MISCELLANEOUS ANECDOTES, COLLECTED SCRAPS, ECCENTRIC VARIETIES,
&C.
Characteristics of the fiddle species—a caricature
repudiated—ambition let down—a new resource in difficulty—a
prejudice overcome—fifty years’ fiddling—another fifty years of
it—glory made out of shame—discrimination—the Cremona fiddle—an
apt quotation—the leading instrument victorious—sending for
time-keepers—musical exaction—a device for a dinner—a ‘practising’
coachman—a footman to match—a royal ‘whereabout’—precocious
performers—fiddlers’ tricks—eccentric varieties of the violin
kind—the fiddle of Ireland—of Tartary—African fiddle—Greek
fiddle—an eight-stringed violin—an intermediate
instrument—something _more_ than a violin—an air violin—automaton
violinist—the street-fiddler—epigrams.—_pp. 364, et seq._
THE VIOLIN,
ETC.
CHAPTER I.
ORIGINAL AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE VIOLIN.
First seat him somewhere, and derive his race.—DRYDEN.
The Fiddle Family, like other tribes that have succeeded in making a
noise in the world, has given exercise to the ingenuity of learned
theorists and time-seekers, who have laboured to discover for it an
origin as remote from our own era, as it is, I fear, from any kind of
truth. It has probably been conceived that the Fiddle, associated as he
has been, from generation to generation, with jigs, country-dances,
fairs, junketings and other rusticities, had descended too low in the
scale of society—that he had rendered himself, as Shakspeare for a while
did his own genius, “stale and cheap to vulgar company”—and that he
required to be reminded of his primitive dignity, and of his very high
ancestral derivation—if he _had any_. This latter point was of course to
be first established; but, as your zealous antiquary is a wholesale
dealer in time, and is never at a loss for a few centuries to link his
conjectures to, the matter was easy enough; indeed, the more doubtful,
the better, since doubt is the very life of theory. Accordingly, we have
been invited to fall back upon “the ancients,” and to recognize the
_Epigonion_ as the dignified and classic prototype of our merry and
somewhat lax little friend, the Fiddle. To certain ancient Greek tablets
relative to music, which have been somewhere brought to light, Professor
Murchard has minutely assigned the date of 709 years before the
Christian era; and the following passage, Englished from his
translation, is stoutly alleged by the antiquarian advocates of the
glories of the violin race:—“But Pherekydes began the contest, and sat
himself down before all the people, and played the _Epigonion_;—for he
had improved the same; and he stretched four strings over a small piece
of wood, and played on them with a smooth stick. But the strings sounded
so, that the people shouted with joy.”
This is plausible enough, but far from conclusive. It is but the outline
of a description, and admits of various modes of filling up. _If_ the
instrument partook _at all_ of the violin character, it might seem, from
the reference which its name bears to the _knees_, to have been the rude
progenitor of either the double-bass or the violoncello, which have
both, as is well known, their official post between the knees: but then,
the prefix of ἐπί would denote that it was played _upon_ the knees of
the artist. “Very well,” says the antiquarian; “it was a fiddle
_reversed_.” “Nay, Dr. Dryasdust, if you yourself _overturn_ what you
are about, I have no need to say more.” _Au reste_, let any body stretch
four strings over a small piece of wood, and play on them with a smooth
stick, and then take account of what it comes to. No, no; whatever the
_Epigonion_ may have been to the Greeks, he is nothing to _us_: he may
have been a respectable individual of the musical genus of _his_ day,
when people blew a shell or a reed, and called it music; but we cannot
for a moment receive him as the patriarch of the Fiddle Family. As soon
should we think of setting up Pherekydes against Paganini.
Dismissing the Epigonion, we come to the _Semicon_, another pretender of
Greek origin. This also, we are farther told, was a _kind of violin_:
but we deny that he was father to the _violin kind_. The Semicon is said
to have been played on with a bow; and yet a learned German (Koch), in
the fulness of his determination to have _strings_ enough to his bow,
has claimed no less than thirty-five, as the complement of the Semicon.
How could any bow pay its devoirs distinctly to thirty-five strings?
Here, then, the dilemma is this: either to translate the thing in
question into a _bow_ is to _traduce_ the term, or else the _strings_
are an impertinence. _Utrum horum mavis, accipe._
If the word _plectrum_ could, by any ingenuity, be established to mean
_a bow_, quotations enough might be accumulated to prove that
instruments played with bows had their origin in a very remote period.
But the translation of the word into _a bow, or such like thing_, as we
find it in the Dictionaries, arises simply from the want of a known
equivalent—a deficiency which makes it necessary to adopt any term that
offers even the shadow of a synonym.
It has been stated, on the authority of a passage from Euphorion’s book
on the Isthmian Games, that there was an ancient instrument called
_magadis_, which was surrounded by strings; that it was placed upon a
pivot, upon which it turned, whilst the performer touched it with _the
bow_ (or, at least, the _plectrum_); and that this instrument afterwards
received the name of _sambuce_.
The hieroglyphics of Peter Valerian, page 628, chap. 4, present the
figure of a muse, holding, in her right hand, a kind of bass or
contra-violin, the form of which is not _very_ unlike that of our
violins or basses.
Philostratus, moreover, who taught at Athens, during the reign of Nero,
gives a description of the lyre, which has been thus translated:—
“Orpheus,” he says, “supported the lyre against his left leg, whilst he
beat time by striking his foot upon the ground; in his right hand he
held _the bow_, which he drew across the strings, turning his wrist
slightly inwards. He touched the strings with the fingers of his left
hand, keeping the knuckles perfectly straight.”
From this description (if _bow_ it could be called, which bow was none),
it would appear as if the lyre to which Philostratus alludes were,
forsooth, the same instrument which the moderns call the
_contra-violin_, or _viola di gamba_! To settle the matter thus,
however, would be _indeed_ to beg the question.
As before observed, the word _plectrum_ is, in the dictionaries,
translated by _bow_; but, even if this were a warranted rendering of the
word, it remains to be ascertained not only whether the bows of the
ancients were of a form and nature corresponding with ours, but also
whether they were used in the modern _way_. Did the ancients strike
their bow upon the strings of the instrument—or did they draw forth the
sound by means of friction? These questions are still undecided; but
opinions preponderate greatly in favor of the belief that the plectrum
was an implement of _percussion_, and therefore not at all a bow, in our
sense.
A recent French writer, Monsieur C. Desmarais, in an ingenious inquiry
into the Archology of the Violin, takes us back to the ancient
Egyptians, to whom he assigns the primitive violin, under the name of
the _chélys_, and suggests that its _form_ must have resulted from a
studious inspection of one of the heavenly constellations!
M. Baillot, in his Introduction to the _Méthode de Violon du
Conservatoire_, speculating on the origin of the instrument, has a
passage which, in English, runs thus:—
“It is presumed to have been known from the remotest times. On ancient
medals, we behold Apollo represented as playing upon an instrument with
three strings, similar to the violin. Whether it be to the God of
Harmony that we should attribute the invention of this instrument, or
whether it claim some other origin, we cannot deny to it somewhat that
is divine.
“The form of the violin bears a considerable affinity to that of the
lyre, and thus favors the impression of its being no other than a lyre
brought to perfection, so as to unite, with the facilities of
modulation, the important advantage of expressing prolonged sounds—an
advantage which was not possessed by the lyre.”
This is pretty and fanciful, but far too vague to be at all
satisfactory. Apollo might appear to play on an instrument, in which
antiquarian ingenuity might discover some latent resemblance to the
violin; but where was his _bow_? M. Baillot has not ventured to assert
that he had one—and we may safely conclude that he had _not_, if we
except the bow that was his admitted attribute. As for the affinity to
the lyre, it is indeed as faint as the most determined genealogist,
studious of an exercise, could wish.
It has been remarked, by some curious observer, that, among the range
of statues at the head of the canal at Versailles, an Orpheus is seen
(known by the three-headed dog that barks between his legs), to whom the
sculptor has given _a violin_, upon which he appears scraping away with
all the furor of a blind itinerant. But is the statue, or its original,
an antique? We may rest in safe assurance that it is a modern-antique;
as much so, as the ingenious figment of Nero’s _fiddling_ a capriccio to
the roaring accompaniment of the flames of Rome!
As for the _fidicula_ of the Romans (or rather, of the Latin
Dictionary), it is evidently, as far as it has been made to apply to the
fiddle, no legitimate family name. The _violin_ very positively disowns
all relationship with it, and leaves it to settle its claims with the
_guitar_.
As far as the _mere name_ goes, however, it is not impossible that a
connection may exist, and that the word-hunting Skinner may be right in
deriving the Anglo-Saxon word _fithele_ from the older German _vedel_,
and thence from the Latin _fidicula_, which, it is hardly necessary to
state, was any thing but a fiddle, and therefore “had no business” to
lend its appellation in the way here noticed.
On the whole, as regards the pretensions alleged on the side of the
ancients for the honor of having had the violin in existence among them,
it may be safely remarked, that, if nothing like the _bow_, which is
obviously connected most essentially with the expression and character
of the violin, can be traced to their days, the violin itself, _à
fortiori_, cannot be said to have belonged to them; and all those
questionable shapes which have been speculatively put forward as
possible fiddles, must be thrown back again into the field of
antiquarian conjecture, to await some other appropriation. The
following remarks by Dr. Burney may be taken as a fair summary of all
that needs to be observed on this head:
“The ancients seem to have been wholly unacquainted with one of the
principal expedients for producing sound from the strings of modern
instruments: this is the _bow_. It has long been a dispute among the
learned whether the violin, or any instrument of that kind, as now
played with a _bow_, was known to the ancients. The little figure of
Apollo, playing on a kind of violin, with something _like_ a bow, in the
Grand Duke’s _Tribuna_ at Florence, which Mr. Addison and others
supposed to be antique, has been proved to be _modern_ by the Abbé
Winkelmann and Mr. Mings: so that, as this was the only piece of
sculpture reputed ancient, in which any thing like a bow could be found,
nothing more remains to be discussed relative to that point.”—(_Hist. of
Music_, 4to. vol. i, p. 494.)
The Welch, who are notoriously obstinate genealogists, have not failed
to mark the Fiddle for _their_ own, and to assign him an origin, at some
very distant date, among their native mountains. In support of this
pretension, they bring forward a very ugly and clownish-looking fellow,
with the uncouth name of _crwth_. This creature certainly belongs to
them, and is so old as to have sometimes succeeded in being mistaken, in
this country, for the father of the violin tribe—a mistake to which the
old English terms of _crowd_ for fiddle, and _crowder_ for fiddler, seem
to have lent some countenance. A little investigation, however, shows us
that it was merely the name, and not the object itself, that we
borrowed, for a time, from our Welch neighbours; and that, by a
metonymy, more free than complimentary, we fastened the appellation of
_crowd_ upon the _violin_, already current among us by transmission
from the continent. The confusion thence arising has occasioned
considerable misapprehension: nor has the effect of it been limited to
our own island boundaries; for a French writer, M. Fétis, in one of his
Letters on the State of Music in England, reports the error, without any
apparent consciousness of its being such. Let us quote his passage in
English:
“The _cruth_ is a bowed instrument, which is thought to have been the
origin of the viola and violin. Its form is that of an _oblong square_,
the lower part of which forms the body of the instrument. It is mounted
with four strings, and played on like a violin, but is more difficult in
the treatment, because, not being hollowed out at the side, there is no
free play for the action of the bow.”
