an extreme and antiquated definition was strictly against nature--a
retrospective move, in other words, as against the blending progressive
force of evolution represented by Parliamentarianism.
At the same time it would be hard to find a more fruitful, inspiring, or
elevating passage than the following:--
"Choose the Ireland that you think is best, and fashion yourself in its
likeness. If you wish to see Ireland become a perfect country, a kingdom
of God, do you yourself become a perfect individual, a kingdom of God.
The perfect country can only be established by individual men and women,
who are striving after perfection--perfection not only in an imaginary
Irish nation which is outside themselves, but in the actual Irish nation
which is within themselves, in their own brains and hearts and sinews,
to mar or to make beautiful as they will."
The Sinn Fein theory of the interdependence of the State and the
individual is also worth noting:--
"I realize, of course," says the writer, "that it would be equally true,
or nearly so, to say that _it is only the perfect State that could
produce perfect men and women, and so my argument may appear to run in a
circle. The State and the individual react on each other, however, each
helping the other forward on the way towards some ultimate decency._
Some thinkers lay too much stress on the part that must be played by the
State in producing the perfect individual; others have their minds
occupied too exclusively by the part played by the individual in
bringing about the perfect State. The man with broad views will, I
think, see that both progressive individuals and a progressive State are
necessary, that they are complementary one to the other. He will aspire
after a free and self-reliant Ireland, and the first thing he will do in
order to realize his aspirations will be to make himself self-reliant
and free--free from everything that is shameful and ignoble, as he
wishes to see his country free from the shame of foreign conquest and
the ignominy of English rule. He will attempt to become himself among
his neighbours what he wishes to see Ireland among the
nations--conspicuous for honour and courage, and courtesy and virtue."
As regards the best methods of propagating Sinn Fein, the writer lays
stress upon "example being better than precept," and then he remarks:
"If the average professing Nationalist had been a perceptibly finer
character than the average professing Unionist during the last
half-century, all the noble men and women in Ireland would by the law of
their natures have been attracted to the national banner."
The one blow which the Sinn Feiner strikes is at the unreality of the
usual political distinctions of Nationalists and Unionists; both have
their demonstrations, the writer points out, at which political speakers
make speeches consciously insincere, but justified by a sort of
traditional instinct; and both crowds go home equally convinced of the
intolerance of their opponents, relying for victory "on the strength of
their fists and lungs," but all the thinkers despise it all, and this to
such an extent that he is led on to remark: "If an impartial spectator
were to go to an ordinary Green demonstration in Ireland, he would
probably be inclined to be an Orangeman; while if he were to attend an
Orange demonstration he would probably come away feeling strangely
sympathetic towards Nationalism."
Which, after all, is only what every independent writer and thinker has
been bellowing forth for the past generation.
With regard to the employment of physical force there is this
significant passage:--
"Whatever is to be said in favour of the use of physical force against
England, there is nothing to be said in favour of Irishmen making use of
it against each other. It would be as wrong, for instance, for Sinn
Feiners to wreck a meeting of Parliamentarians as it would be for
Parliamentarians forcibly to break up a meeting of Sinn Feiners. You
might compel timid people to join you in this way, and you would win the
support of that great body of people that likes always to be on the
stronger side. But it is not in the hands of the timid and the selfish
that the destinies of Ireland are. _The destinies of Ireland are in the
hands of the free and noble men and women of Ireland whom you can
persuade, but could never compel, to join you_"; and he ends up: "If you
had all the force of all the Empires in the world at your back you could
not increase the number of genuine Nationalists in Ireland by
one"--which is perfectly true.
In policy it is both selfish and altruistic: as a national movement its
aim is "Ireland first and Ireland alone and Ireland always"; as an
individual movement it inculcates that "no personal sacrifice is too
great for one's country," and it is probably this last feature that drew
the younger generation in thousands to its standards, and no doubt will
continue to do so, for in this sense of self-reliance Sinn Fein will
continue to exist as long as there is a single Irishman in Ireland.
