonder and delight

of all frequenters of English country concerts; and Woodcock, one of the

Hereford _Waits_, was sent for, far and near, to perform it. If

Vivaldi’s musical fame were to rest on this production, it would figure

but poorly; for the thing, though reprinted in London a few years ago,

is indeed, when put to the test, “full of sound and fury, signifying

nothing.” It is just of the order of stuff that might serve to agitate

the orchestral elbows in a pantomime. Doubtless, it found a fitting

exponent in “Mr. Woodcock, of the Hereford Waits:” Vivaldi’s _own_

playing must have been too good for it. Of the pieces styled his

_Solos_, it has been critically remarked, that they are extremely tame

and vapid, while the characteristic of his _Concertos_ is a singular

wildness and irregularity, in which he oftentimes transgresses the

bounds both of melody and modulation. Though, in some of his

compositions, the harmony and the artful contexture of the parts are

their least merit, there is one (the eleventh of his first twelve

concertos) which is esteemed a solid and masterly composition, and is an

evidence that the writer possessed a greater portion of skill and

learning than his works in general discover. To account for the

singularity of Vivaldi’s style, it should be observed that he had been

witness to the dull _imitations_ of Corelli that prevailed among the

masters of his time; and that, for the sake of variety, he unfortunately

adopted a style which had little but novelty to recommend it, and could

serve for little else but “to please the itching vein of idle-headed

fashionists.”

The title of Don, prefixed to Vivaldi’s name, was derived from the

_clerical_ character which belonged to him; and he must, indisputably,

have been one of the most lively of priests. Mr. Wright, in his “Travels

through Italy, from 1720 to 1722,” has a passage indicative of this

union of the clerical and musical functions:—“It is very usual to see

priests play in the orchestra. The famous Vivaldi, whom they call the

_Prete Rosso_, very well known among us for his concertos, was a topping

man among them at Venice.”

Vivaldi, together with Albinoni, Alberti, and Tessarini, is to be

classed among the light and irregular troops. For the more disciplined

and efficient forces, we must look to the Roman school, formed by

Corelli, in which were produced the greatest composers and performers

for the violin that Italy could boast, during the first half of the 18th

century.

FRANCESCO GEMINIANI, the ablest of Corelli’s scholars, and who forms one

of the brightest parts in the chain of Violinists

“In linked sweetness long drawn out,”

was born at Lucca, about the year 1680[21]. His first instructions in

music were derived from Alessandro Scarlatti; and his study of the

violin was commenced under Lunati (surnamed Il Gobbo), and completed

under the great archetype, Corelli.

On leaving Rome, where Corelli was then flourishing, Geminiani went to

Naples, preceded by a degree of fame which secured his most favorable

reception, and placed him at the head of the orchestra. If, however, we

are to credit Barbella, the impetuosity of his feelings, and the fire of

his genius, too ardent for his judgment, rendered him, at this period,

so vague and unsteady a _timeist_, that, instead of guiding, combining,

and giving concinnity to the performers under his direction, he

disordered their motions, embarrassed their execution, and, in a word,

threw the whole band into confusion.

In the year 1714, he came to England, where his exquisite powers, as a

solo performer, commanded universal admiration, and excited, among the

nobility and gentry, a contention for the honor of patronising such

rare abilities. The German Baron, Kilmansegge, was then chamberlain to

George the First, as Elector of Hanover, and a great favorite of the

King. To that nobleman Geminiani particularly attached himself, and,

accordingly, dedicated to him his first work—a set of Twelve Sonatas,

published in 1716. The style of these pieces was peculiarly elegant; but

many of the passages were so florid, elaborate and difficult of

execution, that few persons were adequate to their performance; yet all

allowed their extraordinary merit, and many pronounced them superior to

those of Corelli. They had, indeed, such an effect, that it became a

point of eager debate, whether skill in execution, or taste in

composition, constituted the predominant excellence of Geminiani; and so

high was the esteem he enjoyed, among the lovers of instrumental music,

that it is difficult to say, had he duly regarded his interest, to what

extent he might not have availed himself of public and private favor.

Kilmansegge, anxious to procure him a more effective patronage than his

own, represented his merits to the notice of the King, who, looking over

his works, became desirous to hear some of the pieces performed by their

author; and soon after, accompanied, at his own earnest request, by

Handel on the harpsichord, Geminiani so acquitted himself, as at once to

delight his royal auditor, and to give new confirmation of the

superiority of the violin over all other stringed instruments.

