CHAPTER VII.

THE DARKNESS THICKENS.

Azariah had read the signs of the times aright. The darker days had come,

days so full of trouble that the unhappy people looked back to the past

that had seemed so sad and gloomy as to a time of rest. Things had not

been going well with King Antiochus, for the Romans had driven him out of

Egypt, and in his rage and fear he turned against his Jewish subjects with

greater ferocity than ever. One of his motives was the brutal desire to

wreak upon the feeble the vengeance which he could not exact from the

strong; the other was a genuine fear lest he should lose another province

as he had already lost Egypt. He saw that the policy of Rome was to stir

up against him the national spirit of subject peoples, and he knew well

enough that in the Jews, crushed though they had been by oppression and

massacre, this national spirit was not by any means dead. Accordingly he

set himself with relentless ferocity to extinguish it. Everything

distinctive of the people was to be rooted out; that done they might

become really submissive; there would be no more a land of the Jews, but

simply a province of Southern Syria.

The first thing, he conceived, would be to strike such terror into the

hearts of the people that there should be no thought among them of

resistance. For such a purpose nothing could be more effective than

another massacre such as that which had already been perpetrated two years

before under his own eyes: only this, he determined, should be more

complete. He perceived with a devilish ingenuity that his orders would be

more relentlessly carried out if he entrusted their execution to some one

else, than if he were personally present. Appeals might be made to him to

which he might yield out of sheer weariness, whereas a lieutenant, if he

were only hard-hearted enough, would simply fall back upon the orders

which he had received, and refuse all responsibility save that of seeing

that these were fully carried out.

Such a lieutenant he knew that he possessed in the person of a certain

Apollonius, a Cretan mercenary, who had already given proofs enough that

he was about as little troubled as any man could be with a conscience or

with feelings of compassion. To Apollonius, accordingly, the commission

was entrusted, and he proceeded to execute it in a particularly brutal and

treacherous way.

He marched to Jerusalem, taking with him a picked force of some five

thousand men—picked, it may be said, quite as much for their unscrupulous

and ferocious character, as for their strength and skill in arms. There

would have been, in any case, little chance of resistance, but, to make

his task the easier of accomplishment, he had so timed his coming that he

approached the city two or three hours before the end of the Sabbath.

Secret orders had been sent to Philip, the Phrygian, that he was to relax

the severity of his rule; and the people had begun to breathe again after

a long period of repression. The Temple was still shut, or virtually shut,

but the synagogues were open, and were indeed frequented by throngs of

fervent worshippers.

It wanted a couple of hours to sunset when the news ran through the city

that an armed force was approaching the walls. The first feeling aroused

by the tidings was naturally one of alarm. The appearance of the soldiers,

however, was such as to disarm all apprehensions. In the first place they

were more like a crowd of men who happened to be carrying arms than an

army. They were not marching in ranks, or indeed keeping any kind of

order. A multitude of country-folk could be seen mingled among them,

soldiers and civilians walking side by side in the most friendly and

unconstrained fashion. Some of the new comers recognized old acquaintances

among the townsfolk, and introduced their comrades to them; and though

some of the sterner sort stood rigidly aloof, there were quite enough

among the inhabitants of Jerusalem to give the visitors a general welcome.

Apollonius himself, a conspicuous figure as he rode on his white charger

up and down the streets of the city, was noticeably busy in renewing old

acquaintanceships and making new ones.

And then in a moment the whole scene was changed. A soldier and a citizen

were standing on the wall, talking and laughing together, and that in a

place where they could be seen by all observers. Suddenly, without there

having been even the slightest sign of a quarrel, the soldier was seen to

plunge his sword into the side of his companion. It was a preconcerted

signal. The wretched inhabitants, who would have been defenceless in any

case, were taken absolutely off their guard, and had but slender chances

of escape. How many hundreds, possibly thousands, perished cannot be

guessed. But the massacre was more general, more pitiless than that which

had devastated the city two years before. Apollonius’s “picked” men showed

themselves altogether worthy of his choice, so brutal and bloodthirsty

were they. And Apollonius himself was to be seen everywhere urging his men

to make short work with these “pestilent Jews,” as he called them, and not

unfrequently striking a blow himself. He earned on that day such hatred

that thereafter there was not to be found a Jew, save among the vilest

renegades and traitors, but uttered a curse when his name was mentioned.