As to the constitution of "Sinn Fein," it differs very little in ideal
from that of average Nationalism, save in the respect of its
application, and may be quoted in full, in view of its present interest
and the importance of fully appreciating at the present critical moment
what Sinn Fein really is.
Sinn Fein means, as we have already seen, literally "Ourselves," and is
the title and expression of a movement which denies the lawful existence
of the Incorporating Union in contradistinction to Unionism (which see)
and Parliamentarianism (which see). Sinn Fein declares Ireland to be by
natural and constitutional right a sovereign State, and teaches that the
election of Irishmen to serve in the British Parliament is treason to
the Irish State, as no lawful power exists, has existed, or can exist in
that Parliament to legislate for Ireland. It advocates the withdrawal of
the Irish representation from Westminster, and the formation in Ireland
of a voluntary legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish
nation. The constitution and aims of the Sinn Fein organization are as
follows:--
CONSTITUTION.
"The object of Sinn Fein is the re-establishment of the Independence of
Ireland.
"The aim of the Sinn Fein Policy is to unite Ireland on this broad
National platform.--1st. That we are a distinct nation. 2nd. That we
will not make any voluntary agreement with Great Britain until Great
Britain keeps her own compact which she made by the Renunciation Act of
1783, which enacted 'that the right claimed by the people of Ireland to
be bound only by laws enacted by His Majesty and the Parliament of that
Kingdom is hereby declared to be established, and ascertained for ever,
and shall, at no time hereafter, be questioned or questionable.' 3rd.
That we are determined to make use of any powers we have, or may have at
any time in the future, to work for our own advancement, and for the
creation of a prosperous, virile, and independent nation.
"That the people of Ireland are a free people, and that no law made
without their authority or consent is, or ever can be, binding on their
conscience.
"That the General Council of County Councils presents the nucleus of a
National authority, and we urge upon it to extend the scope of its
deliberation and action; to take within its purview every question of
national interest, and to formulate lines of procedure for the nation.
"That national self-development through the recognition of the duties
and rights of citizenship on the part of the individual and by the aid
and support of all movements originating from within Ireland, instinct
with national tradition and not looking outside Ireland for the
accomplishment of their aims, is vital to Ireland."
Sinn Fein has been formed to re-establish a National Government in
Ireland, and, pending its establishment, advance that object by:--
I. The introduction of a Protective System for Irish Industries and
Commerce by combined action of the Irish County Councils, Urban
Councils, Rural Councils, Poor Law Boards, Harbour Boards, and other
bodies directly responsible to the Irish people.
II. The establishment and maintenance under the direction of the General
Council of County Councils or other authority approved by the people of
Ireland of an Irish Consular Service for the advancement of Irish
Commerce and Irish Interests generally.
III. The re-establishment of an Irish Mercantile Marine to facilitate
direct trading between Ireland and the countries of Continental Europe,
America, Africa, and the Far East.
IV. The General Survey of Ireland and the development of its mineral
resources, under the auspices of the General Council of County Councils
or other national authorities approved by the people of Ireland.
V. The establishment of an Irish National Bank and a National Stock
Exchange under charter from the General Council of County Councils.
VI. The creation of a National Civil Service embracing all the employees
of the County Councils, Rural Councils, Poor Law Boards, Harbour Boards,
and other bodies responsible to the Irish people, by the institution of
a common national qualifying examination and a local competitive
examination (the latter at the discretion of the local bodies).
VII. The establishment of National Courts of Arbitration for the speedy
and satisfactory adjustment of disputes.
VIII. The establishment of a National System of Insurance of property
and individuals.
IX. The control and management of transit by rail, road, and water, and
the control and management of waste lands for the national benefit by a
national authority approved by the people of Ireland.
X. The control and management of the Irish sea fisheries by the General
Council of County Councils or other national authority approved by the
people of Ireland.