In 1726, he arranged Corelli’s first six _Solos_, as _Concertos_; and,

soon after, the last six, but with a success by no means equal to that

which attended the first. He also similarly treated six of the same

composer’s _Sonatas_, and, in some additional _parts_, imitated their

style with an exactitude that at once manifested his flexible ingenuity,

and his judicious reverence for his originals. Encouraged, however, as

he might be considered, by the success of this undertaking, to proceed

in the exercise of his powers, six years elapsed before another work

appeared—when he produced his own first set of _Concertos_; these were

soon followed by a second set; and the merits of these two productions

established his character as an eminent master in that species of

composition. The opening Concerto in the first of these two sets is

distinguished for the charming minuet with which it closes; and the last

Concerto in the second set is esteemed one of the finest compositions

known of its kind.

His second set of Solos (admired more than practised, and practised more

than performed) was printed in 1739: and his third set of Concertos

(laboured, difficult and fantastic), in the year 1741. Soon after this,

he published his long-promised, and once impatiently-expected work,

entitled “_Lo Dizionario Armonico_.” In this work, after giving due

commendation to Lully, Corelli and Bononcini, as having been the first

improvers of instrumental music, he endeavours to refute the idea, that

the vast foundations of universal harmony can be established upon the

narrow and confined modulation of these authors; and makes many remarks

on the uniformity of modulation apparent in the compositions that had

appeared in different parts of Europe for several years previously.

This didactic production possessed many recommendatory qualities; many

combinations, modulations and cadences, calculated to create, and to

advance the science and taste of a _tyro_; but it appeared too late.

Indolence had suffered the influence of his name to diminish, and his

style and ideas (new as, in some respects, they were) to be superseded

by the more fashionable manner, and more novel conceptions, of fresh

candidates for favour and fame.

This work was succeeded by his “_Treatise on Good Taste_,” and his

“_Rules for playing in Good Taste_;” and, in 1748, he brought forward

his “_Art of Playing on the Violin_;” at that time a highly useful work,

and superior to any similar publication extant. It contained the most

minute directions for holding the instrument, and for the use of the

bow; as well as the graces, the various shifts of the hand, and a great

number of applicable examples.

About 1756, Geminiani was struck with a most curious and fantastic idea;

that of a piece, the performance of which should represent to the

imagination all the events in the episode of the thirteenth book of

Tasso’s Jerusalem. It is needless to say, that the chimera was too

extravagant, of attempting to narrate and instruct, describe and inform,

by the vague medium of instrumental sounds. Musical sounds may possibly,

according to a conjecture sometimes entertained, constitute the language

of heaven; but as we, on earth, are possessed of no _key_ to their

meaning in that capacity, we must be content to employ, for our purposes

of intercommunion, the _articulate_, which alone is, to us, the

_definite_.

In 1750, Geminiani went to Paris, where he continued about five years;

after which, he returned to England, and published a new edition of his

first two sets of Concertos. In 1761, he visited Ireland, in order to

spend some time with his favourite and much-attached scholar, Dubourg,

master of the King’s band in Dublin. Geminiani had spent many years in

compiling an elaborate Treatise on Music, which he designed for

publication; but, soon after his arrival in Dublin, by the treachery of

a female servant (who, it has been said, was recommended to him for no

other purpose than that she might steal it), the manuscript was

purloined out of his chamber, and could never afterwards be recovered.

The magnitude of this loss, and his inability to repair it, made a deep

impression on his mind, and seemed to hasten fast his dissolution. He

died at Dublin on the 17th of September, 1762, in the eighty-third year

of his age.[22]

Endowed with feeling, a respectable master of the laws of harmony, and

acquainted with _some_ of the secrets of fine composition, Geminiani can

hardly be said to have been unqualified either to move the soul, or to

gratify the sense: yet truth, after being just to his real deserts, will

affirm that his bass is not uniformly the most select; that his melody

is frequently irregular in its phrase and measure; and that, on the

whole, he is decidedly inferior to Corelli, with whom, by his admirers,

he has been too frequently and too fondly compared.