“What!” exclaims the enquiring virtuoso, “is this box of a thing, this
piece of base carpentry, this formal oblong square, to be supposed the
foundation of that neat form and those graceful inflections which make
up the ‘complement externe’ of what men call the violin? Can dulness
engender fancy—and can straight lines and right angles have for their
lineal descendant the ‘line of beauty?’” The soberest person would
answer, this is quite unlikely; the man of taste would deny it to be in
the nature of things. No, no; our Cambrian codger _may_ have been a
tolerable subject in his way—a good fellow for rough work among the
mountains, and instrumental enough in the amusement of capering
rusticity—but he must not be allowed, bad musician though we freely
admit he may have been, to give himself _false airs_, and to assume
honors to which his form and physiognomy give the lie. Let him be
satisfied to be considered “_sui generis_,” unless he would rashly
prefer illustrious illegitimacy, and be styled the _base violin_.[1]
If we were disposed, in England proper, to get up a claim for the first
local habitation afforded to the violin, we might put together a much
better case for the instrument that was familiar to the Anglo-Saxon
gleemen, as early as the 10th century, than can be shown in behalf of
the candidate just dismissed. We could produce an individual that should
display a far better face, and should appear with, at least, no great
disgrace to the Fiddle Family, though bearing about him none of the
refinements of fashion. It may be as well to exhibit him at once:—
[Illustration]
In this representation (borrowed from “Strutt’s Sports and Pastimes of
the People of England”) we discern something which it is possible to
call a fiddle, without much violence to our notions “de rerum natura.”
There is grotesqueness, but not deformity: there is much of the general
character of the true violin, though some of its most particular
beauties are wanting. It is true that the sound-holes look as if no
notes save _circulars_ were to be permitted to issue through them—that
the tail-piece seems forced to do duty for a bridge—that the sides have
no indented middle, or waist, to give the aspect of elegance, and
accommodate the play of the bow over the two extreme strings—that the
finger-board is non-existent—and that the scroll, that crowning charm of
the fiddle’s form, is but poorly made amends for by the excrescent
oddity substituted at the end of the neck. With all this, however, there
_is_ visible warrant for calling it a _sort_ of fiddle. Though even a
forty-antiquary power might fail to prove it the origin of the stock, it
has claims to be regarded as exhibiting no very remote analogy to the
violin; and thus far, therefore, it may defy the competition of the
_Crwth_. Whether it was really born in Saxon England, however, or
introduced from Germany, might be a point for nice speculation, were it
worth while to agitate the enquiry.
Whither, then, are we to turn, after all, for the solution of this
problem in musical genealogy? That the violin is of a respectable age,
though not so old as what is commonly called antiquity, is a fact
apparent to the least laborious of enquirers; and it seems to have been
the practice, with those who have had occasion to touch on this point,
either to announce the said fact simply, and leave the reader to make
the most of it, or to mix up with it, by way of elucidation, some
general remark about the absence of light on the matter. “The origin of
the violin,” observes one of these authorities, “like that of most of
the several musical instruments, is involved in obscurity. As a species
of that genus which comprehends the viola, violoncello, and violone, or
double-bass, _it must be very ancient_.” Similarly indefinite are the
conclusions of others who have approached the subject; so that it
becomes necessary to dispense with such embarrassing aid, and to _help
oneself_ to the truth, if it is, peradventure, to be gathered. To me,
much meditating on this matter (if I may borrow Lord Brougham’s classic
form of speech), there seems reason to fix on Italy as the quarter to
which we must look for the “unde derivatur” required. Say, thou soft
“Ausonia tellus,” mother of inventions and nurse of the arts, say, soft
and sunny Italy, is it not to _thee_ that belongs the too modest merit
of having produced and cherished the infancy, even as thou hast
confessedly supported and developed the after-growth and advancement, of
the interesting musical being whose history, in its more secret
passages, we are here exploring? Is it a world (as Sir Toby feelingly
asks), is it a world to hide virtues in? Well, if we cannot obtain
_direct_ satisfaction, let us pursue the investigation of our point a
little more circuitously.
The perfect instrument which we now delight to honor by the name of the
violin—the instrument complete in form and qualities—“totum in se teres
atque rotundum”—appears to have been the result of a highly interesting
series of improvements in the art of producing musical sounds from
strings. How long a duration of time was occupied by the elaboration of
these improvements respectively, is not readily to be ascertained, nor,
perhaps, would the enquiry repay the trouble—but the general order of
progression in the improvements themselves, is as clear as it is
agreeable to contemplate. The first great advancement consisted in the
_sounding-board_, by means of which invention a tone was produced,
through the vibration of the wood, that was incomparably better and
fuller than what was previously procured, through the mere vibration of
the strings. As the human voice is evolved from the mouth under a
concave roof, which serves it as a sounding-board, and gives additional
grace and vigour to its inflections, so does the upper shell of the
violin add a power of its own to the language of the strings. The next
improvement in the instrument, thus extended in capability, was the
_neck_ or _finger-board_, which increased the range and variety of the
sounds, by giving to each string the power of producing a series of
notes. The _bow_ was the next great step of advancement; and this, like
other important inventions, has provoked much learned dispute as to the
time and place of its origin, which however we shall not here more
particularly revert to, for indeed, “non nostrum tantas componere
lites.” With all these additions and appliances, we come not yet to the
instrument _par excellence_, the true violin; for an intermediate and
inferior state remains to be gone through. The consideration of that
state brings us to the regular construction of the several instruments
known by the general name of _viol_ (for we pass by the _rebec_, as
being only a spurious or illegitimate kind of fiddle), that were in the
most common use during the 16th, and till about the middle of the 17th,
century. These were similar to each other in form, but in size were
distinguished into the treble-viol, tenor-viol, and bass-viol. They had
six strings, and a finger-board marked with frets, like that of the lute
or guitar[2]. Finally, as the crowning change, the glorious
consummation, came the conversion of the _viol_ into the _violin_,
effected by a diminution of size, a reduction of strings, from six to
four, and the abolition of those impediments to smoothness, and helps to
irritation, the _frets_. The same reformation attended the other
instruments of the viol tribe, which now became, _mutato nomine_, the
viola and the violoncello.
In former days, we had the _viol_ in,
’Ere the _true_ instrument had come about:
But now we say, since _this_ all ears doth win,
The _violin_ hath put the _viol out_.
Thus, through a considerable tract of indefinite time, and a succession
of definite changes, we reach the matured and accomplished instrument,
the _Violin proper_; and then, if we recur to the question, to _whom_
does it belong? the answer becomes less difficult. It is to this
instrument, this perfected production, that the Italians may, I think,
exultingly point as their own; and, in doing so, they may well afford to
be indifferent to all disputes about the title to those earlier
apparitions, those crude and half-made-up resemblances to the fiddle,
that were but as the abortions which, in human experience, sometimes
precede a perfect birth. It is of sufficient notoriety that the earliest
instruments _of excellence_, bearing the name of Violin, as well as the
earliest players of eminence, were Italian. The Cremona fiddles of
Hieronymus Amati (to go no farther back) were sent into this breathing
world about two centuries and a half ago; and Baltazarini, the earliest
great player of the genuine Violin on record, is known to have been
imported as a curiosity from Italy, by Catherine de Medicis, in 1577. It
is tolerably clear, too, that, as a _court_ favourite, the Violin began
its career in Italy—its progress, in that capacity, having been, as
Burney observes, from Italy to France, and from France to England.
But the tie of Italian connection may be drawn more closely than this.
Galilei, in his Dialogues (p. 147), states that both the Violin and the
Violoncello were _invented_ by the Italians; and he suggests more
precisely the Neapolitans, as the rightful claimants of this honor. Dr.
Burney, who does not attempt to settle the point, quotes the passage, to
the above effect, from Galilei, and admits his own inability to confute
it. Montaigne, whose travels brought him to Verona in 1580, has recorded,
that there were _Violins_ as well as organs there, to accompany the mass
in the great Church. Corelli’s Violin, an instrument specially Italian,
which afterwards passed into the possession of Giardini, was made in
1578, and its case was decorated by the master-hand of Annibale Caracci,
probably several years _after_ the instrument was finished; as Caracci
at that date had numbered but eight of his own years.
Towards the end of the 16th century, the Violin is found indicated in
some Italian scores, thus:—_piccoli Violini alla Francese_; which
circumstance has been sometimes alleged as rendering it probable, that
the reduction of the old viol or viola to the present dimensions of the
Violin took place in _France_, rather than in Italy: but the fact does
not seem to offer a sufficient basis for the conjecture, when it is
considered that no instruments of French construction, corresponding
with the Violin in its present form, and of as early a date as those
which can be produced of Italian make, are known to exist. It is
reasonable to suppose, therefore, that these _piccoli Violini_, or
little Violins, were not identical with the Violin proper;—although Mr.
Hogarth[3] (from whose respectable authority I am rather loth to differ)
quotes the phrase as one tending to the support of the French claim. The
term in question, which occurs, particularly, in Monteverde’s Opera of
_Orfeo_, printed at Venice in 1615, seems to me to imply merely some
French modification of the already invented Italian model—a modification
applying to the size, and possibly also to some minor details in the
form.
The French writer, Mersennus, who designates all instruments of the
violin and viol class under the term _barbiton_, describes one of them,
the least of the tribe, as the _lesser barbiton_. This latter was a
small violin invented for the use of the dancing-masters of France, and
of such form and dimensions as to be capable of being carried in a case
or sheath in the pocket. It is the origin of the instrument which in
England is called a _Kit_, and which is now made in the form of a
violin.—Is it too great a stretch of conjecture, to hint, that this may,
possibly, have been the kind of thing intended by the term above quoted?
That curious enquirer, Mr. Gardiner, in his “Music of Nature,” assigns
to Italy the local origin of the Violin, but without placing the date as
near to exactness as it might have been. He makes it to have been “about
the year 1600.” He might safely have gone thirty or forty years farther
back, at least, notwithstanding that the shape of the instrument,
towards the end of the 16th century, has been supposed, by Hawkins, to
have been rather vague and undetermined[4]. The transition from the old
shapes to the new _had_ occurred, though it was as yet far from
universal. It is sufficient that the change had commenced.
Admitting the genuine and perfect violin to be rightfully assignable to
the Italians, it may be of some interest, now, to present a few more
records relating, principally, to the instrument in its _imperfect_
character, when it bore only that sort of analogy to the true
instrument, that the ‘satyr’ is said to have borne to ‘Hyperion.’