Of course the soldiers had to be paid for their bloody day’s work, and

they were paid by the plunder of the city. The houses were stripped, and

the plunderers, when they had carried away everything that had roused

their cupidity, often, out of sheer wantonness, completed the work of

devastation, by setting fire to the desolated houses. Altogether Jerusalem

presented such a spectacle as had not been seen since the days of the

Babylonian conquest.

The spirit of the people having been, as it would seem, thus effectually

broken for the present, it remained to provide against its possible

revival in the future.

Long gaps were made in the line of wall, so long that it took not a few

days to make them, and would certainly require as many weeks to repair.

The town thus made defenceless was further overawed by the erection of a

fort in the City of David, this fort being held by a strong garrison of

Greeks and Asiatic mercenaries.

The means of repression thus provided, the next thing was to extinguish

all that was characteristic of the national life. First, the great centre

of that life, the Temple, was formally desecrated. Already it had been

subjected to such indignities that the pious Jew could scarcely bear to

enter its precincts. But the final horror, the “abomination of

desolation,” was yet to come. On the 15th of the month Chisleu (December)

an altar of a Greek pattern, and consecrated to the Olympian Zeus, was

placed on the great altar of sacrifice, and ten days afterwards a huge sow

was slaughtered on this. Her blood, caught after the Greek fashion in a

bowl, was sprinkled on the altar of incense and on the mercy-seat within

the Holy of Holies—a hideous mockery of the sprinkling which the Law

enjoined to be performed once in every year. From the animal’s flesh a

mess of broth was prepared, and this was sprinkled on the copies of the

Law. The Temple, thus dishonoured, was as if it had ceased to be.

The meeting-houses, in which, as we have seen, the people had found a

substitute for the Temple worship, were summarily closed. An edict was

issued commanding that every one who possessed a copy of the Law, or of

any one of the sacred books, should give it up without loss of time. To

call in cupidity to the aid of fear in enforcing this edict, the King’s

officers were instructed to pay a reasonable price for the manuscripts

thus produced. It was made a capital offence to read or to recite any part

of the proscribed writings. Then the practice of circumcision was

forbidden. Death was to be the penalty for all who should take any part in

performing this rite—for the circumciser, the mother, the father, even the

babe itself.

And then to the policy of repression Antiochus added the policy of bribery

and temptation. Their own worship forbidden, the Jews were to be allured

by the seductions of the worship of their masters. Hitherto little had

been done in this way. Insults indeed, had been heaped upon the people;

but little attempt had been made to attract them. The Temple gates, closed

for more than a year, were again thrown open; and the courts, long silent,

resounded with the mirth of sacrificial banquets and the gaiety of

festivals. Not only all the splendours, but all the impure pleasures of

heathen worship were called in to assist the attempt that was being made

to sap what was left of the faith of the people.

Antiochus, who, for all his wrath at Jewish obstinacy, could not help

feeling a certain respect for it, took the trouble to send among the

people a missionary, if he may be so called, who was to instruct them in

the new religion which their King was so anxious to impose upon them.

Theopompus, or Athenæus, to use the name which was commonly given him from

his birthplace, was a follower of the philosophy of Epicurus. He had held

a subordinate post, as lecturer in geometry, in the famous school of the

Garden, but had found his modest income insufficient to meet his somewhat

expensive tastes. If he had had but a tolerable competence, Athenæus would

have made an ideal Epicurean. He was devoted to pleasure, but there was

nothing unseemly or extravagant about his devotion. For the foolish people

who ruined their constitutions and emptied their purses by exhausting

excesses he had a genuine contempt. “Give me,” he would say, “a decent

sufficiency of ‘outside things,’ and I am content.” As he had a fair

smattering of culture, and a real acquaintance with geometry, and had a

venerable appearance which happily hit the mean between hilarity and

austerity, he might have been, but for a chronic want of money, a real

success among the somewhat _dilettante_ philosophers of Athens. But

circumstances were against him. Poverty did not ill become an Academic,

and positively set off a Stoic; but an Epicurean seemed to have missed his

vocation if he could not be always handsomely dressed and able to give

elegant entertainments to his friends. Athenæus, who liked above all

things to be on good terms both with himself and with every one else, felt

this very acutely, and he was proportionately delighted when the Syrian

King proposed to him that he should go as a teacher, not without a

handsome salary, of Greek religion and Greek culture.