For what was deficient in his compositions, as well as for what was

unfavourable in his fortune, the unsettled habits of his life, and his

inherent inclination for rambling, may perhaps partly account. His

fondness for pictures (a taste very strongly developed in him) was less

discreetly exercised than it had been by his prototype, Corelli. On the

contrary, to gratify this propensity, he not only suspended his studies,

and neglected his profession, but oftentimes involved himself in

pecuniary embarrassments, which a little prudence and foresight would

have enabled him to avoid. To gratify his taste, he bought pictures;

and, to supply his wants, he sold them. The consequence of this kind of

traffic was loss, and its concomitant, necessity. Under such

circumstances, the concentration of thought, requisite for giving to his

productions the utmost value derivable from the natural powers of his

mind, was almost impossible.

A trait creditable to his character, on a graver score, presents itself

in the following transaction. The place of Master and Composer of the

state-music in Ireland became vacant in the year 1727, and the Earl of

Essex obtained from Sir Robert Walpole, the minister, a promise of it.

He then told Geminiani that his difficulties were at an end, as he had

provided for him a place suited to his profession, which would afford

him an ample provision for life. On enquiry into the conditions of the

office, Geminiani found that it was not tenable by a member of the

Romish communion. He therefore declined accepting, assigning this as a

reason, and at the same time observing that, although he had never made

any great pretensions to religion, yet to renounce that faith in which

he had been first baptized, for the _sake_ of temporal advantages, was

what he could in no way answer for to his conscience. The post was given

to Matthew Dubourg, who had formerly been the pupil of Geminiani, and

whose merits were not excluded by similar grounds for rejection.

LORENZO SOMIS, chapel-master to the King of Sardinia, was recorded in

Italy as an imitator of Corelli, but in a style somewhat modernized,

after the model of Vivaldi.

He printed, at Rome, in 1722, his “_Opera Prima di Sonate à Violino e

Violoncello, o Cembalo_,” the pieces contained in which are much in

Corelli’s manner; some of them with double-stopped fugues, like those of

his model, and some without. Somis was one of the greatest masters of

the violin of his time; but his chief professional honour,—“the pith and

marrow of his attribute,”—is the having formed, among his scholars, such

a performer as Giardini.

STEFANO CARBONELLI, who had studied the violin under Corelli, was one of

the Italian Artists who contributed to diffuse the celebrity of the

instrument in this country. About the year 1720, he was induced by the

Duke of Rutland to come to England, and was received into the house of

that nobleman. During his residence there, he published _Twelve Solos

for a Violin and Bass_, which he frequently played in public with great

applause. In each of the first six of these, there is a double-stopped

fugue; and the rest, it has been observed, have pleasing melodies, with

correct and judicious counterpoint. In the progress of his success in

England, Carbonelli was placed at the head of the opera band, and soon

became celebrated for his excellent performance.

About the year 1725, he quitted the opera orchestra for an employment in

Drury Lane Theatre, where he also led, and frequently played select

concert pieces between the acts. After continuing there some time, he

engaged himself with Handel, as a performer in his oratorios. For

several years, he played at the rehearsal and performance at St. Paul’s,

for the benefit of the Sons of the Clergy.

In the latter part of his life, he in a great measure neglected the

profession of music, having become a merchant, and an importer of wine

from France and Germany. He obtained the place of one of the purveyors

of wine to the King; and died in that employment in the year 1772.

At the time of Carbonelli’s relaxing in his homage to Apollo, for the

sake of becoming a minister of Bacchus, the following lines (which have

been admirably set, for two voices, by Dr. Cooke) were made up for the

occasion:—

Let Rubinelli charm the ear,

And sing, as erst, with voice divine,—

To Carbonelli I adhere;

Instead of music, give me wine!

But yet, perhaps, with wine combin’d,

Soft music may our joys improve;

Let both together, then, be join’d,

And feast we like the gods above![23]

PIETRO LOCATELLI, another of Corelli’s pupils, but one who made the

boldest innovations upon the manner of that great master, and deviated,

exploringly, into remarkable paths of his own, was born at Bergamo,

about 1693. Being still a youth, at the time of Corelli’s decease, and

full of ardent impulses in relation to the art he had embraced,

Locatelli gave way to these, and soon became conspicuous for a boldness

and originality which, even in our own days, would not pass

unacknowledged. He developed new combinations, and made free use of

arpeggios and harmonic sounds. The compositions of this master, as well

as those of Mestrino, who flourished somewhat later, and was the more

graceful of the two in his style of playing, are supposed to have

furnished hints of no small profit to the penetrating genius of

Paganini.