The “Musurgia, seu Praxis Musicæ,” of the Benedictine Monk Luscinius,
published in 1542, represents (coarsely cut in wood) as the bowed
instruments then in use, the _rebec_, or three-stringed violin, and the
_viol di gamba_. The instruments of the viol tribe, however, which are
supposed to have been those that led more immediately to the
construction of the true violin, considerably precede the above period
in their date of origin. _Violars_, or performers on the viol, whose
business it was to accompany the Troubadours in their singing of the
Provençal poetry[5], were common in the 12th century; and, in a treatise
on music, written by Jerome of Westphalia in the 13th century, there is
particular mention made of the instrument known by the name of viol.
Under various modifications of the term _fiddle_, there are to be found
many very early allusions to an instrument, such as it was, bearing some
resemblance to the violin. _Fidle_ is a Saxon word of considerable
antiquity; and from the old Gothic are traced the derivations of
1. Middle High German. _Videl_ (noun), _Videlœre_ (noun
personal), _Videln_ (verb, to fiddle), _Videl-boge_
(fiddle bow).
2. Icelandic. _Fidla._
3. Danish. _Fedel._
Then we have _Vedel_, _Veel_, _Viool_ (Dutch); _Vedel_, _Vedele_
(Flemish), _Fiedel_, _Fidel_, _Geige_ (Modern German).
_Fythele_, _Fithele_,—and _Fythelers_ (fiddlers) are alluded to in the
Old English Romances. In the legendary life of St. Christopher, written
about the year 1200, is this passage:—
. . . . . . . . . . . . . Cristofre hym served longe;
The Kynge loved melodye of _fithele_ and of songe.
The poet Lidgate, at the beginning of the 15th century, writes of
Instrumentys that did excelle,
Many moo than I kan telle:
Harpys, _Fythales_, and eke Rotys, &c.
Chaucer, in his “Canterbury Tales,” says of the Oxford Clerk, that he
was so fond of books and study, as to have loved Aristotle better
Than robes rich, or _fidel_, or sautrie—
and his Absolon, the Parish-Clerk, a genius of a different cast, and
exquisitely described, is a spruce little fellow, who sang, danced, and
played on the species of fiddle then known. An instrument remotely
allied to the fiddle—the _ribible_, a diminutive of _rebec_, a small
viol with three strings—is also alluded to by Chaucer. Referring to a
later period, there is evidence to show that an instrument of the violin
kind was used in England before the dissolution of monasteries, in the
time of our eighth Henry, in the fact that something similar to it in
shape is seen depicted upon a glass window of the chancel of Dronfield
church, in the county of Derby; an edifice which was erected early in
the sixteenth century.
At what period the _legitimate_ violin may have found its way from Italy
into this country, it would, I fear, be very difficult to ascertain with
exactness; but it is easy to suppose that, when once that event had
occurred, the neater shape and superior qualities exhibited by the new
comer, would speedily render him the model for imitation, and lead to
the multiplication of his species here, and to the displacement of the
baser resemblances to him. The true instrument, however, was for a long
while among us, ere its merits came into just appreciation. Until the
period of the Restoration, it was held, for the most part, in very low
esteem, and seldom found in less humble hands than those of fiddlers at
fairs, and such like itinerant caterers of melody for the populace[6].
Its grand attribute, the superior power of expressing almost all that a
human voice can produce, except the articulation of words, was at first
so utterly unknown, that it was not considered a gentleman’s instrument,
or worthy of being admitted into “good company.” The lute[7], the harp,
the viol, and theorbo, were in full possession of the public ear, and
the poetic pen; nor has this latter authority ever been thoroughly
propitiated by the later-born child of Melos, whose first screams on
coming into the world may perhaps have irrecoverably alarmed the
sensitive sons of Apollo. Moreover, poetry is ever apt to prefer the old
to the new, and often recoils with distaste from what is modern.
“Though the violin surpasses the lute,” says a recent ingenious writer,
“as much as the musket surpasses the bow and arrow, yet Cupid has not
yet learned to wound his votaries with a bullet, nor have our poets
begun to write odes or stanzas to their violins.”
In the 39th Queen Elizabeth, a statute was passed by which “Ministrels,
wandering abroad,” were included among “rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy
beggars,” and were adjudged to be punished as such. “This act,” says
Percy, in his Reliques of English Poetry, “seems to have put an end to
the profession.” That writer suggests, however, that although the
character ceased to exist, the appellation might be continued, and
applied to fiddlers, or other common musicians; and in this sense, he
adds, it is used in an ordinance in the time of Cromwell (1656), wherein
it is enacted that if any of the “persons commonly called _Fiddlers_ or
_Minstrels_ shall at any time be taken playing, fiddling, and making
music in any inn, alehouse, or tavern, or shall be taken proffering
themselves, or desiring or intreating any ... to hear them play or make
music in any of the places aforesaid,” they are to be “adjudged and
declared to be rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars[8].” By a similar
change or declension, according to Mr. Percy, John of Gaunt’s _King of
the Minstrels_ came, at length, to be called, like the _Roi des Violons_
in France, _King of the Fiddles_—it being always to be borne in mind,
nevertheless, that it was only as yet a baser kind of instrument which
brought its professors into such _scrapes_[9].
The term _crowd_, as well as that of _fiddle_, was commonly used in
England before the appearance of the perfect Violin, but appears to have
been soon disused (along with the barbarous instrument it designated)
after that period. Butler, in his “Hudibras,” employs both terms
indiscriminately, and seems to find enjoyment in linking them with mean
and ludicrous associations—a tendency which must be allowed to have been
quite in keeping with the feeling of the times he describes. His motley
rabble, whom he puts in the way of the knight and his squire, were
special affecters of the instrument he delights to dishonour,
And to _crack’d fiddle_, and hoarse tabor,
In merriment did drudge and labor.
He makes contemptuous allusion, also, to certain persons
That keep their consciences in cases,
As fiddlers do their _crowds_ and bases.
Crowdero, the fiddle-noted agent in the story, is made to cut, on the
whole, a very sorry figure. Thus, as to his instrument, and his manner
of calling it into exercise:
A _squeaking engine_ he applied
Unto his neck, on north-east side,
Just where the hangman does dispose,
To special friends, the knot of noose.
When the knight, in the outset of his career, meets the aforesaid
rabble, with the aggravating accompaniment of the bear and fiddler, and
counsels them to peace and dispersion, he says
But, to that purpose, first surrender
The fiddler, as the prime offender!
It is true that the mettle put forth by Crowdero, in the ensuing general
fight, raises him a little out of the mire of meanness: but then, the
weapon with which he batters the cranium of the prostrate Hudibras—to
wit, his own wooden leg—has the effect of disturbing the small dignity
which his gleam of valour might have shed over him; and, besides, he is
speedily exhibited in reverse, being vanquished in turn by Ralpho the
Squire, and forced into the ignominious confinement of the stocks; while
Ralpho exultingly says to Hudibras, the fiddle is your _trophy_,
And, by your doom, must be allow’d
To be, or be no more, a crowd.
In France, certain ancient and respectable monuments, and particularly
a figure on the portico of the venerable Cathedral of Notre Dame at
Paris, representing King Chilperic with a sort of Violin in his hand,
have been referred to as proofs that an instrument of this nature was
very early held in esteem in that country; and the minstrels in the
highest estimation with the public, were at all times the best
_Violists_ of their age. Among the instruments represented in the
beautiful illuminations of the splendid copy of the _Roman d’Alexandre_,
in the Bodleian library at Oxford, are Viols with three strings, played
upon with a clumsy bow.
In Italy, as in France, the viol appears to have enjoyed earlier favour
than in England, where the fiddle or _crowd_ (the descendant, probably,
of the Welsh instrument _crwth_) was its predecessor. The instruments
chiefly used by the ladies and gentlemen in the Decameron, are the lute
and the viol—upon which latter some of the _ladies_ are represented as
performing.
An ingenious Piedmontese, Michele Todini, published a pamphlet at Rome,
1676, wherein are described various musical inventions of his own, “of
special merit, though of little note.” Amongst them were two Violins,
the pitch of one of which could, by an adroit mechanical contrivance, be
at once heightened a whole tone, a third, or even a fifth; while the
other, under the usual strings, had a second set of strings, like those
of a kit, tuned in the octave above, and was so contrived that the
Violin and kit might either be played separately, or both together, at
the pleasure of the performer. In the 23rd Chapter of this little tract
is a description of a _Viola di gamba_, so constructed, that, without
shifting the neck, all the four kinds of Violins, namely, the treble
Violin, the contralto (or _Viola bastarda_), and the tenor and bass
viol, could be played upon it. Todini had originally given the bass of
this instrument an unusual depth; but he abandoned that, when he
invented the _double bass_,—which instrument he was the first to
introduce and play upon in oratorios, concerts, and serenades.
The arms and seal of the town of Alzei, in the neighbourhood of Worms,
consist of a crowned lion rampant, holding a _fiddle_ in his paws. The
_fiddle_ alone appears to have been the original bearing; for the
palatine lion was first joined to the _fiddle_ when Duke Conrad of
Hohenstauffen was enfeoffed by the Emperor Frederick I with the
Palatinate of the Rhine. His son-in-law, the Palsgrave Henry, calls the
Steward (_Trucksess_) of Alzei, his vassal, in a bill of feoffment,
dated in 1209, and in another document, 1211. This Steward, however, and
Winter of Alzei, bore the _fiddle_ as their arms. On account of these
arms, the inhabitants of Alzei are mockingly called _fiddlers_ by their
neighbours[10].
Connected with the history of the instrument in England, there is a
curious old custom, now “invisible, or dimly seen,” and I know not when
commenced, which is thus described in Hone’s Table Book:—
“The concluding dance at a country wake, or other general meeting, is
the ‘Cushion Dance;’ and if it be not called for, when the company are
tired with dancing, the _fiddler_, who has an interest in it, which will
be seen hereafter, frequently plays the tune to remind them of it. A
young man of the company leaves the room, the poor young women,
uninformed of the plot against them, suspecting nothing; but he no
sooner returns, bearing a cushion in one hand and a pewter pot in the
other, than they are aware of the mischief intended, and would certainly
make their escape, had not the bearer of cushion and pot, aware of the
invincible aversion which young women have to be saluted by young men,
prevented their flight by locking the door, and putting the key in his
pocket. The dance then begins.
“The young man advances to the fiddler, drops a penny in the pot, and
gives it to one of his companions. Cushion then dances round the room,
followed by pot, and when they again reach the fiddler, the cushion
says, in a sort of recitative, accompanied by the music, ‘This dance it
will no farther go.’
“The fiddler, in return, sings or says (for it partakes of both), ‘I
pray, kind Sir, why say you so?’
“The answer is, ‘Because Joan Sanderson won’t come to.’
“‘But,’ replies the fiddler, ‘she must come to, and she _shall_ come to,
whether she will or no.’
“The young man, thus armed with the authority of the village musician,
recommences his dance round the room, but stops when he comes to the
girl he likes best, and drops the cushion at her feet. She puts her
penny in the pewter pot, and kneels down with the young man on the
cushion; and he salutes her.
“When they rise, the woman takes up the cushion, and leads the dance,
the man following, and holding the skirt of her gown; and, having made
the circuit of the room, they stop near the fiddler, and the same
dialogue is repeated, except that, as it is now the woman who speaks,
it is _John_ Sanderson who won’t come to, and the fiddler’s mandate is
issued to _him_, not to her.