XI. The reform of Education to render its basis national and industrial
by the compulsory teaching of the Irish Language, Irish History, and
Irish manufacturing and agricultural potentialities in the primary
system, and, in addition, in the University system the institution of
the degrees of Doctor of Agriculture and Doctor of National Economics.
XII. The non-consumption so far as practicable of articles paying duty
to the British Exchequer.
XIII. The withdrawal of all voluntary support to the British Armed
Forces.
XIV. The non-recognition of the British Parliament as invested with
constitutional or moral authority to legislate for Ireland, and the
Annual Assembly in Dublin of persons elected by the voters of the Irish
cities and counties, and delegates from the County, County Borough,
Urban and Rural Councils and Poor Law and Harbour Boards to devise and
formulate measures for the benefit of the whole people of Ireland.
XV. The abolition of the Poorhouse System and the substitution in its
stead of adequate outdoor relief to the aged and the infirm, and the
employment of the able-bodied in the reclamation of waste lands,
afforestation, and other National and reproductive works.
At what precise point the Sinn Feiners became "Republicans" it is hard
to say, and it was the greatest mistake that they ever made--some will
say, perhaps, their only one--but it must have been due either to the
influence of Sir Roger Casement or James Connolly.
Before this amalgamation it might have been said to have corresponded
in methods to the ideals of the English Fabians and Economists like
Sidney Webb and H. G. Wells.
Had it proclaimed the motto "Put not your trust in soldiers" with the
same vigour as it had continuously preached "Put not your trust in
Parliamentarians," it would undoubtedly have become the party of the
future.
It was, in fact, a protest against "oratory, oratory, oratory," and
preached a doctrine of "works, works, works," but with such vehemence as
to become, like everything else in Ireland, eventually political, and
when "Carsonism" became a recognized principle of legislation, military
from sheer necessity. It might have been said to have been the only
ideal truly national, in that it endeavoured to unite, and in many cases
did unite, Nationalist and Orangeman, and did this to such an extent as
to threaten to drain both parties, and consequently incurred their
jealousy.
Not only were the distinctions of Catholic and Protestant abolished by
"Sinn Fein," but even those of Liberal and Conservative as well, and in
some cases landlord and tenant, master and man.
To bring about this fusion an intellectual group arose, which was
gradually, as we have said, drawing to itself some of the best brains
and hearts of the nation, and these, working hand in hand with the
social reformers, brought abstract theories into touch with concrete
realities.
So far so good: their only enemies were the official Parliamentarians,
but then, as their methods were diametrically opposed, this was only
what was to be expected.
Both stood forth as rival means to an immediate end--the peace, unity,
and prosperity of Ireland--and with the advent of the Liberals, which
apparently was to give the Parliamentarians victory within the span of a
couple of years at most, the organization became a negligible quantity.
Indeed, they voluntarily withdrew from opposition for fear it should be
said that in a moment of acute difficulty they had hampered any Irishman
in winning liberties for Ireland, and their daily newspaper was
withdrawn.
As year after year passed, however, and Home Rule seemed to hang upon a
snap division, and its hypothetical results possibly hung up for another
generation, Sinn Feiners grew stronger and stronger as English
opposition to the Parliamentarians grew in strength, and they once more
reiterated their old principle that, Home Rule or no Home Rule, much
could be done by individual effort, and that eventually, even under
self-government, they would have to depend upon themselves alone, and
they pointed to the Hungarian example of national regeneration outside
politics.
At the first they were not, strictly speaking, in opposition at all to,
but rather complementary of, the politicians; but the first moment that
Carson's followers began to arm, ostensibly against them both, there
arose a general cry from Nationalist Sinn Feiner and Gaelic Leaguer
alike, to take measures for self-defence, which gradually grew into a
volunteer organization on the lines already in force in Ulster.
From the first it must be said that John Redmond was radically opposed
to any appeal to arms, even as a threat, staking all upon a
Constitutional movement.
Hence in the winter of 1913-14 arose the first body of what were then
called Nationalist Volunteers, the leading spirits being Mr. Eoin
MacNeill, Professor of Irish in the National University, and Sir Roger
Casement.
