claim our rights, and upon that ground they have already been
conceded by the Declaration of Independence, in that first great
and immutable truth which is proclaimed in that instrument, "that
all men are created equal," and that therefore all are entitled
to "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness." Our claims are based upon that
great and immutable truth, the rights of all humanity. For is
woman not included in that phrase, "all men are created free and
equal"? Is she not included in that expression? Tell us, ye men
of the nation, ay, ye wise law-makers and law-breakers of the
nation, whether woman is not included in that great Declaration
of Independence? And if she is, what right has man to deprive her
of her natural and inalienable rights? It is natural, it is
inherent, it is inborn, it is a thing of which no one can justly
deprive her. Upon that just and eternal basis do we found our
claims for our rights; political, civil, legal, social,
religious, and every other.
But, at the outset, we claim our equal political rights with man,
not only from that portion of the Declaration of Independence,
but from another, equally well-established principle in this
country, that "taxation and representation are inseparable."
Woman, everybody knows, is taxed; and if she is taxed, she ought
to be represented.
I will simply here throw out a statement of these principles upon
which our claims are based; and I trust each separate resolution
will be taken up by this Convention, fully canvassed and
commented upon, so as to show it not only an abstract right, but
a right which can be wisely made practical.
Again, it is acknowledged in this country, and it is eternally
true, that "all the just powers of government are derived from
the consent of the governed." If so, then, as woman is a subject
of government, she ought to have a voice in enacting the laws. If
her property is taxed to maintain government, she ought to have a
voice in forming that government. If she has to pay taxes to
maintain government, she ought to have a voice in saying how
those taxes shall be applied.
On these grounds we make our claims, on natural, humane, eternal,
and well-recognized laws and principles of this republic. On
these grounds we ask man to meet us, and meet us in the spirit of
inquiry, in the spirit of candor and honesty, as rational human
beings ought to meet each other, face to face, and adduce
arguments, if they can, to convince us that we are not included
in that great Declaration of Independence; that although it is a
right principle that taxation and representation are inseparable,
yet woman ought to be taxed, and ought not to be represented; and
that although it is an acknowledged principle that all just power
of government is derived from the consent of the governed, yet
woman should be governed without her consent. Let them meet us
fairly and openly; let them meet us like rational men, men who
appreciate their own freedom, and we will hear them. If they can
convince us that we are wrong, we will give up our claims; but if
we can convince them that we are right in claiming our rights, as
they are in claiming theirs, then we expect them in a spirit of
candor and honesty to acknowledge it.
Joseph Dugdale read several letters, which, as usual, seemed to be
something of a bore to the audience. When he finished, Lucretia Mott
suggested that if there were any more lengthy epistles to be read, it
would be well for the secretaries to look them over, and omit all that
in their wisdom might not be worth reading.
Lucy Stone, from the Business Committee, read a series of
resolutions,[70] and as some one from the audience called, "Louder!"
she remarked that if ladies would keep their bonnets tied down over
their ears, they must not ask others to find lungs of sufficient power
to penetrate the heavy pasteboard and millinery over them. She spoke
briefly on the resolutions, and the steadily increasing interest in
the subject of woman's rights.
Hannah Tracy Cutler gave a report of Illinois, Frances Dana Gage of
Missouri, and Susan B. Anthony of New York.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, of Massachusetts, said he had a matter of
business to present. Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis being too ill to attend
the Convention, Mr. Higginson read a letter from her sister, Mary K.
Spaulding, suggesting the establishment of a newspaper in the city of
New York as "the national organ" of the Woman's Rights movement. He
doubted the wisdom of such a step, and after setting forth the expense
of a central organ and the great danger of its creating a schism, he
offered the following resolutions:
_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Convention it is not
expedient, at present, to establish a newspaper as The National
Organ of the Woman's Rights Movement.
_Resolved_, That it is expedient to appoint a Committee who shall
provide for the preparation and publication, in widely circulated
journals, facts and arguments relating to the cause.
Mrs. MOTT approved of the resolutions, and said they had arrived
at a similar conclusion in the Syracuse Convention; she fully
concurred in the views of Mr. Higginson.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON replied, that if organization for any good
cause be right, it was right for this. Every reform movement
needs an organ of its own. And this cause needs a paper of the
most radical character; that shall make no compromises with
popular prejudices; far above the paralyzing influences of Church
and State.
Mrs. MOTT said she did not oppose organization, but was in favor
of individual freedom and responsibility. _The Liberator_, Mr.
Garrison's paper, has done far more good than _The Anti-Slavery
Standard_, the organ of the Anti-Slavery movement.
Mr. GARRISON said _The Liberator_ was not simply an anti-slavery
paper, but an advocate of general reform.
Remarks were made on this point by Elizabeth Paxton, Susan H. Cox,
George P. Davis, and George Sunter, of Canada.
LUCY STONE advocated the resolutions; her experience in the
anti-slavery cause had taught her a lesson of wisdom for this
movement. We are rich in principle and enthusiasm, but not in
silver and gold, and therefore should avoid taking on our
shoulders a national organ. Widely circulated journals are now
open to us, in which we can express our opinions with freedom and
without expense. There is nothing so strong as individual purpose
and freedom to carry it out. The papers established by Mrs.
Davis and Mrs. Bloomer are good, and she hoped the friends would
give generously to their support.
The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
of New York; Paulina Wright Davis, of Rhode Island; Thomas Wentworth
Higginson and Lucy Stone, of Massachusetts; and Oliver Johnson, of New
York, were appointed as the Committee to superintend the work.
LUCY STONE said she had a new item of business to propose. She
knew that those who came to these Conventions went away feeling
stronger and better. She held in her hand a pamphlet containing
five tracts; one from Wendell Phillips, one from Theodore Parker,
one from _The Westminster Review_, by Mrs. John Stuart Mill, one
from Mr. Higginson, and last, but not least, one from Mrs. C. I.
H. Nichols, which should be distributed. They were able papers,
and all interested in the movement should exert themselves to
circulate them. The people only wanted light.
Another mode of disseminating the principles was by stories
illustrating the wrongs of women under the present laws. The
right of a woman to what she earns; to the custody of her person;
to the guardianship of her children, and all of her other rights,
should be illustrated in fiction. Prizes should be offered for
the best stories upon these subjects. She pledged herself to
raise $500 for the purpose. She pointed to "Uncle Tom's Cabin" to
show what fiction could accomplish, and trusted that action would
be taken upon the subject before the Convention adjourned.
Mr. GARRISONarose to say "ditto to Lucy Stone." In regard to
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," it was known that Mrs. Stowe was induced to
write it from a request of Dr. Bailey, of _The National Era_, to
write a story for his paper. And he thought that such an offer
might now call forth something to aid the cause of woman. He
praised the tracts to which Miss Stone alluded.
The PRESIDENT appointed Wendell Phillips, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
and Mary Channing Higginson, the Committee on prize tracts.[71]
Mrs. TRACY CUTLER read an invitation from the Female Medical
College for the members of the Convention to visit that
institution and attend its lectures, and took the opportunity to
compliment Philadelphia as being the first city, not only in the
United States, but in the world, to establish a Medical College
for Women.
Dr. ANN PRESTON gave an interesting report of The Woman's Medical
College; of all the persecutions women had encountered in
securing a medical education and entering that profession. She
noted the signs of a growing liberality with satisfaction.
The Rev. HENRY GREW, of Philadelphia, then appeared upon the
platform, and said he was sorry to differ from the general tone
of the speakers present, but he felt it to be his duty to give
his views on the questions under consideration. His opinions as
to woman's rights and duties were based on the Scriptures. He
quoted numerous texts to show that it was clearly the will of God
that man should be superior in power and authority to woman; and
asserted that no lesson is more plainly and frequently taught in
the Bible, than woman's subjection.
Mrs. CUTLER replied at length, and skillfully turned every text
he had quoted directly against the reverend gentleman, to the
great amusement of the audience. She showed that man and woman
were a simultaneous creation, with equal power and glory on their
heads, and that dominion over the fowl of the air, the fish of
the sea, and every creeping thing on the earth was given to them,
and not to man alone. The time has come for woman to read and
interpret Scripture for herself; too long have we learned God's
will from the lips of man and closed our eyes on the great book
of nature, and the safer teaching of our own souls. It is a pity
that those who would recommend the Bible as the revealed will of
the all-wise and benevolent Creator, should uniformly quote it on
the side of tyranny and oppression. I think we owe it to our
religion and ourselves to wrest it from such hands, and proclaim
the beautiful spirit breathed through all its commands and
precepts, instead of dwelling so much on isolated texts that have
no application to our day and generation.
Mrs. MOTT said: It is not Christianity, but priestcraft that has
subjected woman as we find her. The Church and State have been
united, and it is well for us to see it so. We have had to bear
the denunciations of these reverend (irreverend) clergymen, as in
New York, of late. But if we look to their authority to see how
they expound the text, quite likely we shall find a new reading.
Why, when John Chambers returned to Philadelphia from the World's
Temperance Convention at New York, he gave notice that he would
give an address, and state the rights of woman as defined by the
Bible. Great allowance has been made by some of the speakers in
this Convention, on account of his ignorance, and certainly this
was charitable. But I heard this discourse. I heard him bring up
what is called the Apostolic prohibition, and the old Eastern
idea of the subjection of wives; but he kept out of view some of
the best ideas in the Scriptures.
Blame is often attached to the position in which woman is found.
I blame her not so much as I pity her. So circumscribed have been
her limits that she does not realize the misery of her condition.
Such dupes are men to custom that even servitude, the worst of
ills, comes to be thought a good, till down from sire to son it
is kept and guarded as a sacred thing. Woman's existence is
maintained by sufferance. The veneration of man has been
misdirected, the pulpit has been prostituted, the Bible has been
ill-used. It has been turned over and over as in every reform.
The temperance people have had to feel its supposed
denunciations. Then the anti-slavery, and now this reform has
met, and still continues to meet, passage after passage of the
Bible, never intended to be so used. Instead of taking the truths
of the Bible in corroboration of the right, the practice has
been, to turn over its pages to find example and authority for
the wrong, for the existing abuses of society. For the usage of
drinking wine, the example of the sensualist Solomon, is always
appealed to. In reference to our reform, even admitting that Paul
did mean preach, when he used that term, he did not say that the
recommendation of that time was to be applicable to the churches
of all after-time. We have been so long pinning our faith on
other people's sleeves that we ought to begin examining these
things daily ourselves, to see whether they are so; and we should
find on comparing text with text, that a very different
construction might be put upon them. Some of our early Quakers
not seeing how far they were to be carried, became Greek and
Hebrew scholars, and they found that the text would bear other
translations as well as other constructions. All Bible
commentators agree that the Church of Corinth, when the apostle
wrote, was in a state of great confusion. They fell into
discussion and controversy; and in order to quiet this state of
things and bring the Church to greater propriety, the command was
given out that women should keep silence, and it was not
permitted them to speak, except by asking questions at home. In
the same epistle to the same Church, Paul gave express directions
how women shall prophesy, which he defines to be preaching,
"speaking to men," for "exhortation and comfort." He recognized
them in prophesying and praying. The word translated servant, is
applied to a man in one part of the Scripture, and in another it
is translated minister. Now that same word you will find might be
applied to Phebe, a deaconess. That text was quoted in the sermon
of John Chambers, and he interlarded it with a good many of his
ideas, that women should not be goers abroad, and read among
other things "that their wives were to be teachers." But properly
translated would be "deaconesses."
It is not so Apostolic to make the wife subject to the husband as
many have supposed. It has been done by law and public opinion
since that time. There has been a great deal said about sending
missionaries over to the East to convert women who are immolating
themselves on the funeral pile of their husbands. I know this may
be a very good work, but I would ask you to look at it. How many
women are there now immolated upon the shrine of superstition and
priestcraft, in our very midst, in the assumption that man only
has a right to the pulpit, and that if a woman enters it she
disobeys God; making woman believe in the misdirection of her
vocation, and that it is of divine authority that she should be
thus bound. Believe it not, my sisters. In this same epistle the
word "prophesying" should be "preaching"--"preaching godliness,"
etc. On the occasion of the first miracle which it is said Christ
wrought, a woman went before Him and said, "Whatsoever he biddeth
you do, that do." The woman of Samaria said, "Come and see the
man who told me all the things that ever I did."
These things are worthy of note. I do not want to dwell too much
upon Scripture authority. We too often bind ourselves by
authorities rather than by the truth. We are infidel to truth in
seeking examples to overthrow it. The very first act of note that
is mentioned when the disciples and apostles went forth after
Jesus was removed from them, was the bringing up of an ancient
prophecy to prove that they were right in the position they
assumed on that occasion, when men and women were gathered
together on the holy day of Pentecost, when every man heard and
saw those wonderful works which are recorded. Then Peter stood
forth--some one has said that Peter made a great mistake in
quoting the prophet Joel--but he stated that "the time is come,
this day is fulfilled the prophecy, when it is said, I will pour
out my spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters
shall prophesy," etc.--the language of the Bible is beautiful in
its repetition--"upon my servants and my handmaidens I will pour
out my spirit and they shall prophesy." Now can anything be
clearer than that?
Rev. HENRY GREW again quoted Scripture in reply to Mrs. Mott, and
said the coming of Christ into the world did not restore man and
woman to the original condition of our first parents. If the
position assumed by the women be true, then must the Divine Word
from Genesis to Revelation be set aside as untrue, that woman may
be relieved from the, perhaps, unfortunate limitations that hold
her back in this age of progress.
Mr. HIGGINSON related a story of an old Methodist clergyman who
by chance stepped into a Quaker meeting where he heard a woman
speaking, which so shocked him that he thought Anti-Christ was
now bound to rule. He went home sad. He had four daughters, one
of whom, at the age of sixteen, in a few minutes opened the eyes
of his understanding after he had groped in darkness a long time,
by showing him a passage in the Testament describing a friend of
Paul's at Phillippi, who had four daughters that prophesied. This
girl referred her father to the Greek Testament, and showed him
that the original word, properly translated, means to preach
instead of to prophesy. Before we resort to Scriptural texts we
should be careful to ascertain that they are right, or all
arguments founded on them must fall.
Mr. GREW did not consider that the story of the four daughters
invalidated his position.
Mr. GARRISON said: Consulting the Bible for opinions as to
woman's rights, is of little importance to the majority of this
Convention. We have gone over the whole ground, and placed our
cause upon the decrees of nature. We _know_ that man and woman
are equal in the sight of God. We know that texts and books are
of no importance, and have no taste for the discussion of dry
doctrinal points.
But with the American people the case is different. The masses
believe the Bible directly from God; that it decrees the
inequality of the sexes; and that settles the question. There is
no doubt that there are many persons connected with the
Protestant churches who would be with the movement were it not
for the supposed Bible difficulty. They shudder at anything they
think against the Bible, as against the will of God. Take away
this incubus, and these persons would experience a change in
their views; they would be with us.
In regard to Mr. Grew, Mr. G. said he had long known him and
loved him. He was a man of purity and charity, and he was glad he
had given his views. Yet this kindly man did not stand upon a
solid foundation.
Why go to the Bible to settle this question? As a nation, we have
practically ignored the Bible. The assertion of the equality and
inalienability of the rights of man, in the Declaration of
Independence, includes the whole of the human race. He would
never attempt to prove to an American the right of any man to
liberty. He asserted the fact; and considered that in holding
slaves while they proclaimed liberty to all men, the American
people were hypocrites and tyrants. Mr. Grew goes to St. Paul to
prove that woman is not equal to man. Why go to the Bible? What
question was ever settled by the Bible? What question of theology
or any other department? None that I ever heard of! With this
same version of the Bible, and the same ability to read it, we
find that it has filled all Christendom with theological
confusion. All are Ishmaelites; each man's hand against his
neighbor.
The human mind is greater than any book. The mind sits in
judgment on every book. If there be truth in the book, we take
it; if error, we discard it. Why refer this to the Bible? In this
country, the Bible has been used to support slavery and capital
punishment; while in the old countries, it has been quoted to
sustain all manner of tyranny and persecution. All reforms are
anti-Bible. We must look at all things rationally. We find women
endowed with certain capacities, and it is of no importance if
any book denies her such capacities. Would Mr. Grew say that
woman can not preach, in the face of such a preacher as LUCRETIA
MOTT?
Mrs. MOTT begged leave to substitute friend Grew's own daughter,
Mary Grew, who has already spoken on this platform!! and said,
Mr. Grew himself does not take all the Bible as inspiration, in
which most of the speakers concurred. She expressed her
attachment to the Scriptures, and said many excellent lessons
could be learned from them. She showed the misinterpretations of
the texts quoted by Mr. Grew and others against the equality of
the sexes. Mr. Grew does not take the Bible for his guide,
altogether. Mrs. Mott then quoted St. Paul in regard to marriage,
and said: Why in opposition to that text has Mr. Grew married a
second time? It was because he did not really believe that the
Scriptures were entirely inspired.
EMMA R. COE made a few remarks on the position of the clergy
generally toward this reform, the most beneficent in its results
of any, man has ever yet been called upon to consider. We often
hear it remarked that woman owes so much to Christianity. It can
not be the Christianity that the clergy have proclaimed on our
platform. From them we hear only of woman's degradation and
subjection. We have certainly nothing to be thankful for if such
are the principles Christ came into the world to declare; the
subjection of one-half of the race to the other half, as far as
we are concerned, is no improvement upon the religions of all
nations and ages.
At the close of this protracted discussion on the Bible position of
woman, the following resolutions, presented by Mr. Garrison, were
unanimously adopted:
_Resolved_, That while remembering and gladly acknowledging the
exceptional cases which exist to the contrary, we feel it a duty
to declare in regard to the sacred cause which has brought us
together, that the most determined opposition it encounters is
from the clergy generally, whose teachings of the Bible are
intensely inimical to the equality of woman with man.
_Resolved_, That whatever any book may teach, the rights of no
human being are dependent upon or modified thereby, but are
equal, absolute, essential, inalienable in the person of every
member of the human family, without regard to sex, race, or
clime.
JOHN SIDNEY JONES made a few remarks on the monopoly of the
pulpit.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY wished to remind the friends, before separating,
of one practical measure to be considered in the advancement of
our noble enterprise. For the purpose of holding Conventions,
circulating tracts and petitions, giving prizes for good stories,
supporting newspapers and agents, the first great requisite is
money, and I hope every one present will contribute generously to
help us carry on this grand reform.
Mr. GARRISON seconded Miss Anthony's demand for "the sinews of
war." He said we Americans are a theoretical people, and we are
also a practical people. If the women intend to knock at the door
of every State house to demand their rights, the question must
be argued in a practical way with facts and statistics.
When I undertook to have the gallows abolished in Massachusetts,
I asked the Committee of the Legislature if they wanted a certain
number of Bible texts quoted on each side of the question, they
said, "No, we want facts and statistics; we do not ask the
opinions of Moses and Aaron on this point, but the result of
human experience in the punishment of crime." So in this case;
Legislatures will not ask for nor appreciate Bible arguments;
they will ask for facts as to woman's achievements in education,
industry, and practical usefulness.
JOSEPH DUGDALE, whose special concern always seemed to be the
action of dead men on this question, said it had been his fortune
to be present at the making of the last wills and testaments of
many men, and he never knew of a case where a dying husband would
practically admit that his wife was his equal. He stated a case
in which a husband of his acquaintance proposed to leave a large
property, the inheritance and accumulation of his wife's labors,
to _her_ as long as she remained his widow, and then to divide it
among _his_ family relatives. And yet this husband claimed to
have great admiration and affection for this woman whom he would
deliberately rob of her inheritance from her own father. The
magnanimity of man passes all understanding!
Mrs. PRINCE, a colored woman, invoked the blessing of God upon
the noble women engaged in this enterprise, and said she
understood woman's wrongs better than woman's rights, and gave
some of her own experiences to illustrate the degradation of her
sex in slavery. On a voyage to the West Indies the vessel was
wrecked, and she was picked up and taken to New Orleans. Going up
the Mississippi she saw the terrible suffering of a cargo of
slaves on board, and on the plantations along the shores. On her
return voyage, attached to the steamboat was a brig containing
several hundred slaves, among them a large number of young
quadroon girls with infants in their arms as fair as any lady in
this room.
MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE spoke at length of the brilliant record of
women in the past in every department of human activity--in art,
science, literature, invention; of their heroism and patriotism
in time of war, and their industry and endurance in many equally
trying emergencies in time of peace. Woman has so fully proved
her equality with man in every position she has filled, that it
is too late now for clergymen on our platform to remand us to the
subjection of the women of Corinth centuries ago. We have learned
too well the lessons of liberty taught in our revolution to
accept now the position of slaves.
Mrs. TRACY CUTLER: It would appear, after all, that we women are
placed pretty much in the condition of the veriest slave. We must
prove our own humanity by exhibiting our skill in work. We must
bring forth our own samples; put them, as it were, on the
auction-block, and thus make our claim to equality of rights a
matter of dollars and cents. Is it here only that woman can touch
man's sympathy? She then described the degraded condition of
women in Europe, and particularly in London, where poverty and
the tyranny of man have driven women to despair, until they were
forced to prostitute their own bodies to procure bread. This
vice, horribly revolting as it is, seems to go hand in hand with
intemperance. She did not wish women to go into the field to be
yoked with mules, or to turn scavenger, to pick up rags and
crusts in the streets to carry home in their aprons. Men bring
the elements to their aid, and we wish women to do the same. She
then adverted to the difference in the labor of the kitchen and
other pursuits open to women. Let the printer advertise for two
girls to set type, and a hundred applications will be made, while
women for the kitchen are very scarce. The reason for this is,
that all other kinds of work are better paid. When woman's labor
is justly remunerated and equally respected in all departments of
industry, there will be no such difference in the supply of help
for the factory, shop, and kitchen.
FRANCES D. GAGE said: The reason why the work of the kitchen is
looked upon as degrading, is because the girl is never taken by
the hand. Where are your philanthropic ladies who assist her?
Where is she to go when her work is done? Does she sit in the
same room with you? Does she eat at the same table? No, to your
shame, she is confined to the basement and the garret. It is not
so much because the pay for kitchen labor is not so good, as it
is chiefly because of the public opinion that they are employed
to _serve_. It is true that there are many who will take a
quarter off the wages of a girl to put a new bow on their own
bonnets. The men are not to be blamed for this; they have enough
sins to answer for.
Mrs. COE said: It would afford women great pleasure to be able to
pay their own expenses on pleasure excursions and to the
concert-room, instead of being always compelled to allow the
gentlemen to foot the bills for them. Women must have equal pay
for equal work. Among the Quakers the sexes stand on an equality,
and everything moves on smoothly and happily.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY, after relating several instances of the
injustice of the laws that made the wife subject to the husband,
said: And all these wrongs are to be redressed by appeals to the
State Legislatures. In New York and Ohio the women had already
commenced with every prospect of success. Thousands of petitions
had been sent into both Legislatures asking for suffrage and
equal property rights, and their Committees had granted hearings
to our representatives--Caroline M. Severance, in Ohio; Ernestine
L. Rose, Rev. William Henry Channing, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
Rev. Antoinette L. Brown, and herself, in New York. And closed
with an earnest appeal to the women of every State to petition,
PETITION, remembering that "what is worth having is worth asking
for," and that "who would be free must themselves strike the
blow."
Frances D. Gage moved that the next National Convention be held at
Cincinnati, Ohio. A gentlemen suggested Washington, to which Mr.
Garrison replied, "We shall go there by and by."[72] After discussion
by Mrs. Mott, Mrs. Rose, and others, the motion was unanimously
adopted. Mrs. Gage then spoke of the Press of the city; its faithful
reports of the proceedings of the Convention, and moved a vote of
thanks. Edward M. Davis begged Mrs. Gage to accept as a substitute the
following resolutions:
_Resolved_, That the thanks of this Convention are due, and are
hereby conveyed, to Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose, of New York, for the
courtesy, impartiality, and dignity with which she has presided
over its proceedings.
_Resolved_, That in the crowded and intelligent audiences which
have attended the sessions of this Convention; in the earnest
attention given to its proceedings from the commencement to its
close; in the fair reports of the Press of the city, and in the
spirit of harmony and fraternity which has prevailed amongst its
members, we see evidence of the rapid progress of our cause, and
find incitement to renewed and more earnest efforts in its
behalf.
Thus closed another most successful Convention. Notwithstanding an
admission fee of ten cents during the day and twenty-five at night,
the audiences grew larger every session, until the last evening the
spacious hall, aisles, stairs, and all available standing-room, was
densely packed, and hundreds went away unable to get in.
Let us remember that behind the chief actors in these Conventions,
there stands in each State, a group of women of stern moral principle,
large experience, refinement and cultivation, filling with honor the
more private walks of life, who, by their sympathy, hospitality, and
generous contributions, are the great sources of support and
inspiration to those on the platform, who represent the ideas they
hold sacred, whose tongues and pens proclaim their thoughts. Among
such in Pennsylvania, let us ever remember Sarah Pugh, Mary Ann
McClintock, Elizabeth Phillips, Anna and Adeline Thomson, Abby and
Gertrude Kimber, Margaretta Forten, Harriet Forten Purvis, Hannah M.
Darlington, Dinah Mendenhall, Sarah Pierce, Elizabeth and Sarah
Miller, and Ruth Dugdale. When success shall at last crown our
efforts, in according due praise to those who have achieved the
victory, such names as these must not be forgotten.
Alice Bradley Neal, of Philadelphia, ridiculed this Woman's Rights
Convention in her husband's[73] paper, and Jane Grey Swisshelm
indignantly replied in her _Pittsburgh Saturday Visitor_ as follows:
Mrs. Neal can not be ignorant that the principal object of the
Convention, and all the agitation about woman's rights, is to
secure to the toiling millions of her own sex a just reward for
their labor; to save them from the alternative of prostitution,
starvation, or incessant life-destroying toil; and yet the whole
subject furnishes her with material for scorn and merriment! Tell
it not in Gath! Publish it not in the streets of Askelon, lest
the sons of the Phillistines rejoice that one of the daughters of
Eve, beautiful and gentle, throws down her knitting-pins, and
tries her strength to wield the hammer of old Vulcan to aid them
in forging fetters for the wrists of her unfortunate sisters. We
would that it had been some one else than the gentle Alice Neal
who had volunteered to soil her white hands and sweat her fair
face, laboring in such a blacksmith-shop.
While ever and anon during the last forty years Mrs. Swisshelm has
seized some of these _dilettante_ literary women with her metaphysical
tweezers, and held them up to scorn for their ridicule of the woman
suffrage conventions, yet in her own recently published work in her
mature years, she vouchsafes no words of approval for those who have
inaugurated the greatest movement of the centuries. She complains that
in some of the woman suffrage conventions she attended, there was not
a strict observance of parliamentary rules, and that the resolutions
and speeches were unworthy the occasion. Yet the only time Mrs.
Swisshelm ever honored our platform at a National Convention, her
speech was far below the level of most of the others, and the
resolutions she offered were so verbose and irrelevant, that the
Committee declined to present them to the Convention.
It is quite evident from her last pronunciamento that she has no just
appreciation of the importance and dignity of our demand for justice
and equality. A soldier without a leg is a fact so much more readily
understood, than all women without ballots, and his loss so much more
readily comprehended and supplied, that we can hardly blame any one
for doing the work of the hour, rather than struggling a life-time for
an idea. Hence it is not a matter of surprise that most women are more
readily enlisted in the suppression of evils in the concrete, than in
advocating the principles that underlie them in the abstract, and thus
ultimately doing the broader and more lasting work. On this ground we
can excuse the author of "Half a Century" for giving the reader one
hundred and twenty-five pages of her own work in hospitals and three
to the Woman Suffrage movement, but considering the tone of the three
pages, the advocates of the measure should be thankful she gave no
more.
Mrs. Swisshelm's contempt is only surpassed by Mrs. Hale's "Jeremiad"
over the infidelity of the noble leader of our movement. For a woman
so thoroughly politic and time-serving, who, unlike the great master
she professed to follow, never identified herself with one of the
unpopular reforms of her day, whose pen never by any chance slipped
outside the prescribed literary line of safety, to cheer the martyrs
to truth in her own generation; lamentations from such a source over
Lucretia Mott, are presumptuous and profane. If such a life of
self-sacrifice and devotion to the best interests of humanity; such
courage to stand alone, to do and say the right,'mid persecution,
violence and mobs; such charity and faithfulness in every relation of
life, as daughter, sister, wife, mother, and friend; such calm
declining years and peaceful death could all be realized without a
belief in the creed of Sarah Josepha Hale; the philosophical
conclusion is that there may be some Divine light and love outside of
Mrs. Hale's horizon; that her shibboleth may after all not be the true
measure for the highest Christian graces.
Sarah J. Hale, shuddering over the graves of such women as Harriet
Martineau, Frances Wright, Mary Wollstonecroft, George Sand, George
Eliot and Lucretia Mott, might furnish a subject for an artist to
represent as "bigotry weeping over the triumphs of truth."
Nevertheless, as Mrs. Hale lived in Pennsylvania forty years, the
women of that State may rejoice in the fact that in her great work,
"Woman's Record," she has given "Sketches of all the distinguished
women from the Creation to A.D. 1868"; a labor for which our sex owe
her a debt of gratitude. To exhume nearly seventeen hundred women from
oblivion, classify them, and set forth their distinguished traits of
character, was indeed an herculean labor. This is a valuable book of
reference for the girls of to-day. When our opponents depreciate the
achievements of woman they can turn to the "Woman's Record" and find
grand examples of all the cardinal virtues, of success in art,
science, literature, and government.
In Jane Grey Swisshelm, Pennsylvania can boast a successful editor of
a liberal political newspaper during the eventful years of our
anti-slavery struggle. _The Pittsburgh Saturday Visitor_ was
established Jan. 20, 1848. It was owned and edited by Mrs. Swisshelm
for some years; merged into _The Family Journal and Visitor_ in 1852,
in which she was co-editor until 1857, when she removed to Minnesota.
In spite of a few idiosyncrasies, Mrs. Swisshelm is a noble woman, and
her influence has been for good in her day and generation. However
much we may differ from her in some points, we must concede that she
is a strong, pointed writer.
Among the editors of Pennsylvania, Anna E. McDowell deserves mention.
In _The Una_ of January, 1855, we find the following:
THE WOMAN'S ADVOCATE.
We have received the first number of a paper bearing the above
name. It is a fair, handsome sheet, seven columns in width,
edited by Miss Anna E. McDowell, in Philadelphia. It claims to be
an independent paper. Its design is not to press woman's right to
suffrage, but to present her wrongs, and plead for their redress.
It is owned by a joint stock company of women, and is printed and
all the work done by women. We most heartily bid it God-speed,
for the great need of woman now is work, work, that she may eat
honest bread.
Miss McDowell continued her paper several years, and has ever since
been a faithful correspondent in many journals, and now edits a
"Woman's Department" in _The Philadelphia Sunday Republic_. She pleads
eloquently for the redress of all the wrongs of humanity. Jails,
prisons, charitable institutions, the oppression of women and
children, the laborer, the Indian, have all in turn been subjects of
her impartial pen.
Philadelphia was the first city in this country to open her retail
stores to girls as clerks, and among the first to welcome them as
type-setters in the printing offices.
In the city press, from 1849 to 1854, we find the following
announcements, which show the general agitation on woman's
position:
_The Pennsylvania Freeman_: "A Discourse on Woman," to be
delivered by Lucretia Mott, at the Assembly Buildings,
December 17, 1849.
Lectures by Elizabeth Oakes Smith, April 6, 8, and 10, 1853,
on "Manhood," "Womanhood," "Humanity."
_North American and United States Gazette_: Lucretia Mott
will deliver a lecture on the "Medical Education of Woman,"
February 2, 1853.
Horace Mann will lecture on "Woman," February 3, 1853.
_Philadelphia Public Ledger_, January 20, 1854: Lucy Stone
will deliver a lecture on "Woman's Rights," at Musical Fund
Hall, Saturday evening, January 21.
April 12, 1854: Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose will lecture on
Thursday evening, April 13, at Spring Garden Institute, on
"The Education and Influence of Woman"; and on Friday
evening, April 14th, at Sansom Street Hall, on "The Legal
Disabilities of Woman." Tickets, 25 cents.
WOMAN'S MEDICAL COLLEGE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
In September, 1850, in a rented building, No. 229 Arch Street,
Philadelphia, the College began its first session with six pupils;
others were added before the class graduated, so that it then numbered
eight:--Hannah E. Longshore, Ann Preston, Phebe W. May, Susanna H.
Ellis, Anna M. Longshore, Pennsylvania; Martha M. Laurin,
Massachusetts; Angonette A. Hunt, New York; Frances G. Mitchell,
England. Since its foundation, the "Woman's Medical College of
Pennsylvania" has prospered, and on its lists of graduates we see,
among other familiar names, those of Dr. Laura Ross Wolcott (1856),
Dr. Mary J. Scarlett Dixon (1857), and Dr. Emeline H. Cleveland
(1855).
Chief among those interested in placing the medical education of woman
on a sound foundation was Ann Preston. The "Woman's Medical College
of Pennsylvania" was the first ever chartered for this purpose, and
Dr. Preston early became identified with its interests. She was one of
its first students, and a graduate at its first commencement. After
the didactic teaching of the regular college course was well
established, each year showed to her more clearly the necessity for
clinical and hospital instruction, since its students were denied such
advantages in other places; and to Dr. Preston's thorough appreciation
of this need may be traced the very origin of the Woman's Hospital in
Philadelphia. Speaking of her efforts in this direction, she says: "I
went to every one who I thought would give me either money or
influence." She was liberally assisted by many noble and true-hearted
men and women, and at last raised sufficient funds, obtained the
charter, found competent men and women willing to serve as Managers,
and skillful physicians who would act on a Consulting Board; and, when
the Hospital was opened, was herself appointed one of the Managers,
Corresponding Secretary, and Consulting Physician--offices which she
held till her death, April 18, 1872.
At the same time, she was serving with equal fidelity and ability the
College whose advancement had so long been one of the chief interests
of her life. For nineteen years she had been one of its Professors,
for six years Dean of the Faculty, and for four years a member of its
Board of Corporators. She lived long enough to see the fruits of her
labors, and to foresee to some extent the position which both College
and Hospital would hold in the medical world. And when, after her
death, her will was published, the friends of the College and Hospital
found that both institutions had been remembered by endowments.
Almost contemporary in length of days with the Medical College is
another useful institution, The Philadelphia School of Design for
Women, which began its corporate existence the first Monday of
November, 1853. There had previously been a class for women in
connection with the Franklin Institute, and this school was its
further development. It was mainly supported by contributions, the
scholars' fees paying merely for the coal, gas, and other necessaries
of the house. The management of the institution was vested in a Board
of twelve Directors, elected annually, and a Board of twelve Lady
Managers, elected by the Board of Directors at the first stated
meeting after the election; these ladies disburse the money received
at the school, and also that appropriated monthly by the Directors. It
is noticeable in the first report of the School of Design for Women,
that men held the leading positions and received the highest salaries,
but that has since been changed.
That there was no organized action in this State, no woman suffrage
association formed, until after the war, was undoubtedly due to the
fact that the same women were prominent in both the anti-slavery and
woman's rights movements. And as Pennsylvania bordered on three slave
States, the escape of fugitives and their innumerable trials in the
courts, just as the whole system was on the eve of dissolution,
compelled the Philadelphia friends to incessant vigilance in the care
and concealment of the unhappy victims. Thus their hands and thoughts
were wholly occupied until the first gun at Sumter proclaimed freedom
in the United States.
For collecting many of the facts contained in this chapter we are
indebted to Julia and Rachel Foster, daughters of Heron Foster, who
founded _The Pittsburgh Dispatch_. What an inspiring vision it would
have been to the earnest women sitting in that Convention in 1854,
could they in imagination have stretched forward to the bright winter
days of 1881, and seen these two young girls tastefully attired,
enthusiastic in the cause of woman's suffrage, tripping through the
streets of Philadelphia, paper and pencil in hand, intent on some
important errand, now here, now there, climbing up long flights of
stairs into the offices of the various journals, to find out from the
records what Lucretia Mott, Frances Dana Gage, and Ernestine L. Rose
had said over a quarter of a century before, about the rights and
wrongs of women. Turning over the dusty journals hour after hour as
they copied page by page, it would have been a pleasing study to watch
their earnest faces, now sad, now pleased, reflecting with every
changing sentiment they read the feelings of their souls, just as
their diamonds paled and glowed in the changing light.