“The woman drops the cushion at the feet of her favourite man: the same
ceremony and the same dance are repeated, till every man and woman (the
pot-bearer last) have been taken out, and all have danced round the room
in a file. The _pence_ are the perquisite of the _fiddler_. There is a
description of this dance in Miss Hutton’s ‘Oakwood Hall.’”
Then follows, in Hone’s Book, a further illustration of this curious
custom, in “numerous verse”—but the prose account is here sufficient.
The dialogue in the old puppet dramas (says Strutt) were mere jumbles of
absurdity and nonsense, intermixed with low immoral discourses passing
between Punch and the fiddler, for the orchestra rarely admitted of more
than one minstrel; and these flashes of merriment were made offensive to
decency by the actions of the puppet. In the reign of James II, there
was a noted merry-andrew named Philips; “This man,” says Granger, “was
some time fiddler to a puppet-show; in which capacity he held many a
dialogue with Punch, in much the same strain as he did afterwards with
the mountebank doctor, his master upon the stage. This zany, being
regularly educated, had confessedly the advantage of his brethren.”
The following may be seen in volume the 1st of Purcell’s Catches, on two
persons of the name of Young, father and son, who lived in St. Paul’s
Churchyard—The one was an excellent instrument-maker, and the other an
excellent performer on the fiddle.
You scrapers that want a good fiddle, well strung,
You must go to the man that is old, while he’s Young;
But if this same fiddle you fain would play bold,
You must go to his son, who’ll be Young when he’s old.
There’s old Young and young Young, both men of renown,
Old sells, and Young plays, the best fiddle in town;
Young and old live together, and may they live long,
Young, to play an old fiddle; old, sell a new song!
The zealous, ingenious, minute and gossiping Anthony Wood, to whose
journalizing propensity we are indebted for a free insight into the
state of music at Oxford, during the time of the Civil War (when musical
sounds were scarcely any where else to be heard in the kingdom), was an
ardent admirer of the violin, while its admirers were yet scarce; and
has left us, in his life, written by himself, some particulars relating
to the instrument, that are too pleasant, as well as curious, to be here
passed by. Let me introduce this quaint worthy, speaking of himself in
the third person, and under the abridged designation of A. W.
In 1651, “he began to exercise his natural and insatiable genie to
music. He exercised his hand on the violin, and, having a good eare to
take any tune at first hearing, he could quickly draw it out from the
violin, but not with the same tuning of the strings that others used. He
wanted understanding, friends and money, to pick him out a good master;
otherwise he might have equalled in that instrument, and in singing, any
person then in the University. He had some companions that were musical,
but they wanted instruction as well as he.”
The next year, being obliged to go into the country, for change of air
and exercise, with a view to rid himself of an ague, he states that
“while he continued there, he followed the plow on _well_-days, and
sometimes plowed: and, having had, from his most tender years, an
extraordinary ravishing delight in music, he practised there, without
the help of an instructor, to play on the Violin. It was then that he
tuned his strings in fourths, and _not_ fifths, according to the manner;
and having a good eare, and being ready to sing any tune upon hearing it
once or twice, he could play it also in a short time, with the said way
of tuning, which was never knowne before.
“After he had spent the summer in a lonish and retired condition, he
returned to Oxon; and, being advised by some persons, he entertained a
Master of Musick to teach him the usual way of playing on the violin,
that is, by having every string tuned _five_ notes lower than the one
going before. The master was Charles Griffith, one of the musicians
belonging to the City of Oxon, whom he then thought to be a most
excellent artist: but when A. W. improved himself on that instrument, he
found he was not so. He gave him 2_s._ 6_d._ entrance, _and so
quarterly_. This person, after he had extremely wondered how he could
play so many tunes as he did by _fourths_, without a director or guide,
tuned his violin by _fifths_, and gave him instructions how to proceed,
leaving then a lesson with him to practice against his next coming.
“Having, by 1654, obtained a proficiency in musick, he and his
companions were not without silly frolicks, not now to be
maintained.”—What should these frolics be, but to disguise themselves in
poor habits, and, like country fiddlers, scrape for their livings! After
strolling about to Farringdon Fair, and other places, and gaining money,
victuals and drink for their trouble, they were overtaken, in returning
home, by certain soldiers, who forced them to play in the open field,
and then left them
But if this same fiddle you fain would play bold,
You must go to his son, who’ll be Young when he’s old.
There’s old Young and young Young, both men of renown,
Old sells, and Young plays, the best fiddle in town;
Young and old live together, and may they live long,
Young, to play an old fiddle; old, sell a new song!
The zealous, ingenious, minute and gossiping Anthony Wood, to whose
journalizing propensity we are indebted for a free insight into the
state of music at Oxford, during the time of the Civil War (when musical
sounds were scarcely any where else to be heard in the kingdom), was an
ardent admirer of the violin, while its admirers were yet scarce; and
has left us, in his life, written by himself, some particulars relating
to the instrument, that are too pleasant, as well as curious, to be here
passed by. Let me introduce this quaint worthy, speaking of himself in
the third person, and under the abridged designation of A. W.
In 1651, “he began to exercise his natural and insatiable genie to
music. He exercised his hand on the violin, and, having a good eare to
take any tune at first hearing, he could quickly draw it out from the
violin, but not with the same tuning of the strings that others used. He
wanted understanding, friends and money, to pick him out a good master;
otherwise he might have equalled in that instrument, and in singing, any
person then in the University. He had some companions that were musical,
but they wanted instruction as well as he.”
The next year, being obliged to go into the country, for change of air
and exercise, with a view to rid himself of an ague, he states that
“while he continued there, he followed the plow on _well_-days, and
sometimes plowed: and, having had, from his most tender years, an
Proctor, a young man and a new comer:—John Packer, one of the university
musitians. But Mr. Low, a proud man, could not endure any common
musitian to come to the meeting, much less to play among them. Of this
kind I must rank Joh. Haselwood, an apothecary, a starch’d formal
clister-pipe, who usually played on the base-viol, and sometimes on the
counter-tenor. He was very conceited of his skill (though he had but
little of it), and therefore would be ever and anon ready to take up a
viol[11] before his betters; which being observed by all, they usually
called him _Handlewood_. The rest were but beginners. Proctor died soon
after this time; he had been bred up by Mr. John Jenkins, the mirrour
and wonder of his age for musick, was excellent for the lyra-viol and
division-viol, good at the treble-viol, and violin, and all comprehended
in a man of three or four and twenty yeares of age. He was much admired
at the meetings, and exceedingly pitied by all the facultie for his
loss.”
“A. W. was now advised to entertain one William James, a dancing-master,
to instruct him on the violin, who, by some, was accounted excellent on
that instrument, and the rather because it was said that he had obtained
his knowledge in dancing and music in France. He spent, in all, half a
yeare with him, and gained some improvement; yet at length he found him
not a compleat master of his facultie, as Griffith and Parker were not:
and, to say the truth, there was no compleat master in Oxon for that
instrument, because _it had not been hitherto used in consort_ among
gentlemen, only by common musitians, who played but two parts. The
gentlemen in private meetings, which A. W. frequented, played three,
four, and five parts with viols[12]—as treble-viol, tenor,
counter-tenor, and bass, with an organ, virginal, or harpsicon joined
with them; and they esteemed _a violin_ to be an instrument only
belonging to a _common fiddler_, and could not endure that it should
come among them, for feare of making their meetings to be vain and
fiddling. But, before the restoration of King Charles II, and
_especially after_, viols began to be out of fashion, and only violins
used, as treble violin, tenor, and base violin; and the King, according
to the French mode, would have _twenty-four violins_ playing before him
while he was at meals, as being more airie and brisk than _viols_.”
Under the year 1658, he tells us that “Tho. Baltzar, a Lubecker borne,
and the most famous artist for the violin that the world had yet
produced (!), was now in Oxon, and this day, July 24, A. W. was with
him, and Mr. Ed. Lowe, at the house of Will. Ellis. A. W. did then and
there, to his very great astonishment, heare him play on the violin. He
then saw him run up his fingers to the end of the finger-board of the
violin, and run them back insensibly; and all with alacrity and _very
good tune_, which he nor any in England saw the like before. A. W.
entertained him and Mr. Low with what the house could then afford, and
afterwards he invited them to the taverne; but they being engaged to
goe to other company, he could no more heare him play or see him play at
that time. Afterwards he came to one of the weekly meetings at Mr.
Ellis’s house, and he played to the wonder of all the auditory, and
exercising his finger and instrument several wayes to the utmost of his
power. Wilson thereupon, the public Professor, the greatest judge of
musick that ever was, did, after his humoursome way, stoope downe to
Baltzar’s feet, to see whether he had a huff (hoof) on, that is to say,
to see whether he was a devil or not, because he acted beyond the parts
of man.”
“About this time it was that Dr. John Wilkins, warden of Wadham, the
greatest _curioso_ of his time, invited him (Baltzar) and some of the
musitians to his lodgings in that Coll. purposely to have a consort, and
to see and heare him play. The instruments and books were carried
thither, but none could be persuaded there to play against him in
consort on the violin. At length the company perceiving A. W. standing
behind in a corner neare the dore, they haled him in among them, and
play, forsooth, he must against him. Whereupon he, being not able to
avoid it, took up a violin, as poor Troylus did against Achilles[13]. He
abashed at it, yet honour he got by playing with and against such a
grand master as Baltzar was.”
The restoration of monarchy and episcopacy in England (observes Dr.
Burney) seems to have been not only favorable to sacred music, but to
secular; for it may be ascribed to the particular pleasure which Charles
II received from the gay and sprightly sound of the violin, that this
instrument was introduced at Court, and the houses of the nobility and
gentry, for any other purpose than country-dances, and festive mirth.
Hitherto there seem to have been no public concerts; and, in the music
of the chamber, in the performance of _Fancies_ on instruments, which
had taken place of vocal madrigals and motets, the violin had no
admission, the whole business having been done by _viols_. Charles II,
who, during the usurpation, had spent a considerable time on the
continent, where he heard nothing but French music—upon his return to
England, in imitation of Louis XIV, established a band of violins,
tenors and bases, instead of the viols, lutes and cornets, of which the
Court Band used to consist. Soon after the establishment of this band,
Matthew Lock held the appointment of master to it; and the same title
was conferred, about 1673, on Cambert, a French musician, who had
preceded Lulli in composing for, and superintending, the Opera at Paris,
and who came over to England after Lulli had obtained the transfer of
his patent.
From this time, the Violin Family began to rise in reputation among the
English, and had an honorable place assigned them, in the music of the
Court, the theatres and the chamber; while the succession of performers
and compositions, with which the nation was afterwards supplied from
Italy and elsewhere, stimulated the practice and established the
character of this class of instruments, which have ever since been
universally acknowledged to be the pillars of a well-ordered orchestra,
and more capable of perfect intonation, expression, brilliancy, and
effect, than any other that have ever been invented. It should be
observed, however, that, although the revival of the theatres at the
Restoration was followed by the introduction of what were termed
_act-tunes_ (short compositions played betwixt the acts of the drama),
whereby the public services of the violin were brought into requisition,
yet the state of dramatic music was, for some years, too low to admit of
those services being very important. The music of the drama had attained
scarcely any separate development, but was still confounded with that of
the church, to the disadvantage of both. All the most noted composers
for the theatre, for several years after the Restoration, were members
of cathedral and collegiate churches—a circumstance which encouraged a
jester, Tom Brown, to remark that “men of the musical profession hung
betwixt the church and the play-house, like Mahomet’s tomb betwixt two
load-stones.”