John Redmond was continually appealed to to come in with them, but as
often refused, until it became a certainty that Home Rule would be
placed upon the Statute Book, when he ultimately consented; but only on
condition that he had the nomination of half the controlling
committee--a demand which was somewhat resented.
Strange enough, it was the _Irish Times_ which criticized John Redmond
the most mercilessly of all for his attitude; and the passage is well
worth referring to (June 6, 1914), if only as a testimony to the
character both of the Irish leader and his opponents as well. The Sinn
Fein leaders were then "all that was best in the country," John Redmond
"all that was worst."
When the war-cloud loomed up in the horizon of Europe, the Nationalist
Volunteers were indeed still one, though the opposition between the two
parties was still alive, but at this point a new phase was entered into.
John Redmond, it will be remembered, upon the declaration of
hostilities, at once offered the assistance of the Nationalist
Volunteers to defend the shores of Ireland. Possibly the Sinn Feiners
thought they smelt conscription and militarism in this, for not only did
they formally expel the Redmondites, but entered upon precisely the same
tactics in regard to the present war that the Parnellites adopted during
the South African War. This consisted in violent pro-German sentiments,
just as there had been pro-Boer sentiments a couple of decades ago. Like
the Parliamentarians of 1900, they laughed at the most extreme
sentiments of self-righteousness which at once came over the English
Press, in which "the hereditary foe of small nationalities" was suddenly
changed into "the champion of all honour, justice, and truth in the
world"--which was particularly galling, if not actually ludicrous, to a
race which was so obviously the negation of any such a claim--at least,
so thought the Sinn Fein element.
As in those days, this spread to recruiting, and the _Hibernian_ quoted
one of Joe Devlin's early poetic effusions which lucidly described the
miseries existent "where the Flag of England flies." _Honesty_, another
of the Mosquito Press, as it came to be called, quoted John Dillon's
Tralee speech of October 20, 1901, when he said: "I see there is a
gentleman coming over here looking for recruits for the Irish Guards,
and I hope you will put him out if he comes," which sentiments were
applied to Mike O'Leary by the Sinn Feiners of the South when he turned
up, and I myself saw the eyes plucked from his posters as I passed
Macroom. For Sir Roger Casement's attempt to form an Irish Brigade
another parallel was taken, this time from Mr. Patrick O'Brien's Dublin
speech of October 1, 1899, when he said "he would not say shame to the
Irishmen who belonged to British Regiments, because he had hopes that
... instead of firing on the Boers they would fire on the Englishmen. It
was encouraging to think that out in the Transvaal there was a body of
Irishmen ready and willing to go into the field against England."
Meanwhile, the party which once held these views as "the immutable first
principles of Irish Nationalism" and was now so vigorously loyal and
energetically military, appeared to the Sinn Feiners to have changed its
ground, and thus to be betraying Ireland--quite forgetting that all the
while it was England that had to a large extent changed its attitude.
Thus a passage in the _Irish Republic_ pilloried them in a quotation
from Parnell. "Parnell," it said, "speaking at Limerick on the occasion
of his receiving the Freedom of that city, foretold the corruption and
demoralization which a prolonged stay at Westminster would effect in the
ranks of the Parliamentary Party in the following memorable words: 'I am
not one of those who believe in the permanence of an Irish Party in the
English Parliament. I feel convinced that sooner or later the influence
which every English Government has at its command--the powerful and
demoralizing influence--sooner or later will sap the best party you can
return to the House of Commons.'"
As early as October 30, 1915, many Irishmen had begun to adopt the Sinn
Fein attitude in this matter so strongly that Gilbert Galbraith came out
with a striking leader in _Honesty_, which, referring to the famous
dictum of the defeated loyalists at the Battle of the Boyne--"Change
kings, and we'll fight the battle over again"--openly advocated the
change, if not of leaders, at least of the methods of leadership from
Redmondism to Carsonism. "In nearly every crisis of his bitter fight
with Redmond," said Gilbert Galbraith, "Carson had displayed the
qualities of a successful leader with strength of character and boldness
of resource, and Redmond those of a weak, temporizing Stuart, and no man
since Parnell had so browbeaten, insulted, and lashed with scorn the
British people."