Could the satisfaction of these girls in reading Garrison's stern
logic, Mrs. Mott's repartee and earnest appeal, and all the arguments
by which their opponents had been fairly vanquished; could the
new-born dignity they realized in the conscious possession of rights
and liberties once unknown, confident that full equality could not be
long deferred; could all this have been pre-visioned by the actors in
those scenes, they would have felt themselves fully compensated for
the persecution and ridicule they had endured. And thus the great work
of life goes on; the toils of one generation are the joys of the next.
We have reaped what other hands have planted; let us then in turn sow
bountifully for those who shall follow us, that our children may enter
into a broader inheritance than any legal parchment can bequeath.
ANGELINA GRIMKÉ.
_Reminiscences by E. C. S._
My first introduction to Mrs. Weld was two years after her marriage,
when she and her husband had retired from the stormy scenes of the
anti-slavery conflict, and in their own home found a harbor of rest,
for quiet though useful occupation. In company with my husband and
Charles Stuart, a Scotch Abolitionist, we took one of those long
closely-covered stages peculiar to New Jersey, for a twelve miles
drive to Belleville, where at the door of an old Dutch-built stone
house, Theodore Weld and the famous daughters of South Carolina gave
us a welcome. There was nothing attractive at first sight in those
plain, frail women, except their rich voices, fluent language, and
Angelina's fine dark eyes. The house with its wide hall, spacious
apartments, deep windows, and small panes of glass was severely
destitute of all tasteful, womanly touches, and though neat and
orderly, had a cheerless atmosphere. Neither was there one touch of
the artistic in the arrangement of the ladies' hair and dresses. They
were just then in the Graham dispensation, and the peculiar table
arrangements, with no tray to mark the charmed circle whence the usual
beverages were dispensed, the cold dishes without a whiff of heat, or
steam, gave one a feeling of strangeness; all those delightful
associations gathering round a covered dish and hot beefsteak, the
tea-pot and china cups and saucers, were missing. A cool evening in
the month of May, after a long drive had left us in a condition
peculiarly susceptible to the attractions of something hot and
stimulating; but they came not. There was no catering in this
household to the weaknesses of those who were not yet weaned from the
flesh-pots of Egypt. The sharp edge of our appetite somewhat dulled
with the simple fare, we were thrown on our own resources, and
memories of tea and coffee for stimulus.
After our repast, the high discourse was slightly interrupted by the
appearance of the infant, Charles Stuart Weld, and his formal
presentation to the distinguished gentleman after whom he was named.
And when Mr. Weld told us how near the boy, in the initiative steps of
his existence, came to being sacrificed to a theory, the old stone
walls rang with bursts of laughter.[74] But the chilling environments
of these noble people were modified by the sincere hospitality with
which we were received. My husband and Mr. Weld had been classmates in
Lane Seminary, and were among the students who left that institution
when the discussion of the slavery question was forbidden by the
President, Dr. Lyman Beecher. They talked with zest of those early
days until a late hour. As Charles Stuart and the two sisters were
also good conversationalists, I listened with pleasure and profit, and
during the three days under that roof obtained much general knowledge
of anti-slavery and church history; volumes of information were
condensed in those familiar talks, of lasting benefit to me, who then
knew so little of reforms.
How changed was the atmosphere of that home to me next day. True,
there were still no pictures on the walls, but the beautiful boy in
his bath, the sunlight on his golden hair, with some new grace or
trick each day, surpassed what any brush could trace. No statues
graced the corners; but the well-built Northern hero of many slavery
battles, bound with the silken cords of love and friendship to those
brave women from the South, together sacrificing wealth and fame and
ease for a great principle, formed a group worthy the genius of a
Rogers to portray.
It has been my good fortune to meet these noble friends occasionally
in the course of our busy lives, sometimes under their roof, sometimes
under mine, and as, day by day, the nobility, the transparency, the
unselfishness of their characters have grown upon me, the memories of
the old stone house and its care-worn inmates, have stood transfigured
before me, with almost a celestial radiance. In grouping the main
facts of this eventful life, and analyzing the impelling motives that
made Angelina Grimké the heroic woman she was, I can not serve her
memory better than in giving the beautiful tributes of loving friends
at the close of her life.
Angelina, the youngest daughter of Judge Grimké, of the Supreme Court
of South Carolina, was born in Charleston, S. C., February 20, 1805.
From her earliest years, her sympathies were with the cruelly treated
race around her; and when a child, she had her little bottle of oil,
and other simple medicaments, with which in the darkness she would
steal out of the house to some wretched creature who had been
terribly whipped, and do what she could to assuage his sufferings. At
the age of fourteen, she was asked by the rector of the Episcopal
church to which her family belonged, to be confirmed--a form, she was
told, which all her companions went through as a matter of course. But
she insisted on knowing the meaning of this form, and, on reading it
in the Prayer-Book, she said she could not promise what was there
required. "But it is only a form," she was told. "If with my feelings
and views as they now are, I should go through that form, it would be
a lie. I can not do it." This single-hearted truthfulness, without
regard to personal consequences to herself, was the key to all her
conduct.
Some years afterward, under the influence of an eloquent Presbyterian
preacher, her religious sensibilities were awakened. Her eyes were
opened to a new world. Through deeper and more vital spiritual
experiences, she entered into a new life, which took entire possession
of all her faculties. She joined the Presbyterian church, and carried
into it the fervor and strength of a regenerated nature. She became a
teacher in its Sunday-school, and after a lapse of fifty years, there
came a letter from one of her first Sunday-school scholars, living in
Georgia, to express thanks for the benefits which her instructions had
been to her. Angelina soon endeavored to impress upon the officers of
the church a sense of what they should do for the slaves, but her
pleadings for them found no response. "Could it then," said she, "be a
Church of Christ?"
There was in Charleston at that time a Friends' Meeting-house, where
there were only two worshipers, and they agreed with her in regard to
slavery. For a year she worshiped there in silence. No word was
spoken. The two aged men, and this young, accomplished, attractive
woman, sat there under a canopy of divine silence, sanctified and
blessed to her. At length she felt that her mission there was ended.
Her elder sister, Sarah, had united with the Friends in Philadelphia;
and she joined her in 1830, giving up in agony of heart all the dear
ties that bound her to her home. But even in the Friends'
Meeting-house, her eye was quick to see negro seats where women of the
despised race were still publicly humiliated. She and her sister
seated themselves with them. The Friends were grieved by their
conduct, and called them to account. The sisters replied: "While you
put this badge of degradation on our sisters, we feel that it is our
duty to share it with them."
In 1883, they attached themselves to the American Anti-Slavery
Society, and lent their powerful aid to the work which it was doing.
There was no more effective or eloquent speaker in the cause than
Angelina Grimké. She had not thought at first of speaking in public;
but wherever she was, among friends and neighbors, she sought relief
to her burdened spirit by testifying to the cruel and fatal influences
of slavery. A few women at first came together to meet her and her
sister Sarah. The numbers and the interest increased till she became
widely known. She and her sister talked to them about slavery in their
own parlors. Soon no parlors could hold the throngs that gathered to
hear her. The small vestry of a church was given to her, then a large
vestry. But this was too small, and the body of the church was opened
to the crowd which had been attracted by her. There, on a platform
beneath the pulpit, for the first time she stood and spoke at what
might be called a public meeting, though she spoke only to women. In
the spring of 1837, the sisters went through a similar experience in
Boston, speaking to women only. She went to Lynn to address the women,
and there men crowded in with their wives and daughters. That was the
beginning of women's speaking to promiscuous assemblies in
Massachusetts.
"Hers was the eloquence of a broken heart. As she gave way to the deep
yearnings of affection for the mother that bore her, still a
slaveholder, for her brothers and sisters, a large family circle, and
for all who had been most closely bound to her by ties of kindred and
neighborhood, she must have felt the desolation of a soul disappointed
and broken in its dearest earthly hopes and love. All the sweet and
tender affections which intertwine themselves so inseparably with the
thought of home had been turned into instruments of torture. As she
thought of her native city, and spoke out her feelings toward it, her
language might well remind one of the lamentations of the ancient
prophets, 'O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and
stonest them that are sent unto thee!' But this broken heart had a
higher life and a mightier voice than can be given or taken away by
any earthly affection. While therefore she often spoke with a pathos
which melted and subdued those who listened to her, she also rose into
a loftier strain, and spoke with the mingled love and sternness of a
messenger from God."
Passages like the following may give some idea of the solemnity and
power with which she, who had left all and taken up her cross in
defence of a poor and friendless race, could appeal to assembled
multitudes:
The sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they
are indescribable. I may paint the agony of kindred torn from
each other's arms, to meet no more in time; I may depict the
inflictions of the blood-stained lash; but I can not describe
the daily, hourly, ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that
is constantly trampled under the foot of arbitrary power. This is
a part of the horrors of slavery which, I believe, no one has
ever attempted to delineate. I wonder not at it; it mocks all
power of language. Who can describe the anguish of that mind
which feels itself impaled upon the iron of arbitrary power--its
living, writhing, helpless victim! every human susceptibility
tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and bleeding--always
feeling the death weapon in its heart, and yet not so deep as to
kill that humanity which is made the curse of its existence?
No one who has not been an integral part of a slaveholding
community can have any idea of its abominations. It is a whited
sepulchre, full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness. Blessed
be God, the angel of truth has descended, and rolled away the
stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits upon it. The
abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before all
Israel and the sun. Yes, the angel of truth sits upon this stone,
and it can never be rolled back again.
There is a spirit abroad in this country which will not consent
to barter principle for an unholy peace--a spirit which will not
hide God's eternal principles of right and wrong, but will stand
erect in the storm of human passion, prejudice, and interest,
holding forth the light of truth in the midst of a crooked and
perverse generation; a spirit which will never slumber nor sleep
till man ceases to hold dominion over his fellow-creatures, and
the trump of universal liberty rings in every forest, and is
re-echoed by every mountain and rock.
"She who spoke in tones like these never lost one of her purely
feminine qualities. Graceful, gentle, retiring, taking upon herself
the lowliest duties as if she had been born to them, this woman, who
stood up that her light might shine on all, and reveal to them the
terrible atrocities of slavery, was like Jeremy Taylor's taper, which
cast ever a modest shadow round itself. She had a very lofty idea of
what a woman should be. 'Whatever it is morally right for a man to do,
it is morally right for a woman to do. I recognize no rights but human
rights. I know nothing of men's rights and women's rights; for in
Christ Jesus there is neither male nor female.' 'Sure I am that woman
is not to be, as she has been, a mere "second-hand agent" in the
regeneration of a fallen world, but the acknowledged equal and
co-worker with man in this glorious work.... Just in proportion as her
moral and intellectual capacities become enlarged, she will rise
higher and higher in the scroll of creation, until she reaches that
elevation prepared for her by her Maker, and upon whose summit she was
originally stationed, only 'a little lower than the angels.'"
In the darkest hours of that fearful conflict with slavery in which
she was engaged, when its advocates were everywhere met with
violence, and threatened with death, she wrote to William Lloyd
Garrison as follows:
I can hardly express to thee the deep and solemn interest with
which I have viewed the violent proceedings of the last few
weeks. Although I expected opposition, yet I was not prepared for
it so soon; it took me by surprise, and I greatly feared the
Abolitionists would be driven back in the first onset and thrown
into confusion. I was afraid of even opening one of thy papers
lest I should see some indications of a compromise, some
surrender, some palliation. But I read thy appeal to the citizens
of Boston, and found my fears were utterly groundless, and that
thou stoodest firm in the midst of the storm, determined to
suffer and to die rather than yield one inch!
Religious persecution always begins with mobs; it is always
unprecedented in any age or country in which it commences, and
therefore there are no laws by which reformers can be punished;
consequently, a lawless band of unprincipled men determine to
take the matter into their hands, and act out in mobs what they
know are the principles of a large majority of those who are too
high in Church and State to condescend to mingle with them,
though they secretly approve and rejoice over their violent
measures. The first martyr who ever died was stoned by a lawless
mob; and, if we look at the rise of various sects--Methodists,
Friends, etc.--we shall find that mobs began the persecution
against them; and it was not until after the people had thus
spoken out their wishes that laws were framed to fine, imprison,
or destroy them. Let us, then, be prepared for the enactment of
laws, even in our free States, against Abolitionists. And how
ardently has the prayer been breathed that God would fit us for
all He is preparing for us!
My mind has been especially turned toward those who are standing
in the fore-front of the battle; and the prayer has gone up for
their preservation, not the preservation of their lives, but the
preservation of their minds in humility and patience, faith,
hope, and charity, that charity which is the bond of perfectness.