A general passion for the violin, and for pieces expressly composed for
it, as well as a taste for Italian music, seem to have been excited in
this country about the _end_ of Charles the Second’s reign, when French
music and French politics became equally odious to a great part of the
nation. The hon. Mr. North, who listened attentively to every species of
performance, says that “the decay of French music, and favor of the
Italian, came on by degrees. Its beginning was accidental, and
occasioned by the arrival of _Nicola Matteis_; he was an excellent
musician; performed wonderfully on the violin. His manner was singular;
but he excelled, in one respect, all that had been heard in England
before: his _arcata_, or manner of bowing, his shakes, divisions, and
indeed his whole style of performance, was surprising, and every _stroke
of his bow_ was _a mouthful_. When he first came hither, he was very
poor; but not so poor as proud, which prevented his being heard, or
making useful acquaintance, for a long time, except among a few
merchants in the City, who patronized him; and, setting a high value on
his condescension, he made them indemnify him for the want of more
general favor. By degrees, however, he was more noticed, and was
introduced to perform at Court. But his demeanor did not please, and he
was thought capricious and troublesome, as he took offence if any one
whispered while he played; which was a kind of attention which had not
been much _in fashion_ at our Court. It was said that the Duke of
Richmond would have settled a pension upon him, though he wished him to
change his manner of playing, and would needs have one of his pages show
him a better. Matteis, for the sake of the jest, condescended to take
lessons of the page; but learned so fast, that he soon outran him in his
own way. But he continued so outrageous in his demands, particularly for
his _solos_, that few would comply with them, and he remained in narrow
circumstances and obscurity a long while; nor would his superior talents
ever have contributed to better his fortune, had it not been for the
zeal and friendly offices of two or three dilettanti, his admirers.
These, becoming acquainted with him, and courting him in his own way,
had an opportunity of describing to him the temper of the English, who,
if humoured, would be liberal; but, if uncivilly treated, would be
sulky, and despise him and his talents; assuring him that, by a little
complaisance, he would neither want employment nor money. By advice so
reasonable, they at length brought him into such good temper, that he
became generally esteemed and sought after; and, having many scholars,
though on moderate terms, his purse filled apace, which confirmed his
conversion. After this, he discovered a way of acquiring money which was
then perfectly _new_ in this country: for, observing how much his
scholars admired the lessons he composed for them (which were all
_duos_), and that most musical gentlemen who heard them wished to have
copies of them, he was at the expense of having them neatly engraved on
copper plates, in oblong octavo, which was the beginning of engraving
music in England; and these he presented, well bound, to lovers of the
art and admirers of his talents, for which he often received three, four
and five guineas. And so great were his encouragement and profits in
this species of traffic, that he printed four several books of _Ayres
for the Violin_, in the same form and size.”
Of the jealousy which attended the progress of the violin in public
favor among the English, there occurs some amusing evidence in the
“_Musick’s Monument_” of that rich, exuberant and right pleasant
egotist, Thomas Mace, published in 1676. This worthy, who exalted the
lute and viol, his own peculiar instruments, looked with distrust on the
growing importance and credit of that which had been before so
imperfectly understood and insufficiently employed. In speaking of the
instruments till then in chief use, and the propriety of balancing their
relative proportions of sound in concerted pieces, he remarks,
complainingly—“_the scoulding violins will out-top them all_.” In a sort
of dialogue, in rhyme, between the author and his lamenting lute, he
makes the latter exclaim:—
The world is grown so slight! full of new fangles,
And takes its chief delight in jingle-jangles,
With _fiddle-noises_, &c.
CHAPTER II.
THE ITALIAN SCHOOL.
“Oh! known the earliest, and esteemed the most”
BYRON.
Having shown, on such evidence as I have been able to adduce, that the
Italians are, most probably, the rightful claimants of the distinction
which attaches to the _invention_ of the modern or _true_ violin, it is
now to be considered by what bright array of names, by what successive
efforts of skill and genius, they have likewise become entitled to the
greater distinction of having been the first to develop the wonderful
powers of the instrument, and the chief agents through whom its charming
dominion in the realms of music was diffused, ere the great German
composers, in more recent days, applied their powers to the extension
and enrichment of the field for stringed instruments.
In casting a glance over the catalogue of bright Italian names, we find
two, that demand to be especially noted for their great influence in
advancing the progress of the “leading instrument,” and that serve
indeed to mark two main epochs in its history. These are Corelli and
Viotti—the first constituting the head of the old school, the last that
of the modern; and each (it may be parenthetically said) almost as
interesting to contemplate in personal character, as in professional
eminence. The intermediate names, most entitled to attention, are
Tartini, Geminiani and Giardini. These, with others of considerable
celebrity, though of less effective influence in the formation of what
we have designated the Italian School, will be here noticed critically
and biographically, according to their several pretensions and
proceedings. Before we come to Corelli, however, there are some few to
be treated of in the character of his predecessors, and as having
prepared the way for his more dignified and important career.
BALTAZARINI has been already designated as the earliest violin-player of
real eminence that the annals of music present to notice. His celebrity
was much extended by the transplanting of his talent into France, where
he acquired the new appellation of De Beaujoyeux, by virtue of the
delight he afforded to a people whose natural gaiety of temperament
could not but assort happily with the lighter range of sounds so readily
evoked from the violin. It was in 1577, that Baltazarini, with _a band
of violins_, was sent from Piedmont by Marshal Brissac to Queen
Catherine de Medicis, who appointed him her “Premier Valet de Chambre,”
and Master of her Band. France has reason to be grateful to his memory,
and Italy may fairly be proud of it.
GIUSEPPE GUAMI, organist of Lucca Cathedral, who published, in 1586,
some voluminous compositions belonging to the class of _cantiones
sacræ_, or motetts, is cited by Draudius, in his “Bibliotheca Classica,”
as an excellent performer on the violin.
Another early violinist, AGOSTINO AGGAZZARI, born of a noble family at
Siena, and a scholar of Viadana, appears to have been the first who
introduced instrumental Concertos into the Church; though Dr. Burney
supposes that these Concertos must only be understood in the very
qualified sense of _Salmi Concertati_, or psalms accompanied with
violins; and he adds, that Concertos _merely_ instrumental, either for
the church or chamber, seem to have had no existence till about the time
of Corelli.
CARLO FARINA, of Mantua, who published, in 1628, a Collection of “Pavans
and Sonatas” for the violin, is recorded by Walther (in his Musical
Lexicon), as having figured in the service of the Elector of Saxony, as
a celebrated performer on the instrument.
MICHAEL ANGELO ROSSI, a composer, as well as an able violinist,
signalized himself somewhat oddly at Rome, in 1632, by performing the
part of Apollo, in a musical drama, with the violin as the expressive
symbol and exponent of his melodial powers, _instead_ of the classically
attributed lyre. The strangeness of the anomaly was doubtless lost sight
of amidst the enjoyment it was the means of conferring: nor would the
example, were it taken up in our own times, by a competent artist, be
likely to fail in producing a similar subserviency of taste to pleasure.
If, in _these_ days, the man who plays Apollo
Like charms could conjure from the fiddle’s hollow,
_We_, too, should find the heaven-descended lyre
Omitted “by particular desire!”
And Phœbus, fitted with a fiddle so,
Would dart fresh wonders from his newer _bow_!
Though there was only one violin employed (observes Dr. Burney) in the
first operas by Jacopo Peri and Monteverdi, yet, as the musical drama
improved, and the orchestra was augmented, the superiority of that
instrument was soon discovered by its effects, not only in the theatre,
but in private performances; and the most eminent masters, without
knowing much of its peculiar genius or powers, thought it _no
degradation_ to compose pieces expressly for the use of its votaries.
Among the most early of these productions, may be ranked the _Suonate
per Chiesa_ of Legrenzi, published at Venice, 1655; _Suonate da Chiesa e
Camera_, 1656; _Una Muta di Suonate_ (a Variety of Sonatas), 1664; and
_Suonate a due Violini e Violone_, 1677.
The next individual of eminence in connexion with the instrument is
GIAMBATTISTA BASSANI, of Bologna, whose name derives additional lustre
from his having been the violin-master of Corelli. Bassani was a man of
extensive knowledge and abilities in his art, having been a successful
composer for the church, the theatre and the chamber, between the years
1680 and 1703, as well as an excellent performer on the violin. His
sonatas for that instrument, and his accompaniments for it to his
masses, motetts, psalms and cantatas, manifest a knowledge of the
finger-board and the bow, which appears in the works of no other
composer anterior to Corelli; and the lovers of the pure harmony and
simple melody of that admirable master, would still receive great
pleasure from the performance of Bassani’s sonatas for violins and a
bass. Specimens of Bassani’s music may be found in Latrobe’s and
Stephens’s Selections.
The names of TORELLI, VALENTINI, and the elder VERACINI, may be
dismissed with a brief mention; because, though of eminence in their
day, they are not connected with any very marked influence on the art;
and the published works which they have given to the world have long
since attained a dormant state. It should be observed, however, as
illustrating the very capricious nature of _fashion_, that Valentini for
a while eclipsed Corelli himself in popularity.
ARCANGELO CORELLI, under whose able direction the violin may be said to
have first acquired the definite character and regulated honors of _a
school_,[14] was a native of Fusignano, a town situated near Imola, in
the territory of Bologna, and was born in the month of February, 1653.
His first instructor was Matteo Simonelli, by whom he was taught the
rudiments of music, and the art of practical composition; but, the
genius of Corelli leading him to prefer secular to ecclesiastical music,
he afterwards became a disciple of Bassani.
Corelli entertained an early propensity for the violin, and, as he
advanced in years, laboured incessantly in the practice of it. It has
been said, though without authority, that, in the year 1672, he went to
Paris, and was driven thence by the jealousy and violence of Lully, who
could not brook so formidable a rival.
In 1680, he visited Germany, and met with a reception suitable to his
merit, from most of the German princes, but particularly from the
Elector of Bavaria, in whose service he was retained, and continued for
some time. After a few years’ residence abroad, he returned to Rome, and
there pursued his studies with assiduity. It was at Rome that he
published (about 1683) his first _twelve Sonatas_. In 1685, the second
set appeared, under the title of _Balletti da Camera_. In 1690, he gave
to the press the third “Opera” of his Sonatas; and in 1694, the fourth,
which, consisting of movements fit for _dancing_, like the second, he
called _Balletti da Camera_. This species of instrumental composition,
the sonata, first imagined in the course of the 17th century, has been
fixed, in many respects, by Corelli.
The proficiency of Corelli on his favourite instrument became so great,
that his fame was extended throughout Europe, and the number of his
pupils grew very considerable; for, not only his own countrymen, but
even persons from distant kingdoms, resorted to him for instruction, as
the greatest master of the violin that had, at that period, been heard
of in the world. It does not appear, indeed, that he had attained a
power of _execution_ in any degree comparable to that of later
professors. The style of his performance was, however, learned, elegant,
and occasionally impressed with feeling; while his _tone_ was firm and
even. Geminiani, who was well acquainted with it, used expressively to
compare it with that of a sweet trumpet. One of those who heard him
perform, has stated that, during the whole time, his countenance was
distorted, his eyes were as red as fire, and his eye-balls rolled as if
he were in agony. This was the enthusiasm of genius—the influence of the
“præsens divus,” Apollo—the exalted state so well characterized by the
poet’s exclamation,
“Est Deus in nobis—agitante calescimus illo!”
About the year 1690, the Opera had arrived at a flourishing state in
Rome, and Corelli led the band as principal Violin[15]. It was not till
ten years after this date, that he published his _Solos_,[16] the work
by which he acquired the greatest reputation during his life-time, and
to which, in its established character of a text-book for students, the
largest share of attention on the whole has been directed. It was the
fifth in the series of his publications, and was issued at Rome under
the following title:—“Sonate a Violini e Violone o Cimbalo: Opera
Quinta, Parte prima, Parte seconda: Preludii, Allemande, Correnti,
Gighe, Sarabande, Gavotte, e Follia.” This work was dedicated to Sophia
Charlotte, Electress of Brandenburgh; and it was these Solo Sonatas that
the author himself was accustomed to perform on particular occasions.
Corelli’s great patron at Rome was Cardinal Ottoboni, the distinguished
encourager of learning and the polite arts, to whom, in 1694, he
dedicated his Opera Quarta,[17] and in whose palace he constantly
resided, “col spezioso carrattere d’attuale Servitore” of his Eminence,
as he expresses himself in the dedication—with more of the humility of
gratitude, by the by, than of the independence of genius. Crescembini,
speaking of the splendid and majestic “Academia,” or Concert, held at
Cardinal Ottoboni’s every Monday evening, observes that the performance
was regulated by Arcangelo Corelli, that most celebrated professor of
the violin—“famosissimo professore di violino.” Another title,
expressive of the high consideration in which he was held by his
contemporaries, is that applied to him by Francesco Gasparini, who calls
him “Virtuosissimo di violino, e vero _Orfeo_ di nostro tempo.”
It was at Cardinal Ottoboni’s that Corelli became acquainted with
Handel, of whom the following anecdote is related. On one of the musical
evenings given there, a Serenata, written by the latter, entitled _Il
Trionfo del Tempo_, was ordered to be performed, out of compliment to
this great composer. Whether the style of the overture was new to
Corelli, or whether he attempted to modify it according to his taste and
fancy, does not appear[18]; but Handel, giving way to his natural
impetuosity of temper, snatched the violin from his hand. Corelli, with
that gentleness which always marked his character, simply replied:—“Mio
caro Sassone, questa musica è nello stile Francese, di che io non
m’intendo.”—“My dear Saxon, this music is in the French style, with
which I am not acquainted.”
The biography of Corelli has received the accession of several
interesting anecdotes, through one of his most illustrious pupils,
Geminiani, who was himself an eye and an ear witness of the matters he
has related. These may find a fitting place here.
At the time when Corelli was at the zenith of his reputation, a royal
invitation reached him from the Court of Naples, where a great curiosity
prevailed to hear his performance. The unobtrusive _Maestro_, not a
little loth, was at length induced to accept the invitation; but, lest
he should not be well accompanied, he took with him his own second
violin and violoncello players. At Naples he found Alessandro Scarlatti
and several other masters[19], who entreated him to play some of his
concertos before the king. This he, for a while, declined, on account of
his whole band not being with him, and there was no time, he said, for a
rehearsal. At length, however, he consented, and, in great fear,
performed the first of them. His astonishment was very great to find
that the Neapolitan band executed his concertos almost as accurately at
sight as his own band after repeated rehearsals, and when they had
almost got them by heart. “_Si suona_ (said he to Matteo, his second
violin) _a Napoli_!”—“They _play_, at Naples!”
After this, he being again admitted into his Majesty’s presence, and
desired to perform one of his sonatas, the king found the adagio so long
and dry, that, being tired of it, he _quitted the room_, to the great
mortification of Corelli. Afterwards, he was desired to lead, in the
performance of a masque composed by Scarlatti, which was to be executed
before the king. This he undertook, but, owing to Scarlatti’s very
limited acquaintance with the violin, Corelli’s part was somewhat
awkward and difficult; in one place it went up to F, and when they came
to that passage, Corelli failed, and could not execute it; but he was
astonished, beyond measure, to hear Petrillo, the Neopolitan leader, and
the other violins, perform with ease that which had baffled his utmost
skill. A song succeeded this, in C minor, which Corelli led off in C
major. “_Ricomminciamo_” (let us begin again), said Scarlatti,
good-naturedly. Still, Corelli persisted in the major key, till
Scarlatti was obliged to call out to him, and set him right. So
mortified was poor Corelli with this disgrace, and the deplorable figure
which he imagined he had made at Naples, that he stole back to Rome, in
silence. Soon after this, a hautboy-player (whose name Geminiani could
not recollect) acquired such applause at Rome, that Corelli, disgusted,
would never again play in public. All these mortifications, superadded
to the success of Valentini, whose Concertos and performance, though
infinitely inferior to those of Corelli, were become fashionable, threw
him into such a state of melancholy and chagrin, as was thought to have
hastened his death.
The account thus furnished by Geminiani, of Corelli’s journey to Naples,
is something beyond mere personal anecdote; for, as Dr. Burney fitly
observes, it throws light upon the comparative state of music at Naples
and at Rome in Corelli’s time, and exhibits a curious contrast, between
the fiery genius of the Neapolitans, and the meek, timid and gentle
character of Corelli, so analogous to the style of his music. To this
reflection it might have been added, that the latter part of the
narrative forms a painful contribution to the catalogue of instances in
which public caprice has done the work of ingratitude, and consigned the
man of genius to a neglect which his sensitive nature must render the
worst of cruelties.
In 1712, the _Concertos_ of Corelli were beautifully engraved, at
Amsterdam, by Etienne Roger, and Michael Charles La Cène, and dedicated
to John William, Prince Palatine of the Rhine. The author survived the
publication of this admirable work but six weeks; the Dedication bearing
date at Rome, the 3rd of December, 1712, and he dying on the 18th of
January, 1713.
Corelli was interred in the church of the Rotunda, otherwise called the
Pantheon, in the first chapel on the left hand of the entrance of that
beautiful temple. Over the place of his interment, there is a sepulchral
monument with a marble bust, erected to his memory, at the expense of
Philip William, Count Palatine of the Rhine, under the direction of
Cardinal Ottoboni. The monument bears an inscription in tributary Latin,
and the bust represents him with a music-paper in his hand, on which are
engraved a few bars of that celebrated air, the _Giga_, in his 5th
Sonata. It is worthy of remark, that this monument is contiguous to
that of the greatest of painters, Raffaelle[20].
During many years after Corelli’s decease, a solemn service, consisting
of selections from his own works, was performed in the Pantheon by a
numerous band, on the anniversary of his funeral. This custom was not
discontinued, until there were no longer any of his immediate scholars
surviving to conduct the performance. Sir John Hawkins and Dr. Burney,
who have both cited testimony as to this practice, concur in
representing, that the works of the great master used to be performed,
on this occasion, in a slow, firm and distinct manner, just as they were
written, without changing the passages in the way of embellishment: and
this, it is probable, was the manner in which he himself was wont to
play them.
Of the private life and moral character of this celebrated musician, no
new information is now likely to be obtained; but the most favorable
impression on this head is derived from analogy, in addition to what we
possess of fact. If we may judge of his natural disposition and
equanimity by the mildness, sweetness and even tenor of his musical
ideas, the conclusion must be that his temper and his talents had pretty
equal share in the office of endearing him to all his acquaintance. It
appears, moreover, that his facile habit did not always render him
insensible of that respect which was due to his character as well as to
his skill. It is said that, when he was once playing a solo at Cardinal
Ottoboni’s house, he observed the Cardinal and another person in
discourse, on which he laid down his instrument; and, being asked the
reason, answered that he “feared the music interrupted the
conversation”—a reply in which modesty and dignity were nicely blended.
He is related, also, to have been a man of humour and pleasantry. Some
who were acquainted with him have censured him for parsimonious habits,
but on no better ground than his accustomed plainness of dress, and his
disinclination to the use of a carriage.
His taste, which was not limited to the circle of his own art, evinced
itself enthusiastically in favor of pictures; and he lived in habits of
intimacy with Carlo Cignani and Carlo Maratti. It seems that he had
accumulated a sum equal to £6000. The account that is given of his
having bequeathed the whole of this amount, besides a valuable
collection of pictures, to his patron, Cardinal Ottoboni, has been
observed to savour more of vanity than of true generosity; and, indeed,
the Cardinal evinced the most considerate appreciation of the bequest,
by reserving only the pictures, and distributing the remainder of
Corelli’s effects among his indigent relations.
In regard to the peculiar merits of Corelli’s productions, it may be
briefly said, that his Solos (or _Opera Quinta_), as a classical book
for forming the hand of a young practitioner on the violin, has ever
been regarded, by the most eminent masters of the instrument, as a truly
valuable work; and it is said, of this elaborate work (on which all good
systems for the instrument have since been founded), that it cost him
three years to revise and correct it. Indeed, all his compositions are
said to have been written with great deliberation, to have been
corrected by him at many different times, and to have been submitted to
the inspection of the most skilful musicians of his day. Of his Solos,
the second, third, fifth, and sixth are admirable; as are the ninth,
tenth, and, for the elegant sweetness of its second movement, the
eleventh. The ninth is probably the most perfect, as a whole; and the
Solos, generally, seem to have been drawn from the author’s native
resources, more extensively than any of his other productions. The most
emphatic evidence of the value of these Solos lies in the fact of their
adoption by the highest instructors. Tartini formed all his scholars on
them; and it was the declaration of Giardini, that, of any two pupils of
equal age and abilities, if the one were to begin his studies by
Corelli, and the other by Geminiani, or any other eminent master
whatever, the first would become the better performer. Let it be
observed, however, that it is not from Corelli, that the niceties and
dexterities of _bowing_, which characterize the modern state of the art,
are derived. The qualities he is capable of imparting are tone and time:
or, in other words, he teaches the full extraction of sound, and the
utmost steadiness of hand.
The _Concertos_ of Corelli (the sixth and last of his works) appear to
have withstood the attacks of time and fashion with more firmness than
any of his other productions. The harmony is so pure; the parts are so
clearly, judiciously, and ingeniously disposed; and the effect of the
whole, from a large band, is so majestic, solemn and sublime, that they
nearly preclude all criticism, and make us forget that there is any
other music of the same kind existing. They are still performed, now
and then, at the Philharmonic Concerts. Though composed at a time when
the faculties of the author might be supposed to have been on the
decline, they exhibit the strongest proof of the contrary. To speak more
definitely of their merits, nothing can exceed, in dignity and majesty,
the opening of the First Concerto, nor, for its plaintive sweetness, the
whole of the Third; and that person must have no feeling of the power of
harmony, or the effects of modulation, who can listen to the Eighth
without rapture.
The following further comments on them are from the pen of a sensible
anonymous writer in a periodical work:—“Though they are no longer
calculated to show off the bow and fingers of the principal
violin-player, yet their effect, as symphonies for a numerous orchestra,
is excellent, and never fails to delight the audience. Their melody is
flowing and simple, and of a kind which is independent of the changes of
fashion: the harmony is pure and rich, and the disposition of the parts
judicious and skilful. The Eighth of these Concertos, composed for the
purpose of being performed on Christmas Eve, has probably had more
celebrity than any piece of music that ever was written. It is
exquisitely beautiful, and seems destined to bid defiance to the attacks
of time. The whole is full of profound religious feeling; and the
pastoral sweetness of the movement descriptive of the ‘Shepherds abiding
in the fields,’ has never been surpassed—not even by Handel’s movement
of the same kind in the ‘Messiah.’ If ever this music is thrown aside
and forgotten, it will be the most unequivocal sign of the corruption of
taste, and the decay of music, in England.”
The compositions of Corelli, taken altogether, are celebrated for the
harmony resulting from the union of all the parts; but the fineness of
the airs is another distinguishing characteristic of them. The
Allemande, in the Tenth Solo, is as remarkable for spirit and force, as
that in the Eleventh is for its charming delicacy. His _jigs_ are in a
style peculiarly his own; and that in the Fifth Solo was, perhaps, never
equalled. In the gavot movements, in the Second and Fourth Operas, the
melody is distributed, with great judgment, among the several parts. In
his Minuets alone, he seems to fail; Bononcini, Handel, Haydn, Martini
and others, have excelled him in this kind of air.
The music of Corelli is, generally speaking, the language of nature. It
is equally intelligible to the learned and to the unlearned. Amidst the
numerous innovations which the love of change had introduced, it still
continued to be performed, and was heard with delight in churches, in
theatres, and at public solemnities and festivals, in all the cities of
Europe, for nearly forty years. Persons remembered and would refer to
passages of it, as to a classic author; and, even at this day, the
masters of the science do not hesitate to pronounce, of the compositions
of Corelli, that, for correct harmony, and for elegant modulation, they
are scarcely to be exceeded. Yet there is one deficiency, that should
not be passed over in a review of the compositions of this master: and
it is one that may suggest itself from what has been already said of
him. They want that stirring quality of passion, which ministers so
importantly to the life of a production, whether in the world of music,
of poetry, or of painting. They lose, through this omission, nearly all
the benefits of the principle of contrast, on which effect, in so
material a degree, depends. Their beauties, wanting this relief, are
scarcely able, sometimes, to escape the charge of insipidity. The
absence of intensity in the works of Corelli, seems to be partly a
consequence of the natural character of the man: but it is doubtless
also partly owing to the state of musical taste at that period. There
was little or no melody in instrumental music before his time; and
although, considering how much slow and solemn movements abound in his
works, they display but a slender portion of the true pathetic, yet has
he considerably more grace and elegance in his _Cantilena_, more
vocality of expression, than his predecessors. Indeed, when we recollect
that some of his productions are more than a hundred and fifty years
old, we must regard, with some admiration and astonishment, the healthy
longevity of his fame, which can only be accounted for on the principle
of the ease and simplicity that belong characteristically to his works.
The following summary of the character of Corelli’s music has been given
by Geminiani. Dr. Burney’s remark, that it seems very just, may be very
fairly assented to.—“His merit was not depth of learning, like that of
his contemporary, Alessandro Scarlatti; nor great fancy, nor a rich
_invention_ in melody or harmony; but a nice ear, and most delicate
taste, which led him to select the most _pleasing_ melodies and
harmonies, and to construct the parts so as to produce the most
delightful effect upon the ear.”
An extensive and rapidly diffused impression in favor of the Violin, and
the larger homogeneous instruments, was produced in Europe by the
publication of the works of Corelli, who indeed must be considered as
the author of the greatest improvements which music, simply
instrumental, underwent at the commencement of the 18th century. As a
consequence of the impulse thus communicated, there was scarcely a town
in Italy, about that period, where some distinguished performer on the
violin did not reside. Dr. Burney enumerates about a dozen of these, in
one paragraph; but the apparent similarity of their merits, which does
not encourage any circumstantial commemoration, may serve to bring to
the mind of the classical reader the “fortemque Gyan fortemque
Cloanthum” of Virgil. One of these locally great individuals, Nicola
Cosimo, who came to England about 1702, has derived some little
accession of fame, from the fact of his portrait having been painted by
Kneller, and _coppered_ by Smith. It is probable, that he is now more
known to print-collectors than to musicians, although his _Twelve
Solos_, published in this country, possess considerable merit, for the
time—a merit not free, however, from pretty large obligations to
Corelli.
Don ANTONIO VIVALDI, Chapel-master of the _Conservatorio della Pietà_,
at Venice, seems to have enjoyed, in his day, a popularity of the most
animated and unhesitating kind, both as composer and performer. Besides
a number of dramatic compositions, in the form of Opera, he published
eleven instrumental works, exclusively of his pieces called
_Stravaganze_, which, among flashy players, whose chief merit was the
novelty of rapid execution, occupied the highest place of favor. To be
loud and brisk, appears to have been the chief ambition of this
exhibitor; no bad method of ensuring a predominance of applause in all
“mixed company.” His _Cuckoo Concerto_ was once the wonder and delight
of all frequenters of English country concerts; and Woodcock, one of the
Hereford _Waits_, was sent for, far and near, to perform it. If
Vivaldi’s musical fame were to rest on this production, it would figure
but poorly; for the thing, though reprinted in London a few years ago,
is indeed, when put to the test, “full of sound and fury, signifying
nothing.” It is just of the order of stuff that might serve to agitate
the orchestral elbows in a pantomime. Doubtless, it found a fitting
exponent in “Mr. Woodcock, of the Hereford Waits:” Vivaldi’s _own_
playing must have been too good for it. Of the pieces styled his
_Solos_, it has been critically remarked, that they are extremely tame
and vapid, while the characteristic of his _Concertos_ is a singular
wildness and irregularity, in which he oftentimes transgresses the
bounds both of melody and modulation. Though, in some of his
compositions, the harmony and the artful contexture of the parts are
their least merit, there is one (the eleventh of his first twelve
concertos) which is esteemed a solid and masterly composition, and is an
evidence that the writer possessed a greater portion of skill and
learning than his works in general discover. To account for the
singularity of Vivaldi’s style, it should be observed that he had been
witness to the dull _imitations_ of Corelli that prevailed among the
masters of his time; and that, for the sake of variety, he unfortunately
adopted a style which had little but novelty to recommend it, and could
serve for little else but “to please the itching vein of idle-headed
fashionists.”
The title of Don, prefixed to Vivaldi’s name, was derived from the
_clerical_ character which belonged to him; and he must, indisputably,
have been one of the most lively of priests. Mr. Wright, in his “Travels
through Italy, from 1720 to 1722,” has a passage indicative of this
union of the clerical and musical functions:—“It is very usual to see
priests play in the orchestra. The famous Vivaldi, whom they call the
_Prete Rosso_, very well known among us for his concertos, was a topping
man among them at Venice.”
Vivaldi, together with Albinoni, Alberti, and Tessarini, is to be
classed among the light and irregular troops. For the more disciplined
and efficient forces, we must look to the Roman school, formed by
Corelli, in which were produced the greatest composers and performers
for the violin that Italy could boast, during the first half of the 18th
century.
FRANCESCO GEMINIANI, the ablest of Corelli’s scholars, and who forms one
of the brightest parts in the chain of Violinists
“In linked sweetness long drawn out,”
was born at Lucca, about the year 1680[21]. His first instructions in
music were derived from Alessandro Scarlatti; and his study of the
violin was commenced under Lunati (surnamed Il Gobbo), and completed
under the great archetype, Corelli.
On leaving Rome, where Corelli was then flourishing, Geminiani went to
Naples, preceded by a degree of fame which secured his most favorable
reception, and placed him at the head of the orchestra. If, however, we
are to credit Barbella, the impetuosity of his feelings, and the fire of
his genius, too ardent for his judgment, rendered him, at this period,
so vague and unsteady a _timeist_, that, instead of guiding, combining,
and giving concinnity to the performers under his direction, he
disordered their motions, embarrassed their execution, and, in a word,
threw the whole band into confusion.
In the year 1714, he came to England, where his exquisite powers, as a
solo performer, commanded universal admiration, and excited, among the
nobility and gentry, a contention for the honor of patronising such
rare abilities. The German Baron, Kilmansegge, was then chamberlain to
George the First, as Elector of Hanover, and a great favorite of the
King. To that nobleman Geminiani particularly attached himself, and,
accordingly, dedicated to him his first work—a set of Twelve Sonatas,
published in 1716. The style of these pieces was peculiarly elegant; but
many of the passages were so florid, elaborate and difficult of
execution, that few persons were adequate to their performance; yet all
allowed their extraordinary merit, and many pronounced them superior to
those of Corelli. They had, indeed, such an effect, that it became a
point of eager debate, whether skill in execution, or taste in
composition, constituted the predominant excellence of Geminiani; and so
high was the esteem he enjoyed, among the lovers of instrumental music,
that it is difficult to say, had he duly regarded his interest, to what
extent he might not have availed himself of public and private favor.
Kilmansegge, anxious to procure him a more effective patronage than his
own, represented his merits to the notice of the King, who, looking over
his works, became desirous to hear some of the pieces performed by their
author; and soon after, accompanied, at his own earnest request, by
Handel on the harpsichord, Geminiani so acquitted himself, as at once to
delight his royal auditor, and to give new confirmation of the
superiority of the violin over all other stringed instruments.
In 1726, he arranged Corelli’s first six _Solos_, as _Concertos_; and,
soon after, the last six, but with a success by no means equal to that
which attended the first. He also similarly treated six of the same
composer’s _Sonatas_, and, in some additional _parts_, imitated their
style with an exactitude that at once manifested his flexible ingenuity,
and his judicious reverence for his originals. Encouraged, however, as
he might be considered, by the success of this undertaking, to proceed
in the exercise of his powers, six years elapsed before another work
appeared—when he produced his own first set of _Concertos_; these were
soon followed by a second set; and the merits of these two productions
established his character as an eminent master in that species of
composition. The opening Concerto in the first of these two sets is
distinguished for the charming minuet with which it closes; and the last
Concerto in the second set is esteemed one of the finest compositions
known of its kind.
His second set of Solos (admired more than practised, and practised more
than performed) was printed in 1739: and his third set of Concertos
(laboured, difficult and fantastic), in the year 1741. Soon after this,
he published his long-promised, and once impatiently-expected work,
entitled “_Lo Dizionario Armonico_.” In this work, after giving due
commendation to Lully, Corelli and Bononcini, as having been the first
improvers of instrumental music, he endeavours to refute the idea, that
the vast foundations of universal harmony can be established upon the
narrow and confined modulation of these authors; and makes many remarks
on the uniformity of modulation apparent in the compositions that had
appeared in different parts of Europe for several years previously.
This didactic production possessed many recommendatory qualities; many
combinations, modulations and cadences, calculated to create, and to
advance the science and taste of a _tyro_; but it appeared too late.
Indolence had suffered the influence of his name to diminish, and his
style and ideas (new as, in some respects, they were) to be superseded
by the more fashionable manner, and more novel conceptions, of fresh
candidates for favour and fame.
This work was succeeded by his “_Treatise on Good Taste_,” and his
“_Rules for playing in Good Taste_;” and, in 1748, he brought forward
his “_Art of Playing on the Violin_;” at that time a highly useful work,
and superior to any similar publication extant. It contained the most
minute directions for holding the instrument, and for the use of the
bow; as well as the graces, the various shifts of the hand, and a great
number of applicable examples.
About 1756, Geminiani was struck with a most curious and fantastic idea;
that of a piece, the performance of which should represent to the
imagination all the events in the episode of the thirteenth book of
Tasso’s Jerusalem. It is needless to say, that the chimera was too
extravagant, of attempting to narrate and instruct, describe and inform,
by the vague medium of instrumental sounds. Musical sounds may possibly,
according to a conjecture sometimes entertained, constitute the language
of heaven; but as we, on earth, are possessed of no _key_ to their
meaning in that capacity, we must be content to employ, for our purposes
of intercommunion, the _articulate_, which alone is, to us, the
_definite_.
In 1750, Geminiani went to Paris, where he continued about five years;
after which, he returned to England, and published a new edition of his
first two sets of Concertos. In 1761, he visited Ireland, in order to
spend some time with his favourite and much-attached scholar, Dubourg,
master of the King’s band in Dublin. Geminiani had spent many years in
compiling an elaborate Treatise on Music, which he designed for
publication; but, soon after his arrival in Dublin, by the treachery of
a female servant (who, it has been said, was recommended to him for no
other purpose than that she might steal it), the manuscript was
purloined out of his chamber, and could never afterwards be recovered.
The magnitude of this loss, and his inability to repair it, made a deep
impression on his mind, and seemed to hasten fast his dissolution. He
died at Dublin on the 17th of September, 1762, in the eighty-third year
of his age.[22]
Endowed with feeling, a respectable master of the laws of harmony, and
acquainted with _some_ of the secrets of fine composition, Geminiani can
hardly be said to have been unqualified either to move the soul, or to
gratify the sense: yet truth, after being just to his real deserts, will
affirm that his bass is not uniformly the most select; that his melody
is frequently irregular in its phrase and measure; and that, on the
whole, he is decidedly inferior to Corelli, with whom, by his admirers,
he has been too frequently and too fondly compared.
For what was deficient in his compositions, as well as for what was
unfavourable in his fortune, the unsettled habits of his life, and his
inherent inclination for rambling, may perhaps partly account. His
fondness for pictures (a taste very strongly developed in him) was less
discreetly exercised than it had been by his prototype, Corelli. On the
contrary, to gratify this propensity, he not only suspended his studies,
and neglected his profession, but oftentimes involved himself in
pecuniary embarrassments, which a little prudence and foresight would
have enabled him to avoid. To gratify his taste, he bought pictures;
and, to supply his wants, he sold them. The consequence of this kind of
traffic was loss, and its concomitant, necessity. Under such
circumstances, the concentration of thought, requisite for giving to his
productions the utmost value derivable from the natural powers of his
mind, was almost impossible.
A trait creditable to his character, on a graver score, presents itself
in the following transaction. The place of Master and Composer of the
state-music in Ireland became vacant in the year 1727, and the Earl of
Essex obtained from Sir Robert Walpole, the minister, a promise of it.
He then told Geminiani that his difficulties were at an end, as he had
provided for him a place suited to his profession, which would afford
him an ample provision for life. On enquiry into the conditions of the
office, Geminiani found that it was not tenable by a member of the
Romish communion. He therefore declined accepting, assigning this as a
reason, and at the same time observing that, although he had never made
any great pretensions to religion, yet to renounce that faith in which
he had been first baptized, for the _sake_ of temporal advantages, was
what he could in no way answer for to his conscience. The post was given
to Matthew Dubourg, who had formerly been the pupil of Geminiani, and
whose merits were not excluded by similar grounds for rejection.
LORENZO SOMIS, chapel-master to the King of Sardinia, was recorded in
Italy as an imitator of Corelli, but in a style somewhat modernized,
after the model of Vivaldi.
He printed, at Rome, in 1722, his “_Opera Prima di Sonate à Violino e
Violoncello, o Cembalo_,” the pieces contained in which are much in
Corelli’s manner; some of them with double-stopped fugues, like those of
his model, and some without. Somis was one of the greatest masters of
the violin of his time; but his chief professional honour,—“the pith and
marrow of his attribute,”—is the having formed, among his scholars, such
a performer as Giardini.
STEFANO CARBONELLI, who had studied the violin under Corelli, was one of
the Italian Artists who contributed to diffuse the celebrity of the
instrument in this country. About the year 1720, he was induced by the
Duke of Rutland to come to England, and was received into the house of
that nobleman. During his residence there, he published _Twelve Solos
for a Violin and Bass_, which he frequently played in public with great
applause. In each of the first six of these, there is a double-stopped
fugue; and the rest, it has been observed, have pleasing melodies, with
correct and judicious counterpoint. In the progress of his success in
England, Carbonelli was placed at the head of the opera band, and soon
became celebrated for his excellent performance.
About the year 1725, he quitted the opera orchestra for an employment in
Drury Lane Theatre, where he also led, and frequently played select
concert pieces between the acts. After continuing there some time, he
engaged himself with Handel, as a performer in his oratorios. For
several years, he played at the rehearsal and performance at St. Paul’s,
for the benefit of the Sons of the Clergy.
In the latter part of his life, he in a great measure neglected the
profession of music, having become a merchant, and an importer of wine
from France and Germany. He obtained the place of one of the purveyors
of wine to the King; and died in that employment in the year 1772.
At the time of Carbonelli’s relaxing in his homage to Apollo, for the
sake of becoming a minister of Bacchus, the following lines (which have
been admirably set, for two voices, by Dr. Cooke) were made up for the
occasion:—
Let Rubinelli charm the ear,
And sing, as erst, with voice divine,—
To Carbonelli I adhere;
Instead of music, give me wine!
But yet, perhaps, with wine combin’d,
Soft music may our joys improve;
Let both together, then, be join’d,
And feast we like the gods above![23]
PIETRO LOCATELLI, another of Corelli’s pupils, but one who made the
boldest innovations upon the manner of that great master, and deviated,
exploringly, into remarkable paths of his own, was born at Bergamo,
about 1693. Being still a youth, at the time of Corelli’s decease, and
full of ardent impulses in relation to the art he had embraced,
Locatelli gave way to these, and soon became conspicuous for a boldness
and originality which, even in our own days, would not pass
unacknowledged. He developed new combinations, and made free use of
arpeggios and harmonic sounds. The compositions of this master, as well
as those of Mestrino, who flourished somewhat later, and was the more
graceful of the two in his style of playing, are supposed to have
furnished hints of no small profit to the penetrating genius of
Paganini.
Locatelli died in Holland, in 1764. The crabbed passages in which he
delighted to display his force, are to be found in his work entitled
“Arte di nuova Modulazione,” or, as it is termed in the French editions,
“Caprices Énigmatiques.”
We now approach one of those names on which the biographer may fairly
delight to dwell, for its association not only with the great and
beautiful in art, but with the interesting in personal character, and
the romantic in incident.
GIUSEPPE TARTINI, of Padua, the last great improver (save Viotti) of the
practice of the violin, was born in April, 1692, at Pirano, a sea-port
town in Istria. His father had been ennobled, in recompense of certain
substantial benefactions, exercised towards the Cathedral Church at
Parenza. Giuseppe was originally intended for the law; but, mixing the
more seductive study of music with the other objects of his education,
it soon gained the ascendant over the whole circle of the sister
sciences. This is not so surprising as another strong propensity, which,
during his youth, much fascinated him. This was the love of fencing—an
art not likely to become necessary to the safety or honor of one
possessed of the pious and pacific disposition that belonged to him, and
one engaged, too, in a civil employment: yet he is said, even in this
art, to have equalled the master from whom he received instructions. In
1710, he was sent to the University of Padua, to pursue his studies as a
civilian; but, before he was twenty, having committed the sin of
sacrificing prudence to love, in a match which he entered into without
the parental _fiat_, he was forsaken, in return, and reduced to wander
about in search of an asylum. This, after many hardships, he found in a
convent at Assisi, where he was received by a monk, his relative, who,
commiserating his misfortunes, let him remain there till something
better might be done for him. While thus secluded and sorrowful, he took
up the violin, to “manage it against despairing thoughts”—an expedient
which the devotion of his soul to music must have lent some efficacy to.
Not only his solace, but, by a singular turn of fortune, his rescue
also, was connected with his violin. On a certain great festival, when
he was in the orchestra of the convent, he was discovered, through the
accident of a remarkably high wind, which, forcing open the doors of the
church, blew aside the orchestral curtain, and exposed all the
performers to the sight of the congregation. His recognition, under
these circumstances, by a Paduan acquaintance, led to the accommodation
of differences; and he then settled with his wife, for some time, at
Venice[24]. This lady proved to be of that particular race which has
never been wholly extinct since the time of Xantippe; but as,
fortunately, poor Tartini was more than commonly Socratic in wisdom,
virtue and patience, her reign was unmolested by any domestic war, or
useless opposition to her supremacy.
His residence at Venice was rendered memorable to him, by the arrival of
the celebrated Veracini (the younger) in that city. The performance of
this “homme marquant” awakened a vivid emulation in Tartini, who, though
he was acknowledged to have a powerful hand, had never heard a great
player before, nor conceived it possible for the _bow_ to possess such
varied capabilities for energy and expression. Under this feeling, he
quitted Venice with prompt decision, and proceeded to Ancona, in order
to study the use of the bow in greater tranquillity and with more
convenience than at Venice, as he had a place assigned him in the
operatic orchestra, of that city. In the same year (1714), his studious
application enabled him to make a discovery—that of the phenomenon of
the _third sound_—which created a great sensation in the musical world,
both in his own time and long afterwards, though it has led to no
important practical results. This phenomenon of the third sound is the
sympathetic resonance of a third note, when the two upper notes of a
chord are sounded. Thus, if two parts are sung in thirds, a sensitive
ear will feel the simultaneous impression of a bass or lower part. This
effect may be more distinctly heard, if a series of consecutive thirds
be played on the violin perfectly in tune. “If you do not hear the
bass,” said Tartini to his pupils, “the thirds or sixths which you are
playing are not perfect in the intonation[25].” This mysterious
sympathy, by which sound is enabled to call up a fellowship of sound,
may be fancifully expressed in a line from the old poet, Drayton:—
“One echo makes another to rejoice!”