His success was not encouraging. In the first place he had a difficulty in

making himself understood. The pure Attic Greek on which he prided himself

was strange to the ears of his new audience, and he could not bring

himself to descend to the barbarous dialect to which they were accustomed.

And when he was seriously called to account in the matter of his belief he

found himself involved in difficulties from which he saw no way of escape.

At Athens religion was politely ignored. The common people must, of

course, have their gods and goddesses; and the wise man, if he were

prudent, would say nothing—anyhow in public—to disturb their belief; but

within the privileged walls of the schools the names of Zeus and Athené

and Apollo were never so much as mentioned, except, perhaps, in the course

of some antiquarian discussion.

Among his new disciples, as he would fain have reckoned them, Athenæus

found a very different temper. They were terribly in earnest; abstractions

and phrases did not satisfy them; they pushed their questions home in a

very perplexing way.

One day at the conclusion of a lecture, the customary invitation to the

audience to put any questions that might occur to them was accepted by a

young man who sat on one of the front benches.

“I would ask you, venerable sir,” he said, “some questions about the gods

of your religion.”

“Speak on,” replied Athenæus, with his usual courtesy; “I shall be

delighted to satisfy you to the best of my power.”

“Are we to believe the stories that are told us in this book?” and he held

up, as he spoke, a little volume of popular mythology, filled from

beginning to end with tales that, to say the least, were not edifying.

“For, if these be true, these divine beings were such as would be banished

from the society of all honest men and women. They are thieves,

adulterers, murderers. It would be a thousand times better to have no gods

at all than such as these.”

“You are right, sir,” said the lecturer; “these stories are for the

ignorant only, at least in their outward meaning, though they have an

inner meaning also, which I will take some fitting occasion to expound.

But not such are the gods whom we worship.”

“Will you tell us something of them?” continued the questioner.

“Willingly, for they are such that the wisest of men need not be ashamed

of them. They dwell in some remote region, serene and happy. Wrath they

feel not, nor sorrow, nor any of the passions that disturb the souls of

men.”

“And do they care for our doings upon earth?”

“How so? They neither love nor hate; and both they must do, I take it, did

they concern themselves with human affairs.”

“What profit, then, is there in them? How are men the better for their

being?”

“That I know not; only that it is part of the order of things that they

must be.”

“Far be it from me,” exclaimed the young Jew, “to exchange for such idle

existences the God of my fathers! He may smite us in His anger till we are

well-nigh consumed, but at least He cares for us. He led our fathers

through the sea and through the wilderness in the days of old. He has

spoken to us by the prophets, and He has made His Presence to be seen in

His Temple; and though He has hidden His face from us for a time, yet He

will repent Him of His wrath, and devise the means by which He shall

recall His banished unto Him. No, we will not change our God for yours!”

A loud murmur of assent went round the benches when the speaker sat down,

and Athenæus felt that he had made but small way with his audience.

Finding his theology and philosophy but ill received, Athenæus bethought

him of what seemed a more hopeful method of proselytizing. Could not a

specially powerful attraction be found in the festival of Dionysus, the

wine-god? Vintage feasts, he reflected, are common to every country where

wine is produced, and it would not be difficult to ingraft the Greek

characteristics on a celebration to which the Jews were already

accustomed. Some of the less scrupulous might be tempted to take part in

such a festival, a beginning would be made, and more would follow in due

time. How the scheme prospered will be told in the next chapter.

The Hammer: A Story of the Maccabean Times · 第 7 / 33 章