If persecution is the means which God has ordained for the
accomplishment of this great end--emancipation--then, in
dependence upon Him for strength to bear it, I feel as if I could
say, let it come; for it is my deep, solemn conviction that this
is a cause worth dying for. At one time, I thought this system
would be overthrown in blood, with the confused noise of the
warrior; but a hope gleams across my mind that our blood will be
spilt instead of the slaveholders'; that our lives will be taken,
and theirs spared. I say a hope; for of all things I desire to be
spared the anguish of seeing our beloved country desolated with
the horrors of a servile war.
"These words were written by one who was standing not apart in a place
of safety, but in the foremost post of danger, and who knew that she
was as likely as any one to share in the martyrdom which she foresaw.
The spirit which dictated these sentences went through her whole life
as its ruling influence.
"There is the courage of the mariner who buffets the angry waves.
There is the courage of the warrior who marches up to the cannon's
mouth, coolly pressing forward amidst engines of destruction on every
side. But hers was a courage greater than theirs. She not only faced
death at the hands of stealthy assassins and howling mobs in her
loyalty to truth, duty, and humanity, but she encountered
unflinchingly the awful frowns of the mighty consecrated leaders of
society, the scoffs and sneers of the multitude, the outstretched
finger of scorn, and the whispered mockery of pity, standing up for
the lowest of the low. Nurtured in the very bosom of slavery, by her
own observation and thought, of one thing she became certain, that it
was a false, cruel, accursed relation between human beings. And to
this conviction, from the very budding of her womanhood, she was
true."
"Well do I remember," said one, "when, after the American Anti-Slavery
Society, founded in 1838, had battled for a year or two with the
combined forces of the mob, the press, and the commercial, political,
and ecclesiastical authorities, and it was said in the highest
quarters that we had only exasperated the slaveholders, and made all
the North sympathize with them, when the storm of public indignation,
gathering over the whole heavens, was black upon us, and we were
comparatively only a handful, there appeared in the _Anti-Slavery_
office in New York this mild, modest, soft-speaking woman, then in the
prime of her beauty, delicate as the lily-of-the-valley. She placed in
my hands a roll of manuscript, beautifully written. It was her 'Appeal
to the Christian Women of the South.' It was like a patch of blue sky
breaking through that storm cloud." The manuscript was passed round
among the members of our Executive Committee, and read with wet eyes.
The Society printed it in a pamphlet of thirty-six pages, and
circulated it widely. It made its author a forced exile from her
native State, but it touched hearts that had been proof against
everything else. I remember that the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine
for October, 1836, said of it something to this effect:
This eloquent pamphlet is from the pen of a sister of the late
Thomas S. Grimké, of Charleston, S. C. We need hardly say more of
it than that it is written with that peculiar felicity and
unction which characterized the works of her lamented brother.
Among anti-slavery writings there are two classes, one specially
adapted to make new converts, the other to strengthen the old. We
can not exclude Miss Grimké's Appeal from either class. It
belongs pre-eminently to the former. The converts that will be
made by it, we have no doubt, will be not only numerous, but
thorough-going.
"Many of us remember," said another, "with what awakening power such
God-inspired souls have roused us from the apathy of our lives. Some
great wrong, like slavery, over which the world had slept for ages,
becomes thus revealed to the clearer vision. Slavery, war,
intemperance, licentiousness, injustice to woman, have thus one after
another been brought to the light, as violations of God's eternal
laws. The soul of Angelina Grimké, and that of her sister Sarah, were
in vital sympathy with all attempts to reform these great wrongs; but
the one which then had pre-eminence above all was human slavery. All
of us who are advanced in years can recall with what almost
overwhelming effect the appeals of our beloved and lamented Garrison
first came to our minds. The conscience of the community was
slumbering over this sin: his utterances stung it to frenzy. In the
midst of it, and in the heartiest response to his appeals, came the
gentle, calm voices of Sarah and Angelina Grimké, enforcing those
appeals by facts of their own observation and experience. I have said
that their nature was full of tenderness and compassion; but, in
addition to this, Angelina, especially, possessed a rare gift of
eloquence, a calm power of persuasion, a magnetic influence over those
that listened to her, which carried conviction to hearts that nothing
before had reached." "I shall never forget the wonderful manifestation
of this power during six successive evenings in what was then called
the Odeon, at the corner of Franklin and Federal Streets. It was the
old Boston Theater, which had been converted into a music hall, the
four galleries rising above the auditorium all crowded with a silent
audience, carried away with the calm, simple eloquence which narrated
what she and her sister had seen from their earliest days. And yet
this Odeon scene, the audience so quiet and intensely absorbed,
occurred at the most enflamed period of the anti-slavery contest. The
effective agent in this phenomenon was Angelina's serene, commanding
eloquence, a wonderful gift, which enchained attention, disarmed
prejudice, and carried her hearers with her."
WENDELL PHILLIPS said:
Friends, this life carries us back to the first chapter of that great
movement with which the name of Angelina Grimké is associated--when
our cities roared with riot, when William Lloyd Garrison was dragged
through the streets, when Dresser was mobbed in Nashville, and
Mackintosh burned in St. Louis. At that time, the hatred toward
Abolitionists was so bitter and merciless that the friends of Lovejoy
left his grave a long time unmarked; and at last ventured to put, with
his name, on his tombstone, only this piteous entreaty: _Jam parce
sepulto_, "Spare him now in his grave." We were but a handful then,
and our words beat against the stony public as powerless as if against
the north wind. We got no sympathy from most Northern men: their
consciences were seared as with a hot iron. At this time, a young girl
came from the proudest State in the slave-holding section. She come to
lay on the altar of this despised cause, this seemingly hopeless
crusade, both family and friends, the best social position, a high
place in the church, genius, and many gifts. No man at this day can
know the gratitude we felt for this help from such an unexpected
source. After this came James G. Birney from the South, and many able
and influential men and women joined us. At last John Brown laid his
life, the crowning sacrifice, on the altar of the cause. But no man
who remembers 1837 and its lowering clouds will deny that there was
hardly any contribution to the anti-slavery movement greater or more
impressive than the crusade of these Grimké sisters from South
Carolina through the New England States.
Gifted with rare eloquence, she swept the chords of the human heart
with a power that has never been surpassed, and rarely equaled. I well
remember, evening after evening, listening to eloquence such as never
then had been heard from a woman. Her own hard experience, the long,
lonely, intellectual and moral struggle from which she came out
conqueror, had ripened her power, and her wondrous faculty of laying
bare her own heart to reach the hearts of others, shone forth till she
carried us all captive. She was the first woman to whom the halls of
the Massachusetts Legislature were opened. My friend, James C. Alvord,
was the courageous chairman who broke that door open for the
anti-slavery women. It gave Miss Grimké the opportunity to speak to
the best culture and character of Massachusetts; and the profound
impression then made on a class not often in our meetings was never
wholly lost. It was not only the testimony of one most competent to
speak, but it was the profound religious experience of one who had
broken out of the charmed circle, and whose intense earnestness melted
all opposition. The converts she made needed no after-training. It was
when you saw she was opening some secret record of her own experience,
that the painful silence and breathless interest told the deep effect
and lasting impression her words were making on minds, that afterward
never rested in their work.
In 1840, '41, this anti-slavery movement was broken in halves by the
woman question. The people believed in the silence of women. But, when
the Grimkés went through New England, such was the overpowering
influence with which they swept the churches that men did not
remember this dogma till after they had gone. When they left, and the
spell weakened, some woke to the idea that it was wrong for a woman to
speak to a public assembly. The wakening of old prejudice to its
combat with new convictions was a fearful storm. But she bore it, when
it broke at last, with the intrepidity with which she surmounted every
obstacle. By the instinctive keenness of her conscience, she only
needed to see truth to recognize it, as the flower turns to the sun.
God had touched that soul so that it needed no special circumstance,
no word of warning or instruction from those about her; for she was
ever self-poised.
When I think of her, there comes to me the picture of the spotless
dove in the tempest, as she battles with the storm, seeking for some
place to rest her foot. She reminds me of innocence personified in
Spencer's poem. In her girlhood, alone, heart-led, she comforts the
slave in his quarters; mentally struggling with the problems his
position wakes her to. Alone, not confused, but seeking something to
lean on, she grasps the Church, which proves a broken reed. No whit
disheartened, she turns from one sect to another, trying each by the
infallible touchstone of that clear, childlike conscience. The two old
lonely Quakers in their innocence rest her foot awhile. But the eager
soul must work, not rest in testimony. Coming North, at last, she
makes her own religion,--one of sacrifice and toil. Breaking away
from, rising above all forms, the dove floats at last in the blue sky
where no clouds reach.
And thus exiled from her native city, she goes forth with her sister
to seek the spot where she can most effectually strike at the
institution. Were I to single out the moral and intellectual trait
which most won me, it was her serene indifference to the judgment of
those about her. Self-poised, she seemed morally sufficient to
herself. Her instincts were all so clear and right she could trust
their lesson. But a clear, wide, patient submission to all suggestion
and influence preceded opinion, and her public addresses were
remarkable for the fullness and clearness of the arguments they urged.
She herself felt truths, but patiently argued them to others.
The testimony she gave touching slavery was, as she termed it, "the
wail of a broken-hearted child." It was known to a few that the
pictures she drew were of her own fireside. That loving heart! how
stern a sense of duty must have wrung it before she was willing to
open that record! But with sublime fidelity, with entire
self-sacrifice, she gave all she could to the great argument that was
to wake a nation to duty. Listen to the fearful indictment she records
against the system. And this was not slavery in its most brutal,
repulsive form. It was slavery hid in luxury, when refinement seemed
to temper some of its worst elements. But, with keen sense of right,
even a child of a dozen years saw through the veil, saw the system in
its inherent vileness, saw the real curse of slavery in the hardened
heart of the slave-holder.
A few years of active life, extensive and most influential labor, many
sheaves and a rich harvest, God's blessing on her service, then
illness barring her from the platform. How serenely she took up the
cross! So specially endowed; men bowing low so readily to the power
and magic of her words; she could not but have seen the grand
possibilities that were opening before her. How peacefully she
accepted the bond, and set herself to training others for the work
against which her own door was shut! East, West, North, and South,
come up to give testimony that these later years bore ample fruit. How
many souls have cause to thank that enforced silence! I have listened
to such testimonies, spoken sometimes in tears, on the shores of the
Great Lakes and beyond the Mississippi."
From the following facts and anecdotes told by her husband, we see
that Angelina united with the highest moral heroism, the physical
courage and coolness in the hour of danger that but few men can boast.
Theodore D. Weld, in his published sketch, says:
Though high physical courage is also fairly inferrable from her
anti-slavery career, yet only those most with her in life's
practical affairs can appreciate her self-poise in danger. Peril
was to her a sedative; it calmed and girded her, bringing out
every resource, and making self-command absolute. She knew
nothing of that flutter which confuses. Great danger instantly
brought thought and feeling to a focus, and held them there.
Several perilous emergencies in her life are vividly
recalled--such as being overturned while in a carriage with a
child in her arms, the horse meanwhile floundering amid the
_débris_, a shaft broken, and dash-board kicked into splinters.
At another time, shots at the road-side set off the horses in a
run. Seeing her husband, in his struggle to rein them in, jerked
up from his seat and held thus braced and half-standing, she
caught him round the waist, adding her weight to his, and thus
enabled him to pull the harder, till the steady, silent tug upon
the reins tamed down the steeds. Her residence at Belleville, N.
J., had no near neighbors, stood back from the road, and was
nearly hidden by trees and shrubbery. The old stone structure,
dating back to 1700, was known as the "haunted house." Being very
large, with barn, sheds, and several out-houses, it was specially
attractive to stragglers and burglars. Stories had been long
afloat of outrages perpetrated there, among which was a murder a
century before, with a burglary and robbery more recent. We had
not been long there, when one night Angelina, waked by suspicious
noises, listened, till certain that a burglar must be in the
house. Then, stealing softly from the room, she struck a light,
and explored from cellar to attic, looking into closets, behind
doors, and under beds. For a slight, weak woman, hardly able to
lift an empty tea-kettle, thus to dare, shows, whether we call it
courage or presumption, at least the absence of all fear. None
of the family knew of this fact, until an accident long after
revealed it.
Some years after this, when visiting in a friend's family in the
absence of the parents, she often took the children to ride. Upon
returning one day, she said to the cook, "Maggie, jump in, and
I'll give you a ride." So away they went. Soon a by-road struck
off from the main one. Turning in to explore it, she found that
it ran a long way parallel to the railroad. Suddenly Maggie
screamed: "O missus! I forgot. This is just the time for the
express, and this is the horse that's awful afraid of the cars,
and nobody can hold him. Oh, dear, dear!" Seeing Maggie's fright,
she instantly turned back, saying, "Now, Maggie, if the train
should come before we get back to the turn, do just what I tell
you, and I'll bring you out safe." "Oh, yes, missus! I will! I
will!" "Mark, now. Don't scream; don't touch the reins; don't
jump out; 'twill kill you dead if you do. Listen, and, as soon as
you hear the cars coming, drop down on the bottom of the wagon.
Don't look out; keep your eyes and mouth shut tight. I'll take
care of you." Down flat dropped Maggie on the bottom, without
waiting to hear the train. Soon the steam-whistle screamed in
front, instead of rear, as expected! Short about she turned the
horse, and away he sprang, the express thundering in the rear.
For a mile the road was a straight, dead level, and right along
the track. At utmost speed the frantic animal strained on. On
plunged the train behind. Neither gained nor lost. No sound came
but the rushing of steed and train. It was a race for life, and
the blood horse won. Then, as the road turned from the track up a
long slope, the train shot by, taming the horse's fright; but, as
his blood was up, she kept him hard pushed to the crest of the
slope, then slacked his pace, and headed him homeward. Faithful
Maggie stuck fast to her promise and to the wagon-bottom, until
told, "It's all over," when she broke silence with her
wonderments. When she got home the kitchen rang with
exclamations. That race was long her standing topic, she always
insisting that she wasn't scared a bit, not she, because she
"knew the missus wasn't."
While living in New Jersey, word came that a colored man and his
wife, who had just come to the township, were lying sick of
malignant small-pox, and that none of their neighbors dared go to
them. She immediately sought them out, and found them in a
deplorable plight, neither able to do anything for the other, and
at once became to them eyes, hands, feet, nurse, care-taker and
servant in all needed offices; and thus, relieved in nursing and
watching by a friend, her patients were able, after three days,
to minister in part to each other. Meanwhile, no neighbor
approached them.
Some striking traits were scarcely known, except by her special
intimates; and they were never many. Her fidelity in friendship
was imperishable. Friends might break with her; she never broke
with them, whatever the wrong they had done her. She never stood
upon dignity, nor exacted apology, nor resented an unkindness,
though keenly feeling it; and, if falsely accused, answered
nothing. She never spoke disparagingly of others, unless clearest
duty exacted it. Gossips, tattlers, and backbiters were her
trinity of horrors. Her absolute truthfulness was shown in the
smallest things. With a severe sincerity, it was applied to all
those customs looked upon as mere forms involving no
principle--customs exacting the utterance of what is not meant,
of wishes unfelt, sheer deceptions. She never invited a visit or
call not desired. If she said, "Stay longer," the words voiced a
wish felt. She could not be brought under bondage to any usage or
custom, any party watch-word, or shibboleth of a speculative
creed, or any mode of dress or address. In Charleston, she was
exact in her Quaker costume, because, to the last punctilio, it
was an anti-slavery document; and for that she would gladly make
any sacrifice of personal comfort. But, among the "Friends" in
Philadelphia, she would not wear an article of dress which caused
her physical inconvenience, though it might be dictated by the
universal usage of "Friends." Upon first exchanging the warmth of
a Carolina winter for the zero of a Northern one, she found the
"regulation" bonnet of the "Friends" a very slight protection
from the cold. So she ordered one made of fur, large enough to
protect both head and face. For this departure from usage, she
was admonished, "It was a grief to 'Friends,'" "It looked like
pride and self-will," "It was an evil example," etc. While
adhering strictly to the principles of "Friends," neither she nor
her sister Sarah could conform to all their distinctive usages,
nor accept all their rules. Consequently, their examples were
regarded as quiet protests against some of the settled customs of
the Society. Such they felt bound to make them in word and act.
Thus they protested against the negro-seat in their
meeting-house, by making it their seat. They also felt
constrained to testify against a rule requiring that no Friend
should publish a book without the sanction of the "Meeting for
Sufferings"; so, also, the rule that any one who should marry out
of the Society should, unless penitent, be disowned.
Consequently, when Angelina thus married, she was disowned, as
was Sarah for sanctioning the marriage by her presence. The
committee who "dealt" with them for those violations of the rule,
said that if they would "express regret," they would relieve the
meeting from the painful necessity of disowning them. The sisters
replied that, feeling no regret, they could express none; adding
that, as they had always openly declared their disapproval of the
rule, they could neither regret their violation of it, nor
neglect so fit an occasion for thus emphasizing their convictions
by their acts; adding that they honored the "Friends" all the
more for that fidelity which constrained them to do, however
painful, what they believed to be their duty.
Angelina's "Appeal to the Christian Women of the South" "made her
a forced exile from her native State." As she never voluntarily
spoke of what she had done or suffered, few, if any, of the
Abolitionists, either knew then, or know now, that she was really
exiled by an Act of the Charleston city government. When her
"Appeal" came out, a large number of copies were sent by mail to
South Carolina. Most of them were publicly burned by postmasters.
Not long after this, the city authorities learned that Miss
Grimké was intending to visit her mother and sisters, and pass
the winter with them. Thereupon the mayor of Charleston called
upon Mrs. Grimké, and desired her to inform her daughter that the
police had been instructed to prevent her landing while the
steamer remained in port, and to see to it that she should not
communicate, by letter or otherwise, with any persons in the
city; and, further, that if she should elude their vigilance, and
go on shore, she would be arrested and imprisoned, until the
return of the steamer. Her Charleston friends at once conveyed to
her the message of the mayor, and added that the people of
Charleston were so incensed against her, that if she should go
there, despite the mayor's threat of pains and penalties, she
could not escape personal violence at the bands of the mob. She
replied to the letter, that her going would doubtless compromise
her family; not only distress them, but put them in peril, which
she had neither heart nor right to do; but for that fact, she
would certainly exercise her constitutional right as an American
citizen, and go to Charleston to visit her relatives, and, if for
that the authorities should inflict upon her pains and penalties,
she would willingly bear them, assured that such an outrage would
help to reveal to the free States the fact that slavery defies
and tramples alike constitutions and laws, and thus outlaws
itself.
When the American Anti-Slavery Society wrote to Miss Grimké,
inviting her to visit New York city, and hold meetings in private
parlors with Christian women, on the subject of slavery, upon
reading their letter, she handed it to her sister Sarah, saying,
"I feel this to be God's call. I can not decline it." A long
conversation followed, the details of which I received from Sarah
not long after; and, as they present vividly the marked
characteristics of both sisters, I give in substance such as I
can recall.
S.--But you know that you are constitutionally retiring,
self-distrustful, easily embarrassed. You have a morbid shrinking
from whatever would make you conspicuous.
A.--Yes, you have drawn me to the life. I confess that I have all
that, and yet at times I have nothing of it. I know that I am
diffident about assuming responsibilities; but when I feel that
anything is mine to do, no matter what, then I have no fear.
S.--You are going among strangers, you wear strange garments,
speak in a strange language, will be in circumstances wholly
novel, and about a work that you never attempted, and most of
those who will listen to you have prejudices against
Abolitionists, and also against a woman's speaking to any
audience. Now in all there embarrassing circumstances, and in
your lack of self-confidence when you come to face an
unsympathizing audience, does not it seem likely that you will
find it impossible to speak to edification, and thus will be
forced to give it up altogether?
A.--Yes, it seems presumptuous for me to undertake it; but yet I
can not refuse to do it. The conviction is a part of me. I can
not absolve myself from it. The responsibility is thrust upon me.
I can not thrust it off.
S.--I know you will not and can not. My only desire is for you
deliberately to look at all things just as they are, and give
each its due weight. If, after that, your conviction is
unchanged, with my whole heart I'll help you to carry it out.
There is but one thing more that I think of. If you were to go
upon this mission without the sanction of the "Meeting for
Sufferings," it would be regarded as disorderly, a violation of
the established usage of the Society, and they would probably
feel compelled to disown you. [This was prior to the disownment
that followed the marriage].
A.--As my mind is made up absolutely to go, I can not ask their
leave to go. For their fidelity to their views of duty, I honor
them. It is a grief to me to grieve them, but I have no
alternative. Very unpleasant it will be to be disowned, but
misery to be self-disowned.
S.--I have presented these considerations, that you might
carefully traverse the whole question and count all the costs. I
dare not say a word against your decision. I see that it is
final, and that you can make no other. To me, it is sacred. While
we have been talking, I, too, have made my decision. It is this:
where you go, I will go; what you do, I will to my utmost help
you in doing. We have always thought and wept and prayed
together over this horrible wrong, and now we will go and work
together. There will be a deal to be done in private also; that I
can help you about, and thus you will have the more strength to
give to the meetings.
So Miss Grimké wrote at once to the committee, accepting their
invitation, thanking them for the salary offered, but declining
to receive any; informing them that her sister would accompany
her, and that they should both go exclusively at their own
expense.
In 1864, Mr. and Mrs. Weld removed to Hyde Park, where the sisters
spent the rest of their days. No one who met Angelina there would have
any suspicion of the great work which she had done: she was interested
in her household duties, and the little charities of the neighborhood.
Once, during the war, she was persuaded to go out of her daily
routine, and to attend a small meeting called for the purpose of
assisting the Southern people--freedmen, and those who had formerly
held them in slavery. Very simply and modestly, but very clearly and
impressively, she spoke of the condition of things at the South, of
her friends there, and how we could best help them--all in the most
loving and tender spirit, as if she had only grateful memories of what
they had been, and as if no thought of herself mingled with the
thought of them. The simplicity, directness, and practical good sense
of her speech then, its kindliness toward those who had done her the
greatest wrong, and the entire absence of self-consciousness, made
those who heard her feel that a woman might speak in public without
violating any of the proprieties or prejudices of social traditions
and customs. There was a refinement and dignity about her, an
atmosphere of gentleness and sweetness and strength, which won their
way to the heart. To those who knew her history, there was something
very affecting, sublime, in her absolute self-forgetfulness. As one
who knew her most intimately said, "She seems to have been born in
that mood of mind which made vanity or display impossible. She was the
only person I have ever known who was absolutely free from all
ambition."
Space prevents a fitting record of the noble words and deeds of Sarah
Moore Grimké. She published in 1838, a volume of "Letters on the
Equality of the Sexes," which called out much discussion on woman's
position in both State and Church. The last time Angelina spoke in
public was at the Loyal League Convention in New York in 1863. She
took an active part in the discussion of resolutions, speaking clearly
and concisely on every point, and read a beautiful address she had
prepared--"To the Soldiers of our Second Revolution." All through the
years that Angelina was illustrating woman's capacity on the platform
by holding her audiences spell-bound, Sarah was defending woman's
right to be there with her pen.
FOOTNOTES:
[59] Mrs. Ellet's "Women of the Revolution."
[60] Angelina E. Grimké.
[61] This building, the property of Jacob Peirce, was thus imperilled
with his free consent.
[62] The Assembly Buildings, opened to us by the kindness of the
lessee, Mr. John Toy.
[63] She was the positive power of so much anti-slavery work, that
James Russell Lowell spoke of her as "the coiled-up mainspring of the
movement."
[64] In speaking of her, Lydia Maria Child said in her obituary notice
in the _National Anti-Slavery Standard_ of May 11, 1867: "All
survivors of the old Abolition band will remember Thankful Southwick
as one of the very earliest, the noblest, and the most faithful of
that small army of moral combatants who fought so bravely and so
perseveringly for the deliverance of the down-trodden. Mrs. Southwick
was born and educated in the Society of Friends, and to their calmness
of demeanor she added their indomitable persistence in the path of
duty. One of the most exciting affairs that ever occurred in Boston
was known as the 'Baltimore Slave Case.' Two girls had escaped in a
Boston vessel, and when about to be carried back, were brought out on
a writ of 'habeas corpus.' All Boston was in a ferment for and against
the fugitives. The commercial world were determined that this Southern
property should be restored to the white claimants, and the
Abolitionists were determined that it should remain in the possession
of the original owners until a bill of sale from the Almighty could be
produced. By the vigilance and ingenious arrangements of 'Father
Snowden' and Thankful Southwick, at a given signal the slaves were
spirited away from the crowded court-room, and out of the city. The
agent of the slaveholders standing near Mrs. Southwick, and gazing
with astonishment at the empty space, where an instant before the
slaves stood, she turned her large gray eyes upon him and said, 'Thy
prey hath escaped thee.' Wherever working or thinking was to be done
for our righteous cause, there was Thankful Southwick ever ready with
wise counsel and energetic action. She and her excellent husband were
among the very first to sustain Garrison in his unequal contest with
the strong Goliath of slavery. At that time they were in affluent
circumstances, and their money was poured forth freely for the
unpopular cause which had as yet found no adherents among the rich.
Their commodious house was a caravansary for fugitive slaves, and for
anti-slavery pilgrims from all parts of the country. At the
anniversary meetings when most of the Abolitionists were desirous to
have for their guests, Friend Whittier, the Hon. James G. Birney,
George Thompson, Theodore, or Angelia Weld, Joseph and Thankful
Southwick were quietly looking about for such of the anti-slavery
brothers and sisters as were too little known to be likely to receive
invitations. Always kindly unpretending, clear-sighted to perceive the
right, and faithful in following it wherever it might lead. They were
upright in all their dealings with the world, tender and true in the
relations of private life and the memory they have left is a
benediction."
[65] On a recent visit at the home of Robert Purvis, of Philadelphia,
in talking over those eventful days one evening in company with Daniel
Neale, it was amusing and gratifying to hear those gentlemen dilate on
the grandeur of her bearing through those mobs in Pennsylvania Hall.
It seems on that occasion she had a beautiful crimson shawl thrown
gracefully over her shoulders. One of these gentlemen remarked, "I
kept my eye on that shawl, which could be seen now here, now there,
its wearer consulting with one, cheering another; and I made up my
mind that until that shawl disappeared, every man must stand by his
guns."
[66] Abby Kelly.
[67] Just previous to this Convention Horace Mann, President of
Antioch College, had been giving a lecture through the country, and
made many severe strictures on the false philosophy of the woman
suffrage movement, or rather what he supposed it to be. This was
considered the more damaging because Mr. Mann so strongly favored
co-education. It was as if one in our own camp had suddenly turned
traitor. Among other things he said that our legislative halls were
such bear gardens that they were not fit for women to enter. It is to
this remark reference is made in the debates.
[68] This letter will be found in "Reminiscences of Lucretia Mott," at
the close of this chapter.
[69] See Appendix.
[70] See Appendix.
[71] In accordance with this plan Matilda Joslyn Gage prepared a
story, entitled "The Household," treating different phases of woman's
wrongs, and presented it to the Committee. But as nothing was ever
done to carry out the proposition, the manuscript was returned to the
author, and slumbers in her garret with other rejected manuscripts.
[72] The first National Convention held in Washington was in January,
1869.
[73] Joseph C. Neal.
[74] It seems these inexperienced parents had armed themselves with
the most approved works on the construction and capacities of infants,
in one of which they found the statement that the stomach of a
new-born child could hold only one tablespoonful of milk. Accordingly
the boy was restricted to that amount, once an hour. Although he
protested against this limited supply by constant wailing, and
shrivelled from day to day into a miniature mummy, the system was
pursued, until at last "Sister Sarah," who had had suspicions for some
time that the child's capacity was underrated, thought she would
assume the responsibility of giving him for once all the milk he could
take. What he did do, so far outmeasured what the doctrinaire said he
could do, that the child was happily permitted ever after to decide
for himself. The faith of the trusting parents was thus visibly shaken
in one theory, and I am happy to add, in due time in many others,
regarding the Graham system of dietetics.
CHAPTER XI
LUCRETIA MOTT.
Eulogy at the Memorial Services[75] held in Washington by the
National Woman Suffrage Association, January 19, 1881. By
Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
On the 3d of January, 1793, the little island of Nantucket, fifteen
miles by three and a half, lying far out into the sea on the coast of
Massachusetts, welcomed to its solitude a child destined to be one of
America's most famous women. This was a fitting birthplace for
Lucretia Mott; as the religion and commerce of the island (named for a
woman) had been guided by a woman's brain. In 1708 Mary Starbuck,
known as "The Great Merchant," a woman of remarkable breadth of
intellect, as well as great executive ability, converted the colony to
Quakerism, and vindicated woman's right to interest herself in the
commerce of the world. Perhaps she, like the good genii of old,
brought her gifts to that cradle and breathed into the new life the
lofty inspiration that made this woman the prophet and seer she was.
Here were the descendants of John Wolman, William Rotch, George Fox,
the Macys, the Franklins, the Folgers; and in this pure atmosphere,
and from these distinguished ancestors, Lucretia Mott received her
inheritance. Her father was an honest, sea-faring Quaker. Her mother
belonged to the Folger family, whose culture, genius, common-sense,
and thrift culminated in Benjamin Franklin, and later, in Lucretia
Mott. The resemblance between her head and that of the philosopher and
statesman, was apparent to the most casual observer.
Mrs. Mott says in her diary: "I always loved the good in childhood,
and desired to do the right. In those early years I was actively
useful to my mother, who, in the absence of my father on his long
voyages, was engaged in mercantile business, often going to Boston to
purchase goods in exchange for oil and candles, the staple of the
island. The exercise of women's talents in this line, as well as the
general care which devolved upon them, in the absence of their
husbands, tended to develop and strengthen them mentally and
physically.
"In 1804 my father's family removed to Boston, and in the public and
private schools of that city I mingled with all classes without
distinction. It was the custom then to send the children of such
families to select schools; but my parents feared that would minister
to a feeling of class pride, which they felt was sinful to cultivate
in their children. And this I am glad to remember, because it gave me
a feeling of sympathy for the patient and struggling poor, which but
for this experience I might never have known." Under such humane
influences, with such ancestors and associations, in the public
schools, in the Friends' meeting, on the adventurous island, and in
the suburbs of Boston, the child passed into girlhood, with lessons of
industry and self-denial well learned, and with her life all before.
She lived in a period when women of genius had vindicated their right
to be recognized in art, science, literature, and government, and
through many of the great events that have made the United States a
Nation. It was such a combination of influences that developed
Lucretia Mott into the exceptional woman she was.
In an unlucky hour her father endorsed for a friend, and to save his
honor, was compelled to lose his property. It was a blow from which he
did not recover, and henceforward much of the support of the family
devolved upon the mother, who had remarkable tact, energy, and
courage. Both parents were ambitious for their children, and did all
they could for their education; that was one thing about which all
Quakers were tenacious. In her fourteenth year Lucretia and her elder
sister were sent to "The Nine Partners," a Friends boarding-school in
Dutchess County, New York, and there pursuing her studies with patient
zeal, she remained two years without once going home for a holiday
vacation. At fifteen, a teacher having left, Lucretia was made an
assistant, and at the end of the second year, was tendered the place
of teacher, with the inducement beside, that her services would
entitle a younger sister to her education.
Her well-balanced character enabled her to meet with calmness, all
life's varied trials, of which she had her full share. As one of eight
children in her father's house, with his financial embarrassments, and
sudden death: and afterward with five children of her own, and her
husband's reverses; Lucretia's heroism and strength of mind were
fairly tested. In both of these financial emergencies, she opened a
school, and by her success as a teacher, bridged over the chasm.
In her eighteenth year, Lucretia Coffin and James Mott, according to
Quaker ceremony, became husband and wife, the result of an attachment
formed at boarding-school, which proved to be an exceptionally happy
union, and through their long wedded life, of over half a century,
they remained ever loyal to one another. James Mott, though a Quaker,
was in all personal qualities the very opposite of his wife. He had
the cool judgment, she the enkindling enthusiasm. He had the slow,
sure movement; she the quick, impulsive energy. He enjoyed nothing
more than silence; she nothing more than talking. The one was
completely the complement of the other. She possessed a delicate love
of fun, and was full of dry humor. Once during a visit from her
husband's brother, Richard Mott, of Toledo, Ohio, who like James was a
very silent man, she became suddenly aware of their absence and
started to look for them. Finding them seated on either side of a
large wood fire in the drawing-room, she said, "Oh, I thought you must
both be here it was so quiet."
In speaking of them, Robert Collyer says: "If James and Lucretia had
gone around the world in search of a mate, I think they would have
made the choice which heaven made for them. They had lived together
more than forty years when I first knew them. I thought then, as I
think now, that it was the most perfect wedded life to be found on
earth. They were both of a most beautiful presence. He, large, fair,
with kindly blue eyes, and regular features. She, slight, with dark
eyes and hair. Both, of the sunniest spirit; both, free to take their
own way, as such fine souls always are, and yet their lives were so
perfectly one that neither of them led or followed the other, so far
as one could observe, by the breadth of a line. He could speak well,
in a slow, wise way, when the spirit moved him, and the words were all
the choicer because they were so few. But his greatness, for he was a
great man, lay still in that fine, silent manhood, which would only
break into fluent speech as you sat with him by the bright wood fire
in winter, while the good wife went on with her knitting, putting it
swiftly down a score of times in an hour, to pound a vagrant spark
which had snapped on the carpet, or as we sat under the trees in the
summer twilight. Then James Mott would open his heart to those he
loved, and touch you with wonder at the depth and beauty of his
thoughts; or tell you stories of the city where when a young man he
lived, or of the choice humors of ancient Quakers, who went through
the world esteeming laughter vain, and yet set the whole world which
knew them laughing at their quaint ways and curious fancies."
In his young days, James Mott was a teacher; later on he engaged in
the cotton business, but abandoned it when it was becoming
remunerative, because of its connection with slave labor. He finally
took up the wool business, and retired with a competency some years
before his death, which enabled them to take a trip to Europe, and
afterward live the life of leisure they desired, indulging their
literary tastes. James Mott wrote a very creditable book of their
travels, and Lucretia carried enough observations of foreign life in
her head to fill folios.
Mrs. Mott was a housekeeper of the old school, in so far as everything
from garret to cellar passed under her supervision. She took the
entire care of her children, and although with remarkable economy
supplying the wants and guarding against the wastes of a large family,
she did not allow these necessary cares to absorb all her time and
thought, but cultivated the talents entrusted to her in broader
interests than family life. She felt she had duties in the Church and
the State as well as the home. The time most wives and mothers spend
in gaiety and embroidery, she spent in reading and committing to
memory choice thoughts in poetry and prose. The money others spent in
filling their homes with bric-a-brac she spent in books, and the
result proves the superior wisdom of her course.
When conventions were held in Philadelphia, her house was always
filled with guests. As presiding officer in a woman's convention
nothing escaped her notice. She felt responsible that everything
should be done in good taste and order. Her opinions on woman's
nature, sphere, destiny, were thoroughly digested, and any speaker
that did not come up to her exact ideal, was taken delicately to task
when her turn came to speak. As some one remarks, "she had a playful
way of tapping a speaker in a public meeting, as a skillful driver
touches his horses with the tip end of his whip." Once, says Wendell
Phillips, she tried the experiment on me when I had ventured to say
that one of the drawbacks to the movement, was the indifference of
women themselves. Other speakers too expressed sentiments on which
Mrs. Mott differed from them. When she arose she touched them all
round with her gentle raillery, offending no one, just pronounced
enough in her speech to be effective, and in no way compromising
herself. Glancing at the platform on one occasion in Philadelphia, the
central figure, is Lucretia Mott in Quaker costume, in the zenith of
her refined beauty; around her are grouped James Mott, William Lloyd
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Robert Purvis,
Charles Burleigh, Ernestine L. Rose, Frances Dana Gage, Hannah Tracy
Cutler, Lydia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Ann Preston, Sarah Pugh, Hannah
Darlington, Mary Grew, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Susan B. Anthony, and Lucy
Stone, as refined and remarkable an assembly of men and women as could
be found in any European court. Yet these were the people so hated and
ridiculed by the press and the pulpit, whose grand utterances and
spicy debates were stigmatized as "the maudlin sentimentalisms of
unsexed men and women."
But let us follow these friends to the home of Lucretia Mott. A large
house on Arch Street, like all buildings in the city of brotherly
love, with white shutters, marble cappings and steps, and dining-room
on the second floor of the rear building. There are our stern
reformers, round the social board, as genial a group of martyrs as one
could find. Without the shadow of a doubt as to the rightfulness of
their own position, and knowing too that the common sense of the
nation was on their side, they made merry over the bigotry of the
Church, popular prejudices, conservative fears, absurd laws and
customs hoary with age. How they did hold up in their metaphysical
tweezers the representatives of the dead past that ever and anon
ventured upon our platform. With what peals of laughter their
assumptions and contradictions were chopped into mince meat. On this
occasion, William Lloyd Garrison occupied the seat of honor at Mrs.
Mott's right hand, and led the conversation which the hostess always
skillfuly managed to make general. When seated around her board, no
two-and-two side talk in monotone was ever permissible; she insisted
that the good things said should be enjoyed by all. At the close of
the meal, while the conversation went briskly on, with a neat little
tray and snowy towel, she washed up the silver and china as she
uttered some of her happiest thoughts. James Mott at the head of the
table maintained the dignity of his position, ever ready to throw in a
qualifying word, when these fiery reformers became too intense.
Theirs was the ideal home, perfect in its appointments, and where
discussion on all subjects took the widest range. Being alike in
search of truth, one felt no fear of shocking them. Those accustomed
to see priests and bigots, whenever a doubt was expressed as to any of
their cherished opinions, rise and leave the room with a deeply
wounded expression, were surprised to see James and Lucretia Mott
calmly discussing with guests, their own most cherished creeds, and
questioning the wisdom of others in turn. Freedom was not a deity in
their home to be worshiped afar off, but the patron saint of the
household, influencing all who entered there, giving her benedictions
to each at every feast.
Their home was the castle of safety for runaway slaves, and the
paradise of the unfortunate. All knew that if the mistress met them
empty handed, she would cheer their lonely hearts with kind words,
recognizing their humanity, and with sure promise of some future
consideration. Her house was a resort too for people of distinction.
When Frederika Bremer, Harriet Martineau, Lord Morpeth, Lord and Lady
Amberley, visited this country, the reformers were the people they
desired to see, and chief among them Lucretia Mott, after whom Lady
Amberley named her first daughter. Thus titled foreigners, scholars,
and politicians often met at her fireside. I have frequently heard
Gerrit Smith describe a call he once made there. In a conversation of
an hour, she was interrupted half a dozen times with applications for
charity. At last, in came the glorious Fanny Kemble, meeting Mrs. Mott
in a manner that clearly showed they were warm and well-known friends;
and soon came Frederick Douglass. There sat the millionaire
philanthropist, the world-renowned actor, the grandest representative
of slavery, and the fearless disciple of Elias Hicks. I doubt if the
Quaker City ever unveiled so magnificent a tableaux for the pen of an
artist.
In her diary Mrs. Mott says: "At twenty-five years of age, surrounded
with a family and many cares, I felt called to a more public life of
devotion to duty, and engaged in the ministry in the 'Society of
Friends,' receiving every encouragement from those in authority until
the separation amongst us in 1827, when my convictions led me to
adhere to those who believed in the sufficiency of the light within,
resting on 'truth for authority rather than authority for truth.' The
popular doctrine of original sin never commended itself to my reason
or conscience, except on the theory of original holiness also. I
searched the Scriptures daily, ofttimes finding a construction of the
text wholly different from that which had been pressed on our
acceptance. The highest evidence of a sound faith being the practical
life of the Christian, I have felt a far greater interest in the moral
movements of the age than in any theological discussion."
In 1818 she began to preach in "Friends' Meeting," and through New
England, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, she spoke at an early
day on the tenets of her sect. She affiliated with the branch called
"Hicksite," or "Unitarian Quakers." As Mrs. Mott was a disciple of
Elias Hicks, we can get some insight as to her religious faith by a
few extracts from different points in his creed as stated by himself.
In one of his sermons he says:
As many as are led by the Spirit of God they are the sons of God.
What is the Spirit of God? It is the light and life in the soul
of man. All that men and books can do is to point us to this
great principle which is only to be known in our own souls. The
way to arrive at a knowledge of this divine love and divine
light, and to fulfill the whole law, is to love all the creation
of God, and do right to all men and beasts.
Again he speaks of the divine love and divine light which he says
are one, indivisibly one. The Lord is love, and love may be
considered as comprehending all His power and all His wisdom; but
goodness is the most proper term that we can apply. Every one, he
says, is enlightened by the same divine light that enlightened
Jesus, and we receive it from the same source. He had the
fullness of it as we have our several allotments. All the varied
names given in Scripture to this divine light and life such as,
"Emmanuel," "Jesus," "Sent of God," "Great Prophet," "Christ our
Lord," "Grace," "Unction," "Anointed," mean one and the same
thing, and are nothing less nor more than the spirit and power of
God in the soul of man as his Creator, Preserver, Condemner,
Redeemer, Saviour, Sanctifier, and Justifier.
The Hicksites differed from the other Friends in that they placed the
light within above all external authority, while the Orthodox Friends
make the Scriptures the surer guide, though some make the written word
and inner light of equal authority. In a letter to John C. Sanders, in
1828, Elias Hicks says:
Not all the books ever written, nor all the miracles recorded in
the Scriptures, nor all other external evidence of what kind
soever, has ever revealed God (who is an eternal invisible
Spirit) to any one of the children of men. Heaven is not a fixed
place above, nor hell below, but both are states of the soul. The
blood of Christ shed upon the cross has no more power to cleanse
us from sin than the blood of bullocks and rams poured out on
Jewish altars could cleanse that people from their sins. We must
know Christ within us to save us from sin; men depend so much on
the crucifixion that they heed not the light within.
This wonderful prophet and seer was seventy-nine years old when the
separation began in Philadelphia. The division in this country created
great excitement among the Quakers in England, who were very active in
their hostility to Elias Hicks and his doctrines. Some of them came to
America to bear their testimony. Among others, Annie Braithwaite
traveled extensively and addressed Friends' meetings. Mrs. Mott states
that on one occasion when she was present, the English Quakeress, in
preaching salvation by the blood of Christ, had spoken with more than
usual unction and enthusiasm. As soon as she finished a profound
silence reigned. Elias Hicks, slowly rising and removing his hat, said
in deep inspired tones: "Friends, to the Christ that never was
crucified; to the Christ that never was slain; to the Christ that can
not die. I commend you."
Many of the professed followers of Elias Hicks lacked the courage and
conscience to maintain his principles when the magnetism of his direct
influence was withdrawn by his death. Hence even in that division of
the Friends to which she belonged, Mrs. Mott encountered much
opposition, especially for her public identification with unpopular
reforms. Many would have gladly seen her withdraw from their
membership, and others were desirous that she should be disowned. But
she understood her own rights and Friends Discipline too well to
violate a single rule. Although her enemies kept close watch, they
never caught her off her guard. At the time of the division, she
remarked to an acquaintance: "It seemed to me almost like death at
first to be shut out of the Friends Meeting where I had loved to go
for religious communion, to see the cold averted looks from those
whose confidence I once enjoyed, to be shunned as unworthy of notice;
all this was hard to endure, but it was the price I paid for being
true to the convictions of my own soul."
Her spiritual life was deep and earnest, but entirely her own. It was
intuitional, not emotional. It was expressed in her love for man in
God, and not God in creeds and ceremonies. She prized the free
sentiments of William Ellery Channing, read his works with avidity,
and always had some volume of his at hand. The Life of Rev. Joseph
Blanco White, a rare book, was for years one of the companions of her
solitude. It was thoroughly worn, and the margin covered with her
notes and marks of approval. Dean Stanley and Buckle's "History of
Civilization" were favorites with her also. Cowper's "Task" and
Young's "Night Thoughts," which had been her text-books at "Nine
Partners," never lost their charm for her. She could repeat pages of
them. In her last days she read "The Light of Asia" with intense
pleasure. When she had already passed her eighty-seventh year, Susan
B. Anthony visiting her, says: "She read aloud to us from that
charming poem until after eleven o'clock at night." Her conversation,
as well as her public addresses, were sprinkled with beautiful and apt
citations from her favorite authors, as it was the habit of her life
to commit to memory sentiments she most valued in poetry and prose.
It was not possible that a woman like Lucretia Mott should keep
silence in the churches, no matter what Paul might say to the
contrary, because that great brain was created to think, that noble
heart to beat through making and moulding speech, and those fine gray
eyes to see what the prophets in all times have seen. I can not
imagine her as one of the silent sisters who though having something
to say, dare not say it though to save her own soul or the souls of
those about her.
An old friend in Lancaster County, says Robert Collyer, told me
of his first hearing her in the early days when as yet she was
almost unknown. It had been a dreary time among Friends up
there, and being a man who did not care for the traditions of
"first day" and "fourth day," he was getting tired of silence.
One "first day" he went to his meeting expecting nothing as
usual, and pretty sure he would not be disappointed. Nor was he
for a time. But presently a young woman arose in the high seat he
had never seen before, whose presence touched him with strange
new expectations. She looked, he said, as one who had no great
hold on life, and began to speak in low tones, with just a touch
of hesitation as of one feeling after her thought, and there was
a tremor in her voice as if she felt the burden of the spirit.
But she soon found her way out of this, and then he said he began
to hold his breath. He had never heard such speaking in all his
life, so born of conviction, so radiant with that inward light
for which he had been waiting, that he went home feeling as he
supposed they must have felt in the olden time who thought they
had heard an angel.
I once heard such an outpouring. It was at a woods-meeting up
among the hills where quite a number of us had our say, and then
my friend's turn came. She was well on in years then, but the old
fire still burned clear, and God's breath touched her out of
heaven and she prophesied. I suppose she spoke for two hours, but
after the first moment she never faltered or failed to hold the
multitude spell-bound, and waiting on her words. Yet there was
not the least hint of premeditation, while there was boundless
wealth of meditation in her deep, pregnant thoughts. I have said
she prophesied, no other term would answer to her speech. Her
eyes had seen the coming glory of the Lord, and she testified
that she had seen; and this was all the more wonderful to me,
because it was the habit of her mind in later years to reason, as
President McCosh does, from premise to conclusion. But she had
seen a vision there sitting in the August splendor with the voice
of God's presence whispering in the trees, and the vision had set
the heart high above the brain. These were care-worn and
work-worn folks she saw about her with knotted hands resting on
the staff, or folded quietly on the lap. They had nearly done the
good day's work, and now preacher and prophet were needed to tell
them what that day's work meant, where they keep the books for
us, and so it was not a speech, but a psalm of life.
Mrs. Mott was safe at all points in taking Elias Hicks for a teacher
of morals, as he was pronounced on every reform. On the question of
woman's rights, he says:
If Paul said of women preachers what we find in Corinthians and
Timothy, I judge that he had no allusion at all to their
preaching or prophesying in the churches; and if he had, we have
no right to admit it as sound doctrine, as it contradicts a
number of his own declarations (and the general testimony of
Scripture), which are more rational and clear, as in the
fourteenth chapter of Romans; and in Philippians where he speaks
of the women who labored with him in the Gospel; and in 1st
Corinthians where he speaks of women praying and prophesying; and
Paul assures us that male and female are one in Christ. Also
under the law there were prophetesses as well as prophets, and
the effusion of the Spirit in the latter days as prophesied by
Joel was to be equally on sons and daughters, servants and
handmaids. To believe otherwise is irrational and inconsistent
with the divine attributes, and would charge the Almighty with
partiality and injustice to one-half of His rational creation.
Therefore I believe it would be wrong to admit it, although
asserted in the most plain and positive manner by men or angels.
In our last conflict with Great Britain, Elias Hicks called the
attention of "Friends" to a faithful support of their testimony
against war and injustice, desiring them to maintain their
Christian liberties against encroachment of the secular powers,
laws having been enacted levying taxes for the support of the
war. At one meeting there was considerable altercation; as some
Friends who refused payment had been distrained some three or
four fold more than the tax demanded, while others complied, paid
the tax, and justified themselves in so doing. On this point his
mind was deeply exercised and he labored to encourage Friends to
faithfulness to exalt their testimonies for the Prince of Peace.
Elias Hicks preached against slavery both in Maryland and
Virginia. He says of a meeting in Baltimore that he especially
addressed slave-holders. Further, he opposed the use of
slave-grown goods. At a meeting in Providence, R. I., he said he
was moved to show the great and essential difference there is
between the righteousness of man comprehended in his laws,
customs, and traditions, and the righteousness of God which is
comprehended in pure, impartial, unchangeable justice. They who
continue this traffic, and enrich themselves, by the labor of
these deeply oppressed Africans, violate these plain principles
of justice, and no cunning sophistical reasoning in the wisdom of
this world can justify them, or silence the convictions of
conscience.