Locatelli died in Holland, in 1764. The crabbed passages in which he

delighted to display his force, are to be found in his work entitled

“Arte di nuova Modulazione,” or, as it is termed in the French editions,

“Caprices Énigmatiques.”

We now approach one of those names on which the biographer may fairly

delight to dwell, for its association not only with the great and

beautiful in art, but with the interesting in personal character, and

the romantic in incident.

GIUSEPPE TARTINI, of Padua, the last great improver (save Viotti) of the

practice of the violin, was born in April, 1692, at Pirano, a sea-port

town in Istria. His father had been ennobled, in recompense of certain

substantial benefactions, exercised towards the Cathedral Church at

Parenza. Giuseppe was originally intended for the law; but, mixing the

more seductive study of music with the other objects of his education,

it soon gained the ascendant over the whole circle of the sister

sciences. This is not so surprising as another strong propensity, which,

during his youth, much fascinated him. This was the love of fencing—an

art not likely to become necessary to the safety or honor of one

possessed of the pious and pacific disposition that belonged to him, and

one engaged, too, in a civil employment: yet he is said, even in this

art, to have equalled the master from whom he received instructions. In

1710, he was sent to the University of Padua, to pursue his studies as a

civilian; but, before he was twenty, having committed the sin of

sacrificing prudence to love, in a match which he entered into without

the parental _fiat_, he was forsaken, in return, and reduced to wander

about in search of an asylum. This, after many hardships, he found in a

convent at Assisi, where he was received by a monk, his relative, who,

commiserating his misfortunes, let him remain there till something

better might be done for him. While thus secluded and sorrowful, he took

up the violin, to “manage it against despairing thoughts”—an expedient

which the devotion of his soul to music must have lent some efficacy to.

Not only his solace, but, by a singular turn of fortune, his rescue

also, was connected with his violin. On a certain great festival, when

he was in the orchestra of the convent, he was discovered, through the

accident of a remarkably high wind, which, forcing open the doors of the

church, blew aside the orchestral curtain, and exposed all the

performers to the sight of the congregation. His recognition, under

these circumstances, by a Paduan acquaintance, led to the accommodation

of differences; and he then settled with his wife, for some time, at

Venice[24]. This lady proved to be of that particular race which has

never been wholly extinct since the time of Xantippe; but as,

fortunately, poor Tartini was more than commonly Socratic in wisdom,

virtue and patience, her reign was unmolested by any domestic war, or

useless opposition to her supremacy.

His residence at Venice was rendered memorable to him, by the arrival of

the celebrated Veracini (the younger) in that city. The performance of

this “homme marquant” awakened a vivid emulation in Tartini, who, though

he was acknowledged to have a powerful hand, had never heard a great

player before, nor conceived it possible for the _bow_ to possess such

varied capabilities for energy and expression. Under this feeling, he

quitted Venice with prompt decision, and proceeded to Ancona, in order

to study the use of the bow in greater tranquillity and with more

convenience than at Venice, as he had a place assigned him in the

operatic orchestra, of that city. In the same year (1714), his studious

application enabled him to make a discovery—that of the phenomenon of

the _third sound_—which created a great sensation in the musical world,

both in his own time and long afterwards, though it has led to no

important practical results. This phenomenon of the third sound is the

sympathetic resonance of a third note, when the two upper notes of a

chord are sounded. Thus, if two parts are sung in thirds, a sensitive

ear will feel the simultaneous impression of a bass or lower part. This

effect may be more distinctly heard, if a series of consecutive thirds

be played on the violin perfectly in tune. “If you do not hear the

bass,” said Tartini to his pupils, “the thirds or sixths which you are

playing are not perfect in the intonation[25].” This mysterious

sympathy, by which sound is enabled to call up a fellowship of sound,

may be fancifully expressed in a line from the old poet, Drayton:—

“One echo makes another to rejoice!”

The Violin Some Account of That Leading Instrument and Its Most Eminent Professors, from Its Earliest Date to the Present Time; with Hints to Amateurs, Anecdotes, etc. · 第 10 / 16 章