What the Sinn Feiners admired in Carson was his scrupulous honesty in
declaring what he wanted, and his gloriously unscrupulous determination
to see that he got it, and they called aloud that Nationalist Ireland
should find someone with the Ulster spirit to lead them.
As a matter of fact it was curiously like what actually occurred, for
they found those leaders in two other Ulster men, Connolly and Casement,
for Germany was merely their common tool--again a leaf out of the
Carsonite book.
Whence then came this link with Germany?
It is modern, very modern indeed--in fact, contemporary, certainly
accidental. Sir Roger Casement had been abroad in the tropics most of
his life: he hated politics; he cannot speak German, and has had to have
all his negotiations done through translators and interpreters.
His sympathy with Germany was based upon the conviction that until the
freedom of the seas had been established by England's naval downfall
Ireland was bound to remain in intellectual, moral, and political
vassalage; but that once Germany had broken the spell, Ireland could
then come freely forward among the nations of the earth, free and
unfettered to fulfill her destiny. He did not, as far as I can gather,
want England's downfall in itself, only Ireland's freedom: and on that
freedom he wished to establish the future peace of the world, bringing
Saxon and Teuton together as they are to-day together in the United
States through the medium of the Celt; for the Irishman can speak with
far more truth of his "German cousins" than the Englishman, at least in
America; and America was to count in Sir Roger Casement's dream of
world-politics. If the Clan-na-Gael did indeed forward German gold to
Ireland, it was with this aim, just as it was with this aim, it was
said, that the Irish in America had steadily opposed the break with
Germany.
Now, it was never expected that Ireland would free herself in the coming
struggle, but there is a story current that he was supposed to have
obtained some guarantees--of what kind I could not find out--that in the
event of Germany winning Ireland would be mentioned at the peace
conference in the some category as Belgium and Poland when the principle
of the re-establishment of small nationalities came up for discussion,
but only upon one condition, and that was "that Ireland should rise and
be able to hold the Capital for a week."
One can well imagine with what avidity such plans, with their reaction
upon the very delicate negotiations now going on at Washington, would be
received in Germany at the present moment. But his plans--or rather I
should say his dreams--appear to have been matured long before the war;
dreams dreamt in the solitude of the tropics when Europe still clasped
the illusion of universal peace.[2]
It was the Carson Volunteers that gave him the idea of the possibility
of a physical force movement. If Orangemen could drill, why not
Nationalists; if the planter could fight, why not the native; if the
hands of Government could be forced by threats and arms brought in under
their very eyes, why not take advantage of it; if war was inevitable
sooner or later, why not prepare?--any way, it would be as noble to die
for a race's emancipation as the privileges of an hereditary
officialdom.
Plan for plan, and man for man, then followed the constitution of the
Irish Volunteers--Carsonism turned on Carson--and Germany "used" rather
than "served" in the interests of Ireland.
When John Redmond, therefore, with the doubtful facility of oratory
attempted to explain away the whole rebellion with the insinuation that
the whole movement was the outcome of German gold, he must for the
moment have forgotten that he was talking to men who invariably looked
upon him as long ago bought up with American gold, and that he was
referring to his fellow-countrymen in a protest against a class he had
himself times out of number denounced as subsidized by English gold--and
Sir Roger Casement's denial of such an imputation as both insolent and
insulting was as true as it was dignified.
As a matter of fact the only thing German about the whole rebellion was
the "Prussianism" of the Castle, which was equally responsible for the
occurrence of the rising and these harsh methods of repression which
eventually--paradoxically enough--made it the moral success it has since
become in the hearts of Irishmen.
FOOTNOTE: