LXIX. And the Resident, Bristow, knowing how acceptable the said

proceeding would be to all the people of Oude, and the neighboring

independent countries, did generously and politically, (though not

truly,) in his letter to the princess mother attribute the said relief

given to herself, and the release of her ministers, to the humanity of

the said Warren Hastings, agreeably to whose orders he pretended to act:

asserting, that he, the said Hastings, "was the spring from whence she

was restored to her dignity and consequence."[76] And the account of the

proceedings aforesaid was regularly transmitted to the said Warren

Hastings on the 30th of December, 1782, with the reasons and motives

thereto, and a copy of the report of the officer concerning the

inutility of further force, attended with sundry documents concerning

the famishing, and other treatment, of the women and children of the

late sovereign: but the same appear to have made no proper impression on

the mind of the said Warren Hastings; for no answer whatsoever was given

to the said letter until the 3d of March, 1783, when the said Hastings,

writing in his own character and that of the Council, did entirely pass

by all the circumstances before recited, but did give directions for the

renewal of measures of the like nature and tendency with those which

(for several of the last months at least of the said proceeding) had

been employed with so little advantage to the interest and with so much

injury to the reputation of the Company, his masters, in whose name he

acted,--expressing himself in the said letter of the 3d of March, 1783,

as follows: "We desire you will inform us what means have been taken for

recovering the balance [the pretended balance of the extorted money] due

from the Begums [princesses] at Fyzabad; and if necessary, you must

recommend it to the Vizier _to enforce the most effectual means_ for

that purpose." And the Resident did, in his answer to the board, dated

31st March, 1783, on this peremptory order, again detail the particulars

aforesaid to the said Warren Hastings, referring him to his former

correspondence, stating the utter impossibility of proceeding further by

force, and mentioning certain other disgraceful and oppressive

circumstances, and in particular, that the Company did not, in

plundering the mother of the reigning prince of her wearing apparel and

beasts of carriage, receive a value in the least equal to the loss she

suffered: the elephants having no buyer but the Nabob, and the clothes,

which had last been delivered to Middleton at a valuation of thirty

thousand pounds, were so damaged by ill keeping in warehouses, that they

could not be sold, even for six months' credit, at much more than about

eight thousand pounds; by which a loss in a single article was incurred

of twenty-two thousand pounds out of the fifty, for the recovery of

which (supposing it had been a just debt) such rigorous means had been

employed, after having actually received upwards of five hundred

thousand pounds in value to the Company, and extorted much more in loss

to the suffering individuals. And the said Bristow, being well

acquainted with the unmerciful temper of the said Hastings, in order to

leave no means untried to appease him, not contented with the letter to

the Governor-General and Council, did on the same day write another

letter _to him particularly_, in which he did urge several arguments,

the necessity of using of which to the said Hastings did reflect great

dishonor on this nation, and on the Christian religion therein

professed, namely: "That he had experienced great embarrassment in

treating with her [the mother of the reigning prince]; for, as the

mother of the Vizier, the people look up to her with respect, and any

hard measures practised against women of her high rank create

discontent, and affect our national character." And the said Resident,

after condemning very unjustly her conduct, added, "Still she is the

mother of the prince of the country, and the religious prejudices of

Mussulmen prevail too strongly in their minds to forget her situation."

LXX. That the said Warren Hastings did not make any answer to the said

letter. But the mother of the prince aforesaid, as well as the mother of

his father, being, in consequence of his, the said Hastings's,

directions, incessantly and rudely pressed by their descendant, in the

name of the Company, to pay to the last farthing of the demand, they did

both positively refuse to pay any part of the pretended balances

aforesaid, until their landed estates were restored to them; on the

security of which alone they alleged themselves to be in a condition to

borrow any money, or even to provide for the subsistence of themselves

and their numerous dependants. And in order to put some end to these

differences, the Vizier did himself, about the beginning of August,

1783, go to Fyzabad, and did hold divers conferences with his parents,

and did consent and engage to restore to them their landed estates

aforesaid, and did issue an order that they should be restored

accordingly; but his minister aforesaid, having before his eyes the

peremptory orders of him, the said Warren Hastings, did persuade his

master to dishonor himself in breaking his faith and engagement with his

mother and the mother of his father, by first evading the execution, and

afterwards totally revoking his said public and solemn act, on pretence

that he had agreed to the grant "from shame, being in their presence

[the presence of his mother and grandmother], and that it was

unavoidable at the time";[77]--the said minister declaring to him, that

it would be sufficient, if he allowed them "money for their _necessary_

expenses, and that would be _doing enough_."

LXXI. That the faith given for the restoration of their landed estates

being thus violated, and the money for necessary expenses being as ill

supplied as before, the women and children of the late sovereign, father

of the reigning prince, continued exposed to frequent want of the common

necessaries of life;[78] and being sorely pressed by famine, they were

compelled to break through all the principles of local decorum and

reserve which constitute the dignity of the female sex in that part of

the world, and, after great clamor and violent attempts for one whole

day to break the inclosure of the palace, and to force their way into

the public market, in order to move the compassion of the people, and to

beg their bread, they did, on the next day, actually proceed to the

extremity of exposing themselves to public view,--an extremity implying

the lowest state of disgrace and degradation, to avoid which many women

in India have laid violent hands upon themselves,--and they did proceed

to the public market-place with the starving children of the late

sovereign, and the brothers and sisters of the reigning prince! A minute

account of the transaction aforesaid was written to the British Resident

at Lucknow by the person appointed to convey intelligence to him from

Fyzabad, in the following particulars, highly disgraceful to the honor,

justice, and humanity of this nation.

LXXII. "The ladies, their attendants and servants, were still as

clamorous as last night. Letafit, the _darogah_, went to them and

remonstrated with them on the impropriety of their conduct, at the same

time assuring them that in a few days all their allowances would be

paid, and should not that be the case, he would advance them ten days'

subsistence, upon condition that they returned to their habitation. None

of them, however, consented to his proposals, but were still intent upon

making their escape through the _bazar_ [market-place], and in

consequence formed themselves into a line, arranging themselves in the

following order: the children in the front; behind them the ladies of

the seraglio; and behind them again their attendants: but their

intentions were frustrated by the opposition which they met from

Letafit's sepoys.

LXXIII. "The next day Letafit went twice to the women, and used his

endeavors to make them return into the zenanah, promising to advance

them ten thousand rupees; which, upon the money being paid down, they

agreed to comply with: but night coming on, nothing transpired.

LXXIV. "On the day following their clamors were more violent than usual.

Letafit went to confer with them, upon the business of yesterday;

offering the same terms. Depending upon the fidelity of his promises,

they consented to return to their apartments, which they accordingly

did, except two or three of the ladies, and most of their attendants.

Letafit then went to Hossmund Ali Khân, to consult with him upon what

means they should take. They came to a resolution of driving them in by

force, and gave orders to their sepoys to beat any one of the women who

should attempt to move forward. The sepoys consequently assembled; and

each one being provided with a bludgeon, they drove them by dint of

beating into the zenanah. The women, seeing the treachery of Letafit,

proceeded to throw stones and bricks at the sepoys, and again attempted

to get out; but finding that impossible, from the gates being shut, they

kept up a continual discharge of stones and bricks till about ten, when,

finding their situation desperate, they retired into the Kung Mohul, and

forced their way from thence into the palace, and dispersed themselves

about the house and garden; after this they were desirous of getting

into the Begum's apartment, but she, being apprised of their intention,

ordered her doors to be shut. In the mean time Letafit and Hossmund Ali

Khân posted sentries to secure the gates of the lesser Mohul. During

the whole of this conflict, all the ladies and women remained exposed to

the view of the sepoys. The Begum then sent for Letafit and Hossmund Ali

Khân, whom she severely reprimanded, and insisted upon knowing the

causes of this infamous behavior. They pleaded in their defence the

impossibility of helping it, as the treatment the women had met with had

been conformable to his Excellency the Vizier's orders. The Begum

alleged, that, even admitting that the Nabob had given those orders,

they were by no means authorized in this manner to disgrace the family

of Sujah Dowlah; and should they not receive their allowance for a day

or two, it could be of no great moment: what was passed was now at an

end; but that the Vizier should certainly be acquainted with the whole

of the affair, and that whatever he desired she should implicitly comply

with. The Begum then sent for five of the children, who were wounded in

the affray of last night, and, after endeavoring to soothe them, she

sent again for Letafit and Hossmund Ali Khân, and in the presence of the

children expressed her disapprobation of their conduct, and the

improbability of Asoph ul Dowlah's suffering the ladies and children of

Sujah Dowlah to be disgraced by being exposed to the view of the rabble.

Upon which Letafit produced the letter from the Nabob, at the same time

representing that he was amenable only to the orders of his Excellency,

and that whatever he ordered it was his duty to obey, and that, had the

ladies thought proper to have retired into their apartments quietly, he

would not have used the means he had taken to compel them. The Begum

again observed, that what had happened was now over. She then gave the

children four hundred rupees, and dismissed them, and sent word by

Jumrud and the other eunuchs, that, if the ladies would peaceably retire

to their apartments, Letafit would supply them with three or four

thousand rupees for their personal expenses, and recommended to them not

to incur any further disgrace, and that, if they did not think proper to

act agreeable to her directions, they would do wrong. The ladies

followed her advice, and about ten at night went back into the zenanah.

The nest morning the Begum waited upon the mother of Sujah Dowlah, and

related to her all the circumstances of the disturbances. The mother of

Sujah Dowlah returned for answer, that, after there being no accounts

kept of crores of revenues, she was not surprised that the family of

Sujah Dowlah, in their endeavors to procure a subsistence, should be

obliged to expose themselves to the meanest of the people. After

bewailing their misfortunes, and shedding many tears, the Begum took her

leave, and returned home."

That the said affecting narrative being sent, with others of the same

nature, on the 29th of January, 1784, to the said Warren Hastings, he

did not order any relief in consequence thereof, or take any sort of

notice whatsoever of the said intelligence.

LXXV. That the Court of Directors did express strong doubts of the

propriety of seizing the estates aforesaid, and did declare to him, the

said Hastings, "that the only consolation they felt on the occasion is,

that the amount of those jaghires _for which the Company were

guaranties_ is to be paid _through our Resident at the court of the

Vizier_; and it very materially concerns the credit of your Governor on

no account to _suffer such payments to be evaded_." But the said Warren

Hastings did never make the arrangement supposed in the said letter to

be actually made, nor did he cause the Resident to pay them the amount

of their jaghires, or to make any payment to them.

And the said Hastings being expressly ordered by the Court of Directors

to restore to them their estates, in case the charges made upon them

should not be found true, he, the said Hastings, did contumaciously and

cruelly decline any compliance with the said orders until his journey to

Lucknow, in ----, when he did, as he says, "conformably to the orders of

the Court of Directors, and more to the inclination of the Nabob Vizier,

restore to them their jaghires, but with the defalcation, according to

his own account, of _a large portion_ of their respective shares":

pretending, without the least probability, that the said defalcation was

a "voluntary concession on their part." But what he has left to them for

their support, or in what proportion to that which he has taken away, he

has nowhere stated to the Court of Directors, whose faith he has broken,

and whose orders he has thus eluded, whilst he pretended to yield _some_

obedience to them.

LXXVI. That the said Warren Hastings having made a malicious, loose, and

ill-supported charge, backed by certain unsatisfactory affidavits, as a

ground for his seizing on the jaghires and the treasures of the Vizier's

mother, solemnly guarantied to them, the Court of Directors did, in

their letter of the 14th of February, 1783, express themselves as

follows concerning that measure,--"which the Governor-General, [he, the

said Warren Hastings,] in his letter to your board, the 23d of January,

1782, has declared _he strenuously encouraged and supported_: we hope

and trust, for the honor of the British nation, that the measure

appeared fully justified in the eyes of all Hindostan. The

Governor-General has informed us that it can be well attested that the

Begums [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob aforesaid] _principally_

excited and supported the late commotions, and that they carried their

inveteracy to the English nation so far _as to aim at our utter

extirpation_." And the Court of Directors did farther declare as

follows: "That it nowhere appears from the papers at present in our

possession, that they [the mother and grandmother of the Nabob of Oude]

excited any commotions previous to the imprisonment of Rajah Cheyt Sing,

and only armed themselves in consequence of that transaction; and, as it

is probable, that such a conduct proceeded from motives of

self-defence, under an apprehension that they themselves might likewise

be laid under unwarrantable contributions." And the said Court of

Directors, in giving their orders for the restoration of the jaghires,

or for the payment of an equivalent through the Resident, did give this

order for the restoration of their estates as aforesaid on condition

that it should appear from inquiry that they were not guilty of the

practices charged upon them by the said Hastings. Mr. Stables, one of

the Council-General, did, in execution of the said conditional order,

propose an inquiry leading to the ascertainment of the condition, and

did enter a minute as follows: "That the Court of Directors, by their

letters of the 14th of February, 1783, seem not to be satisfied that the

disaffection of the Begums to this government is sufficiently proved by

the evidence before them; I therefore think that the late and present

Resident, and commanding officer in the Vizier's country at the time,

should be called on to collect what further information they can on this

subject, in which the honor and dignity of this government is so

_materially concerned_, and that such information may be transmitted to

the Court of Directors." And he did further propose heads and modes of

inquiry suitable to the doubts expressed by the Court of Directors. But

the said Warren Hastings, who ought long before, on principles of

natural justice, to have instituted a diligent inquiry in support of his

so improbable a charge, and was bound, even for his own honor, as well

as for the satisfaction of the Court of Directors, to take a strong part

in the said inquiry, did set himself in opposition to the same, and did

carry with him a majority of Council against the said inquiry into the

justice of the cause, or any proposition for the relief of the

sufferers: asserting, "that the reasons of the Court of Directors, if

transmitted with the orders for the inquiry, will prove in effect an

order for collecting evidence _to the justification and acquittal of the

Begums, and not for the investigation of the truth of the charges which

have been preferred against them_." That Mr. Stables did not propose (as

in the said Hastings's minute is groundlessly supposed) that the reasons

of the Court of Directors should be transmitted with the orders for an

inquiry. But the apprehension of the said Warren Hastings of the

probable result of the inquiry proposed did strongly indicate his sense

of his own guilt and the innocence of the parties accused by him; and

if, by his construction, Mr. Stables's minute did indicate an inquiry

merely for the justification of the parties by him accused, (which

construction the motion did not bear,) it was no more than what the

obvious rules of justice would well support, his own proceedings having

been _ex parte_,--he having employed Sir Elijah Impey to take affidavits

against the women of high rank aforesaid, not only without any inquiry

made on their part, but without any communication to them of his

practice and proceeding against them; and equity did at least require

that they, with his own knowledge and by the subordinates of his own

government, should be allowed a public inquiry to acquit themselves of

the heavy offences with which they had been by him clandestinely

charged.

LXXVII. That he, the said Hastings, in order to effectually stifle the

said inquiry, did enter on record a further minute, asserting that the

said inquiry would be productive "of evils greater than any which exist

in the consequences which have already taken place, _and which time has

almost obliterated_"; as also the following: "If I am rightly informed,

the Nabob Vizier and the Begums are on terms of mutual goodwill. It

would ill become this government to interpose its influence by any act

which might tend to revive their animosities,--and a very slight

occasion would be sufficient to effect it. They will instantly take fire

on such a declaration, proclaim the judgment of the Company in their

favor, demand a reparation of the acts which they will construe wrongs

with such a sentence warranting that construction, and either accept the

invitation to the proclaimed scandal of the Nabob Vizier, which _will

not add to the credit of our government_, or remain in his dominions,

but not under his authority, to add to his vexations and the disorders

of the country by continual intrigues and seditions. Enough already

exists to affect his peace and the quiet of his people. If we cannot

heal, let us not inflame the wounds _which have been inflicted_."--"If

the Begums think themselves aggrieved to such a degree as to justify

them in _an appeal to a foreign jurisdiction_, to appeal to it against a

man standing in the relation of son and grandson to them, _to appeal to

the justice of those who have been the abettors and instruments of their

imputed wrongs_, let us at least permit them to be the judges of their

own feelings, and prefer their complaints before we offer to redress

them. They will not need to be prompted. I hope I shall not depart from

the simplicity of official language in saying, the majesty of justice

ought to be approached with solicitation, not descend to provoke or

invite it, much less to debase itself by the suggestion of wrongs and

the promise of redress, with the denunciation of punishments before

trial, and even before accusation."

LXXVIII. That the said Warren Hastings, in attempting to pass an act of

indemnity for his own crimes, and of oblivion for the sufferings of

others, supposing the latter _almost obliterated_ by time, did not only

mock and insult over the sufferings of the allies of the Company, but

did show an indecent contempt of the understandings of the Court of

Directors: because his violent attempts on the property and liberty of

the mother and grandmother of the ally aforesaid had not their first

commencement much above two years before that time, and had been

continued, without abatement or relaxation on his part, to the very time

of his minute; the Nabob having, by the instigation of his, the said

Hastings's, instrument, Hyder Beg Khân, not two months before the date

of the Consultation, been obliged a second time to break his faith with

relation to the estates of his mother, in the manner hereinbefore

recited. And the said Hastings did not and could not conceive that the

clearing the mother could revive any animosity between her and her son,

by whom she never had been accused. The said Hastings was also sensible

that the restoration of her landed estates, recommended by the Court of

Directors, could not produce any ill effect on the mind of the said son,

as it was "with almost unconquerable reluctance he had been persuaded to

deprive her of them," and at the time of his submitting to become an

instrument in this injustice, did "declare," both, to the Resident and

his ministers, "that it was an act of compulsion."

LXXIX. That the said Hastings further, by insinuating that the women in

question would act amiss in appealing to _a foreign jurisdiction_

against a son and grandson, could not forget that he himself, being that

foreign jurisdiction, (if any jurisdiction there was,) did himself

direct and order the injuries, did himself urge the calumnies, and did

himself cause to be taken and produced the unsatisfactory evidence by

which the women in question had suffered,--and that it was against him,

the said Hastings, and not against their son, that they had reason to

appeal. But the truth is, that the inquiry was moved for by Mr. Stables,

not on the prayer or appeal of the sufferers, but upon the ill

impression which the said Hastings's own conduct, merely and solely on

his own state of it, and on his own evidence in support of it, had made

on the Court of Directors, who were his lawful masters, and not suitors

in his court. And his arrogating to himself and his colleagues to be a

tribunal, and a tribunal not for the purpose of doing justice, but of

refusing inquiry, was an high offence and misdemeanor (particularly as

the due obedience to the Company's orders was eluded on the insolent

pretence "that the majesty of justice ought to be approached with

solicitation, and that it would debase itself by the suggestion of

wrongs and the promise of redress") in a Governor, whose business it is,

even of himself, and unsolicited, not only to promise, but to afford,

redress to all those who should suffer under the power of the Company,

even if their ignorance, or want of protection, or the imbecility of

their sex, or the fear of irritating persons in rank and station, should

prevent them from seeking it by formal solicitation.

LXXX. That the said Warren Hastings, at the time when he pretended

ignorance of all solicitation for justice on the part of the women

aforesaid, and on that pretence did refuse the inquiry moved by his

colleague, Mr. Stables, had in all probability received from the

Resident, Middleton, or, if he had made the slightest inquiry from the

said Middleton, then at Calcutta, might immediately receive, an account

that _they did actually solicit_ the said Resident, through Major

Gilpin, for redress against his, the said Hastings's, calumnious

accusation, and the false testimony by which it was supported, and did

send the said complaint to the Resident, Middleton, by the said Gilpin,

to be transmitted to him, the said Hastings, and the Council, so early

as the 19th of October, 1782; and that she, the mother of the Nabob,

did afterwards send the same to the Resident, Bristow, asserting their

innocence, and accompanying the same with the copies of letters (the

originals of which they asserted were in their hands) from the chief

witnesses against them, Hannay and Gordon, which letters did directly

overturn the charges or insinuations in the affidavits made by them, and

that, instead of any accusation of an attempt upon them and their

parties by the instigation of the mother of the Nabob, or by her

ministers, they, the said Hannay and Gordon, did attribute their

preservation to them and to their services, and did, with strong

expressions of gratitude both to the mother of the Nabob and to her

ministers, fully acknowledge the same: which remonstrance of the mother

of the Nabob, and the letters of the said Hannay and Gordon, are annexed

to this charge; and the said Hastings is highly criminal for not having

examined into the facts alleged in the said remonstrance.

LXXXI. That the violent proceedings of the said Warren Hastings did tend

to impress all the neighboring princes, some of whom were allied in

blood to the oppressed women of rank aforesaid, with an ill opinion of

the faith, honor, and decency of the British nation; and accordingly, on

the journey aforesaid made by the Nabob from Lucknow to Fyzabad, in

which the said Nabob did restore, in the manner before mentioned, the

confiscated estates of his mother and grandmother, and did afterwards

revoke his said grant, it appears that the said journey did cause a

general alarm (the worst motives obtaining the most easy credit with

regard to any future proceeding, on account of the foregone acts) and

excited great indignation among the ruling persons of the adjacent

country, insomuch that Major Brown, agent to the said Warren Hastings at

the court of the King Shah Allum at Delhi, did write a remonstrance

therein to Mr. Bristow, Resident at Oude, as follows.

"The evening of the 7th, at a conference I had with Mirza Shaffee Khân,

he introduced a subject, respecting the Nabob Vizier, which, however it

may be disagreeable for you to know, and consequently for me to

communicate, I am under a necessity of laying before you. He told me he

had received information from Lucknow, that, by the advice of Hyder Beg

Khân, the Vizier had determined to bring his grandmother, the widow of

Sufdar Jung, from Fyzabad to Lucknow, with a view of getting a further

sum of money from her, by seizing on her eunuchs, digging up the

apartments of her house at Fyzabad, and putting her own person under

restraint. This, he said, he knew was not an act of our government, but

the mere advice of Hyder Beg Khân, to which the Vizier had been induced

to attend. He added, that the old Begum had resolved rather to put

herself to death than submit to the disgrace intended to be put upon

her; that, if such a circumstance should happen, there is _not a man in

Hindostan who will attribute the act to the Vizier [Nabob of Oude], but

every one will fix the odium on the English, who might easily, by the

influence they so largely exercise in their own concerns there_, have

prevented such unnatural conduct in the Vizier. He therefore called upon

me, as the English representative in this quarter, to inform you of

this, that you may prevent a step which will destroy all confidence in

the English nation throughout Hindostan, and excite the bitterest

resentment in all those who by blood are connected with the house of

Sufdar Jung. He concluded by saying, that, 'if the Vizier so little

regarded his family and personal honor, or his natural duty, as to wish

to disgrace his father's mother for a sum of money, let him plunder her

of all she has, but let him send her safe up to Delhi or Agra, and, poor

as I am, I will furnish subsistence for her, which she shall possess

with safety and honor, though it cannot be adequate to her rank.'

"This, Sir, is a most exact detail of the conversation (as far as

related to that affair) on the part of Mirza Shaffee Khân. On my part I

could only say, that I imagined the affair was misrepresented, and that

I should write as he requested. Let me therefore request that you will

enable me to answer in a more effectual manner any further questions on

this subject.

LXXXII. "As Mirza Shaffee's grandfather was brother to Sufdar Jung,

there can be no doubt of what his declaration means; and if this measure

of dismissing the old Begum should be persisted in, I should not, from

the state of affairs, and the character of the Amir ul Omrah, be

surprised at some immediate and violent resolution being adopted by

him."

LXXXIII. That Mirza Shaffee, mentioned in this correspondence, (who has

since been murdered,) was of near kindred to the lady in question,

(grandmother to the Nabob,) was resident in a province immediately

adjoining to the province of Oude, and, from proximity of situation and

nearness of connection, was likely to have any intelligence concerning

his female relations from the best authority.

LXXXIV. That the Resident, Bristow, on receiving this letter, did apply

to the said Hyder Beg Khân for an explanation of the Nabob's intentions,

who denied that the Nabob intended more than a visit of duty and

ceremony: which, whatever his dispositions might have been, and probably

were, towards his own mother, was not altogether probable, as it was

well known that he was on very bad terms with the mother of his father,

and it appears that intentions of a similar nature had been before

manifested even with regard to his own mother, and therefore obtained

the more easy credit concerning the other woman of high rank aforesaid,

especially as the evil designs of the said Hyder Beg were abundantly

known, and that the said Hastings, upon whom he did wholly depend,

continued to recommend "the most effectual, that is, the most violent,

means for the recovery of the small remains of his extorted demand." But

although it does not appear that the Resident did give credit to the

said report, yet the effect of the same on the minds of the neighboring

princes did make it proper and necessary to direct a strict inquiry into

the same, which was not done; and it does not appear that any further

inquiry was made into the true motives for this projected journey to

Fyzabad, nor into the proceedings of Hyder Beg Khân, although the said

Warren Hastings well knew that all the acts of the Nabob and his

principal ministers were constantly attributed to him, and that it was

known that secret agents, as well as the Company's regular agent, were

employed by him at Lucknow and other places.

LXXXV. That the said Hastings, who did, on pretence of the majesty of

justice, refuse to inquire into the charges made upon the female

parents of the Nabob of Oude, in justification of the violence offered

to them, did voluntarily and of his own accord make himself an accuser

of the Resident, Middleton, for the want of a literal execution of his

orders in the plans of extortion and rapine aforesaid: the criminal

nature, spirit, and tendency of the said proceedings, for the defective

execution of which he brought the said charge, appearing in the defence

or apology made by Mr. Middleton, the Resident, for his temporary and

short forbearances.

LXXXVI. "It could not, I flatter myself, be termed a long or

unwarrantable delay [two days], when the importance of the business, and

the peculiar embarrassments attending the prosecution of it to its

desired end, are considered. The Nabob was _son_ to the Begum whom we

were to proceed against: a son against a mother must at least _save

appearances in his mode of proceeding_. The produce of his negotiation

was to be received by the Company. Receiving a benefit, accompanying the

Nabob, withdrawing their protection, were circumstances sufficient to

_mark the English as the principal movers in this business_. At a court

where no opportunity is lost to throw odium on us, so favorable an

occasion was not missed to persuade the Nabob that we instigated him to

dishonor his family for our benefit. The impressions made by these

suggestions constantly retarded the progress, and more than once

actually broke off the business: which rendered the utmost caution on my

part necessary, especially as I had no assistance to expect from the

ministers, who could not openly move in the business. In the East, it is

well known that no man either by himself or his troops, can enter the

walls of a zenanah, scarcely in the case of acting against an open

enemy, much less of _an ally,--an ally acting against his own mother_.

The outer walls, and the Begum's agents, were all that were liable to

immediate attack: they were dealt with, and successfully, as the event

proved."--He had before observed to Mr. Hastings, in his correspondence,

what Mr. Hastings well knew to be true, "that no farther rigor than that

he had exerted could be used against females in that country; where

force could be employed, it was not spared;--that the place of

concealment was only known to the chief eunuchs, who could not be drawn

out of the women's apartments, where they had taken refuge, and from

which, if an attempt had been made to storm them, they might escape; and

the secret of the money being known only to them, it was necessary to

get their persons into his hands, which could be obtained by negotiation

only."--The Resident concluded his defence by declaring his "hope, that,

if the main object of his orders was fulfilled, he should be no longer

held criminal for a deviation from the precise letter of them."

LXXXVII. That the said Warren Hastings did enter a reply to this answer,

in support of his criminal charge, continuing to insist "that his orders

ought to have been literally obeyed," although he did not deny that the

above difficulties occurred, and the above consequences must have been

the result,--and though the reports of the military officers charged

with the execution of his commission confirmed the moral impossibility,

as well as inutility in point of profit, of forcing a son to greater

violence and rigor against his mother.

LXXXVIII. That the said Hastings, after all the acts aforesaid, did

presume to declare on record, in his minute of the 23d September, 1788,

"that, whatever may happen of the events which he dreads in the train of

affairs now subsisting, he shall at least receive this consolation under

them, that he used his utmost exertions to prevent them, and that in the

annals of the nations of India which have been subjected to the British

dominions _HE shall not be remembered among their oppressors_." And

speaking of certain alleged indignities offered to the Nabob of Oude,

and certain alleged suspicions of his authority with regard to the

management of his household, he, the said Hastings, did, in the said

minute, endeavor to excite the spirit of the British nation, severely

animadverting on such offences, making use of the following terms: "If

there be a spark of generous virtue in the breasts of any of my

countrymen who shall be the readers of this compilation, this letter" (a

letter of complaint from the Nabob) "shall stand for an instrument to

awaken it to the call of vengeance against so flagitious an abuse of

authority and reproach to the British name."

_From her Excellency the Bhow Begum to Mr. Bristow, Resident at the

Vizier's Court._

There is no necessity to write to you by way of information a detail of

my sufferings. From common report, and the intelligence of those who are

about you, the account of them will have reached your ears. I will here

relate a part of them.

After the death of Sujah Dowlah, most of his ungrateful servants were

constantly laboring to gratify their enmity; but finding, from the firm

and sincere friendship which subsisted between me and the English, that

the accomplishment of their purposes was frustrated, they formed the

design of occasioning a breach in that alliance, to insure their own

success. I must acquaint you that my son Asoph ul Dowlah had formerly

threatened to seize my jaghire; but, upon producing the treaty signed by

you, and showing it to Mr. Middleton, he interfered, and prevented the

impending evil. The conspiration now framed an accusation against me of

a conduct which I had never conceived even in idea, of rendering

assistance to Rajah Cheyt Sing. The particulars are as follow. My son

Asoph ul Dowlah and his ministers, with troops and a train of artillery,

accompanied by Mr. Middleton, on the 16th of the month of Mohurum,

arrived at Fyzabad, and made a demand of a crore of rupees. As my

inability to pay so vast a sum was manifest, I produced the treaty _you_

signed and gave me, but to no effect: their hearts were determined upon

violence. I offered my son Asoph ul Dowlah, whose will is dearer to me

than all my riches, or even life itself, whatever money and goods I was

possessed of: but an amicable adjustment seemed not worth accepting: he

demanded the delivering up the fort, and the recall of the troops that

were stationed for the preserving the peace of the city. To me tumult

and discord appeared unnecessary. I gave up these points, upon which

they seized my head eunuchs, Jewar Ali Khân and Behar Ali Khân, and sent

them to Mr. Middleton, after having obliged them to sign a bond for

sixty lacs of rupees; they were thrown into prison, with fetters about

their feet, and denied food and water. I, who had never, even in my

dreams, experienced such an oppression, gave up all I had to preserve

my honor and dignity: but this would not satisfy their demands: they

charged me with a rupee and a half batta upon each mohur, and on this

account laid claims upon me to the amount of six lacs some thousand

rupees, and sent Major Gilpin to exact the payment. Major Gilpin,

according to orders, at first was importunate; but being a man of

experience, and of a benevolent disposition, when he was convinced of my

want of means, he changed his conduct, and was willing to apply to the

shroffs and bankers to lend me the money. But with the loss of my

jaghire my credit was sunk; I could not raise the sum. At last, feeling

my helpless situation, I collected my wardrobe and furniture, to the

amount of about three lacs of rupees, besides fifty thousand rupees

which I borrowed from one place or other, and sent Major Gilpin with it

to Lucknow. My sufferings did not terminate here. The disturbances of

Colonel Hannay and Mr. Gordon were made a pretence for seizing my

jaghire. The state of the matter is this. When Colonel Hannay was by Mr.

Hastings ordered to march to Benares, during the troubles of Cheyt Sing,

the Colonel, _who had plundered the whole country, was incapable of

proceeding, from the union of thousands of zemindars, who had seized

this favorable opportunity_: they harassed Mr. Gordon near Junivard

[Juanpore?], and the zemindars of that place and Acberpore opposed his

march from thence, till he arrived near Taunda. As the Taunda nullah,

from its overflowing, was difficult to cross without a boat, Mr. Gordon

sent to the Phousdar to supply him. He replied, the boats were all in

the river, but would, according to orders, assist him as soon as

possible. Mr. Gordon's situation would not admit of his waiting: he

forded the nullah upon his elephant, and was hospitably entertained and

protected by the Phousdar for six days. In the mean time a letter was

received by me from Colonel Hannay, desiring me to escort Mr. Gordon to

Fyzabad. As my friendship for the English was always sincere, I readily

complied, and sent some companies of nejeebs to escort Mr. Gordon, and

all his effects, to Fyzabad, where, having provided for his

entertainment, I effected his junction with Colonel Hannay. The letters

of thanks I received from both these gentlemen upon this occasion are

still in my possession, copies of which I gave in charge to Major

Gilpin, to be delivered to Mr. Middleton, that he might forward them to

the Governor-General. To be brief, those who have loaded me with

accusations are now clearly convicted of falsehood. But is it not

extraordinary, notwithstanding the justness of my cause, that nobody

relieves my misfortunes? Why did Major Gilpin return without effect?

My prayers have been constantly offered to Heaven for your arrival;

report has announced it; for which reason I have taken up the pen, and

request you will not place implicit confidence in my accusers, but,

weighing in the scale of justice their falsehoods and my

representations, you will exert your influence in putting a period to

the misfortunes with which I am overwhelmed.

_Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar Ali Khân and Behar Ali

Khân._

I had the pleasure to receive your friendly letter, fraught with

benevolence; and whatever favors you, my friends, have been pleased to

confer respecting Mr. Gordon afforded me the greatest pleasure.

Placing a firm reliance on your friendship, I am in expectation that the

aforesaid gentleman, with his baggage, will arrive at Fyzabad in safety,

that the same may oblige and afford satisfaction to me.

A letter from Mr. Gordon is inclosed to you. I am in expectation of its

being inclosed in a cover to the Aumil of Taunda, to the end that the

Aumil may forward it to the above-mentioned gentleman, and procure his

reply. Whenever the answer arrives, let it be delivered to Hoolas Roy,

who will forward it to me.

Always rejoice me by a few lines respecting your health. [Continue to

honor me with your correspondence.]

_Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar and Behar Ali Khân._

Khân Saib, my indulgent friends, remain under the protection of God!

Your friendly letter, fraught with kindness, accompanied by an honorary

letter from the Begum Saib, of exalted dignity, and inclosing a letter

from Mr. Gordon, sent through your hircarrahs, obliged and rejoiced me.

With respect to what you communicate regarding your not having received

an answer to your friendly epistle, I became perfectly astonished, as a

reply was written from Mohadree. It may be owing to the danger of the

road that it never arrived,--not to the smallest neglect on my side [or

of mine].

I now send two letters to you,--one by the Dawk people, and the second

by one of my hircarrahs, (who will present them to you,) which you

certainly will receive.

I am extremely well contented and pleased with the friendship you have

shown.

You wrote me to remain perfectly easy concerning Mr. Gordon. Verily,

from the kindness of you, my indulgent friends, my heart is quite easy.

You also observed and mentioned, that, as Mr. Gordon's coming with those

attached to him [probably his sepoys and others] might be attended with

difficulty, if I approved, he should be invited alone to Fyzabad. My

friends, I place my expectation entirely upon your friendships, and

leave it to you to adopt the manner in which the said gentleman may

arrive in security, without molestation, at Fyzabad; but at the same

time let the plan be so managed that it may not come to the knowledge of

any zemindars: in this case you are men of discernment. However, he is

to come to Fyzabad: extend your assistance and endeavors.

It is probable that the Begum Saib, of high dignity, has received

authentic intelligence from the camp at Benares. Favor me with the

contents or purport.

From Mr. Gordon's letter I understand that Mirza Imaum Buksh, whom you

dispatched thither [Taunda], has and still continues to pay great

attention to that gentleman, which affords me great pleasure.

An answer to the Begum's letter is to be presented. I also send a letter

for Mr. Gordon, which please to forward.

_An Address from Colonel Hannay to the Begum._

Begum Saib, of exalted dignity and generosity, &c., whom God preserve!

Your exalting letter, fraught with grace and benevolence, that through

your unbounded generosity and goodness was sent through grace and favor,

I had the honor to receive in a fortunate moment, and whatever you were

pleased to write respecting Mr. Gordon,--"that, as at this time the

short-sighted and deluded ryots had carried their disturbances and

ravages beyond all bounds, Mr. Gordon's coming with his whole people [or

adherents] might be attended with difficulty, and therefore, if I chose,

he should be invited to come alone." Now, as your Highness is the best

judge, your faithful servant reposeth his most unbounded hopes and

expectation upon your Highness, that the aforesaid Mr. Gordon may arrive

at Fyzabad without any apprehension or danger. I shall be then extremely

honored and obliged.

Considering me in the light of a firm and faithful servant, continue to

honor and exalt me by your letters.

What further can I say?

_A Copy of an Address from Mr. Gordon to the Begum._

Begum Saib, of exalted dignity and generosity, whom God preserve!

After presenting the usual professions of servitude, &c., in the

customary manner, my address is presented.

Your gracious letter, in answer to the petition of your servant from

Goondah, exalted me. From the contents I became unspeakably impressed

with the honor it conferred. May the Almighty protect that royal purity,

and bestow happiness, increase of wealth, and prosperity!

The welfare of your servant is entirely owing to your favor and

benevolence. A few days have elapsed since I arrived at Goondah with the

Colonel Saib.

This is presented for your Highness's information. I cherish hopes from

your generosity, that, considering me in the light of one of your

servants, you will always continue to exalt and honor me with your

gracious letters.

May the sun of prosperity continually shine!

_Copy of a Letter to Mahomed Jewar Ali Khân and Behar Ali Khân, from Mr.

Gordon._

Sirs, my indulgent friends,

Remain under, &c., &c.

After compliments. I have the pleasure to acquaint you that yesterday

having taken leave of you, I passed the night at Noorgunge, and next

morning, about ten or eleven o'clock, through your favor and

benevolence, arrived safe at Goondah. Mir Aboo Buksh, zemindar, and Mir

Rustum Ali, accompanied me.

To what extent can I prolong the praises of you, my beneficent friends?

May the Supreme Being, for this benign, compassionate, humane action,

have you in His keeping, and increase your prosperity, and speedily

grant me the pleasure of an interview! Until which time continue to

favor me with friendly letters, and oblige me by any commands in my

power to execute.

May your wishes be ever crowned with success!

My compliments, &c., &c., &c.

_Copy of a Letter from Colonel Hannay to Jewar Ali Khân and Behar Ali

Khân._

Khân Saib, my indulgent friends,

Remain under the protection of the Supreme Being!

After compliments, and signifying my earnest desire of an interview, I

address you.

Your friendly letter, fraught with kindness, I had the pleasure to

receive in a propitious hour, and your inexpressible kindness in sending

for Mir Nassar Ali with a force to Taunda, for the purpose of conducting

Mr. Gordon, with all his baggage, who is now arrived at Fyzabad.

This event has afforded me the most excessive pleasure and satisfaction.

May the Omnipotence preserve you, my steadfast, firm friends! The pen of

friendship itself cannot sufficiently express your generosity and

benevolence, and that of the Begum of high dignity, who so graciously

has interested herself in this matter. Inclosed is an address for her,

which please to forward. I hope from your friendship, until we meet, you

will continue to honor me with an account of your health and welfare.

What further can I write?

V.--REVOLUTIONS IN FURRUCKABAD.

I. That a prince called Ahmed Khân was of a family amongst the most

distinguished in Hindostan, and of a nation famous through that empire

for its valor in acquiring, and its policy and prudence in well

governing the territories it had acquired, called the Patans, or

Afghans, of which the Rohillas were a branch. The said Ahmed Khân had

fixed his residence in the city of Furruckabad, and in the first wars

of this nation in India the said Ahmed Khân attached himself to the

Company against Sujah Dowlah, then an enemy, now a dependant on that

Company. Ahmed Khân, towards the close of his life, was dispossessed of

a large part of his dominions by the prevalence of the Mahratta power;

but his son, a minor, succeeded to his pretensions, and to the remainder

of his dominions. The Mahrattas were expelled by Sujah ul Dowlah, the

late Vizier, who, finding a want of the services of the son and

successor of Ahmed Khân, called Muzuffer Jung, did not only guaranty him

in the possession of what he then actually held, but engaged to restore

all the other territories which had been occupied by the Mahrattas; and

this was confirmed by repeated treaties and solemn oaths, by the late

Vizier and by the present. But neither the late nor the present Vizier

fulfilled their engagements, or observed their oaths: the former having

withheld what he had stipulated to restore; and the latter not only

subjecting him to a tribute, instead of restoring him to what his father

had unjustly withheld, but having made a further invasion by depriving

him of fifteen of his districts, levying the tribute of the whole on the

little that remained, and putting the small remains of his territory

under a sequestrator or collector appointed by Almas Ali Khân, who did

grievously afflict and oppress the prince and territory aforesaid.

That the hardships of his case being frequently represented to Warren

Hastings, Esquire, he did suggest a doubt whether "that little ought to

be still subject to tribute," indicating that the said tribute might be

hard and inequitable,--but, whatever its justice might have been, that,

"from the _earliest period_ of our connection with the present Nabob of

Oude, it had invariably continued a part of the funds assigned by his

Excellency as a provision for the liquidation of the several public

demands of _this government_ [Calcutta] upon him; and in consequence of

the powers the board deemed it expedient to vest in the Resident at his

court for the collection of the Company's assignments, a _sezauwil_ [a

sequestrator] has always been stationed to enforce by every means in his

power the payment of the tribute." And the said tribute was, in

consequence of this arrangement, not paid to the Nabob, but to the

British Resident at Oude; and the same being therefore under the

direction and for the sole use of the Company, and indeed the prince

himself wholly dependent, the representatives of the said Company were

responsible for the protection of the prince, and for the good

government of the country.

II. That the said "Warren Hastings did, on the 22d of May, 1780,

represent to the board of Calcutta the condition of the said country in

the following manner.

"To the total want of all order, regularity, or _authority_ in his

government [the Furruckabad government], among _other obvious causes_,

it may, no doubt, be owing, that the country of Furruckabad is become

_an almost entire waste, without cultivation or inhabitants_; that the

capital, which but a very short time ago was distinguished as one of the

most _populous and opulent_ commercial cities in Hindostan, at present

exhibits nothing _but_ scenes of the most wretched poverty, desolation,

and misery; and the Nabob himself, though in possession of a tract of

country which with only common care is notoriously capable of yielding

an annual revenue of between thirty and forty lacs [three or four

hundred thousand pounds], with _no military establishment to maintain,

scarcely commanding the means of bare subsistence_." And the said Warren

Hastings, taking into consideration the said state of the country and

its prince, and that the latter had "_preferred frequent complaints_"

(which complaints the said Hastings to that time did not lay before the

board, as his duty required) "_of the hardships and indignities_ to

which he is subjected by the conduct of the sezauwil [sequestrator]

stationed in the country for the purpose of levying the annual tribute

which he is bound by treaty to pay to the Subah of Oude," he, the said

Warren Hastings, did declare himself "extremely desirous, as well from

motives of _common justice_ as _due_ regard to _the rank which that

chief holds among the princes of Hindostan_, of affording him relief."

And he, the said Warren Hastings, as the means of the said relief, did,

with the consent of the board, order the said native sequestrator to be

removed, and an English Resident, a servant of the Company, to be

appointed in his room, declaring "he understood a local interference to

be _indispensably necessary_ for realizing the Vizier's just demands."

III. That the said native sequestrator being withdrawn, and a Resident

appointed, no complaint whatever concerning the collection of the

revenue, or of any indignities offered to the prince of the country or

oppression of his subjects by the said Resident, was made to the

Superior Council at Calcutta; yet the said Warren Hastings did,

nevertheless, in a certain paper, purporting to be a treaty made at

Chunar with the Nabob of Oude, on the 19th September, 1781, at the

request of the said Nabob, consent to an article therein, "That no

English Resident be appointed to Furruckabad, and that the present be

recalled." And the said Warren Hastings, knowing that the Nabob of Oude

was ill-affected towards the said Nabob of Furruckabad, and that he was

already supposed to have oppressed him, did justify his conduct on the

principles and in the words following: "That, if the Nabob Muzuffer Jung

_must_ endure oppression, (_and I dare not at this time propose his

total relief_,) it concerns the reputation of our government to remove

_our participation in it_." And the said Warren Hastings making,

recording, and acting upon the first of the said false and inhuman

suppositions, most scandalous to this nation, namely, that princes

paying money wholly for the use of the Company, and directly to its

agent, for the maintenance of British troops, by whose force and power

the said revenue was in effect collected, must of necessity endure

oppression, and that our government at any time _dare_ not propose their

_total_ relief, was an high offence and misdemeanor in the said Warren

Hastings, and the rather, because in the said treaty, as well as before

and after, the said Hastings, who pretended not to dare to relieve those

oppressed by the Nabob of Oude, did assume a complete authority over the

said Nabob himself, and did dare to oppress him.

IV. That the second principle assumed by the said Warren Hastings, as

ground for voluntarily abandoning the protection of those whom he had

before undertaken to relieve, _on the sole strength of his own

authority_, and in full confidence of the lawful foundation thereof, and

for delivering over the persons so taken into protection, under false

names and pretended descriptions, to known oppression, asserting that

the reputation of the Company was saved by removing this apparent

participation, when the new as well as the old arrangements were truly

and substantially acts of the British government, was disingenuous,

deceitful, and used to cover unjustifiable designs: since the said

Warren Hastings well knew that all oppressions exercised by the Nabob of

Oude were solely, and in this instance particularly, upheld by British

force, and were imputed to this nation; and because he himself, in not

more than three days after the execution of this treaty, and in virtue

thereof, did direct the British Resident at Oude, in orders _to which he

required his most implicit obedience_, "that the ministers [the Nabob of

Oude's ministers] are to choose _all_ aumils and collectors of revenue

with your concurrence." And the dishonor to the Company, in thus

deceitfully concurring in oppression, which they were able and were

bound to prevent, is much aggravated by the said Warren Hastings's

receiving from the person to whose oppression he had delivered the said

prince, as a private gift or donation to himself and for his own use, a

sum of money amounting to one hundred thousand pounds and upwards, which

might give just ground of suspicion that the said gift from the

oppressor to the person surrendering the person injured to his mercy

might have had some share in the said criminal transaction.

V. That the said Warren Hastings did (in the paper justifying the said

surrender of the prince put by himself under the protection of the East

India Company) assert, "that it was a fact, that the Nabob Muzuffer

Jung [the Nabob of Furruckabad] is equally urgent with the Nabob Vizier

for the removal of a Resident," without producing, as he ought to have

done, any document to prove his improbable assertion, namely, his

assertion that the oppressed prince did apply to his known enemy and

oppressor, the Nabob of Oude, (who, if he would, was not able to relieve

him against the will of the English government,) rather than to that

English government, which he must have conceived to be more impartial,

to which he had made his former complaint, and which was alone able to

relieve him.

VI. That the said Warren Hastings, in the said writing, did further

convey an insinuation of an ambiguous, but, on any construction, of a

suspicious and dangerous import, viz.: "It is a fact, that Mr. Shee's

[the Resident's] authority over the territory of Furruckabad is in

itself as much subversive of that [_of the lawful rulers_] as that of

the Vizier's aumil [collector] ever was, and is the more _oppressive_ as

the power from whence it is derived is greater." The said assertion

proceeds upon a supposition of the illegality both of the Nabob's and

the Company's government; all consideration of the _title_ to authority

being, therefore, on that supposition, put out of the question, and the

whole turning only upon the _exercise_ of authority, the said Hastings's

suggestion, that the oppression of government must be in proportion to

its power, is the result of a false and dangerous principle, and such as

it is criminal for any person intrusted with the lives and fortunes of

men to entertain, much more, publicly to profess as a rule of action, as

the same hath a direct tendency to make the new and powerful government

of this kingdom in India dreadful to the natives and odious to the

world. But if the said Warren Hastings did mean thereby indirectly to

insinuate that oppressions had been actually exercised under the British

authority, he was bound to inquire into these oppressions, and to

animadvert on the person guilty of the same, if proof thereof could be

had,--and the more, as the authority was given by _himself_, and the

person exercising it was by himself also named. And the said Warren

Hastings did on another occasion assert that "whether they were well or

ill-founded he never had an opportunity to ascertain." But it is not

true that the said Hastings did or could want such opportunity: the fact

being, that the said Warren Hastings did never cause any inquiry to be

made into any supposed abuses during the said Residency, but did give a

pension of fifteen hundred pounds a year to the said late Resident as a

compensation to him for an injury received, and did afterwards promote

the Resident, as a faithful servant of the Company, (and nothing appears

to show him otherwise,) to a judicial office of high trust,--thereby

taking away all credit from any grounds asserted or insinuated by the

said Hastings for delivering the said Nabob of Furruckabad to the hand

of a known enemy and oppressor, who had already, contrary to repeated

treaties, deprived him of a large part of his territories.

VII. That, on the said Warren Hastings's representation of the

transaction aforesaid to the Court of Directors, they did heavily and

justly censure the said Warren Hastings for the same, and did convey

their censure to him, recommending relief to the suffering prince, but

without any order for sending a new Resident: being, as it may be

supposed, prevented from taking that step by the faith of the treaty

made at Chunar.

VIII. That all the oppressions foreseen by him, the said Warren

Hastings, when he made the article aforesaid in the treaty of Chunar,

did actually happen: for, immediately on the removal of the British

Resident, the country of Furruckabad was subjected to the discretion of

a certain native manager of revenue, called Almas Ali Khân, who did

impoverish and oppress the country and insult the prince, and did

deprive him of all subsistence from his own estates,--taking from him

even his gardens and the tombs of his ancestors, and the funds for

maintaining the same.

IX. That, on complaint of those proceedings, the said Hastings did of

his own authority, and without communicating with his Council, direct

the native collector aforesaid to be removed, and the territory of

Furruckabad to be left to the sole management of its natural prince. But

in a short time the said Hastings, pretending to receive many complaints

purporting that the tribute to the Nabob remained wholly unpaid, and the

agent to the prince of Furruckabad at the Presidency, and afterwards

chief manager to the prince aforesaid, having, as the said Warren

Hastings saith, "had the insolence to propagate a report that the

_interference_ to which his master owed the power he then enjoyed was

_purchased_ through him," he, the said Hastings, did again (but, as

before, without the Council) "withdraw his protection and interference

altogether," on or about the month of August, 1782, and did signify his

resolution, through the Resident, Middleton, to the Nabob Vizier. But

the said Hastings asserts that "the consequence of this his own second

dereliction of the prince of Furruckabad was _an aggravated renewal of

the severities_ exercised against his government, and the reappointment

of a sezauwil, with powers delegated or assumed, to the _utter

extinction_ of the rights of Muzuffer Jung, and actually depriving him

of the means of subsistence." And the said Hastings did receive, on the

16th of February, 1783, from the prince aforesaid, a bitter complaint of

the same to the following tenor.

"The miseries which have fallen upon my country, and the poverty and

distress which have been heaped upon me by the reappointment of the

sezauwil, are such, that a relation of them would, I am convinced,

excite the strongest feelings of compassion in your breast. But it is

impossible to relate them: on one side, my country ruined and

uncultivated to a degree of desolation which exceeds all description; on

the other, my domestic concerns and connections involved _in such a

state of distress and horror, that even the relations, the children, and

the wives of my father are starving in want of daily bread, and are on

the point of flying voluntary exiles from their country and from each

other_."

But although the said Hastings did, on the 16th of February, receive and

admit the justice of the said complaint, and did not deny the urgent

necessity of redress, the said letter containing the following sentence,

"If there should be _any delay_ in your acceptance of this proposal, _my

existence and the existence of my family will become difficult and

doubtful_,"--and although he did admit the interference to be the more

urgently demanded, "as the services of the English troops have been

added to enforce the authority of the sezauwil,"--and although he admits

also, that, even before that time, similar complaints and applications

had been made,--yet he did withhold the said letter of complaint, a

minute of which he asserts he had, at or about that time, prepared for

the relief of the sufferer, from the Board of Council, and did not so

much as propose anything relative to the same for seven months after,

viz., until the 6th of October, 1783: the said letter and minute being,

as he asserts, "_withheld_, from causes _not necessary to mention_, from

presentation." By which means the said country and prince did suffer a

long continuance of unnecessary hardship, from which the said Hastings

confessed it was his duty to relieve them, and that a British Resident

was necessary at Furruckabad, "from a sense of submission to the

_implied_ orders of the Court of Directors in their letter of 1783,

lately received, added to _the conviction I have LONG SINCE_ entertained

_of the necessity of such an appointment for the preservation of our

national credit_, and the means of rescuing an ancient and respectable

family from ruin."

And the said Warren Hastings did at length perform what he thought had

_long since_ been necessary; and in contradiction to his engagements

with the Nabob in the treaty of Chunar, and against his strong

remonstrances, urging his humiliation from this measure, and the faith

of the agreement, and against his own former declaration that it

concerned the reputation of our government to remove our participation

in the oppressions which he, the said Hastings, supposed the prince of

Furruckabad must undergo, did once more recommend to the Council a

British Resident at Furruckabad, and the withdrawing the native

sezauwil: no course being left to the said Hastings to take which was

not a violation of some engagement, and a contradiction to some

principle of justice and policy by him deliberately advanced and entered

on record.

That Mr. Willes being appointed Resident, and having arrived at

Furruckabad on the 25th of February, 1784, with instructions to inquire

minutely into the state of the country and the ruling family, he, the

said Resident, Willes, in obedience thereto, did fully explain to him,

the Governor-General, the said Warren Hastings, (he being then out of

the Company's provinces, at Lucknow, on a delegation which respected

this very country, as part of the dependencies of Oude,) the situation

of the province of Furruckabad; but the said Warren Hastings did not

take or recommend any measure whatsoever for the relief thereof in

consequence of the said representation, nor even communicate to the

Council-General the said representation; and it was not until the 28th

of June, 1783 [1785?], that is, sixteen months from the arrival of the

Resident at his station, that anything was laid before the board

relative to the regulation or relief of the distressed country

aforesaid, and that not from the said Warren Hastings, but from other

members of the Council: which purposed neglect of duty, joined to the

preceding wilful delay of seven months in proposing the said relief

originally, caused near two years' delay. And the said Warren Hastings

is further culpable in not communicating to the Council Board the order

which he had, of his own authority, and without any powers from them,

given to the said Resident, Willes, and did thereby prevent them from

taking such steps as might counteract the ill effects of the said order;

which order purported, that the said Willes was not to interfere with

the Nabob of Furruckabad's government, for the regulation of which he

was in effect appointed to the Residency,--declaring as follows: "I rely

much on your moderation and good judgment, which I hope will enable you

to regulate your conduct towards the Nabob and his _servants_ in such a

manner, that, _without interfering in the executive part of his

government_, you may render him essential service by _your council and

advice_." And this restriction the said Hastings did impose, which

totally frustrated the purpose of the Resident's mission, though he well

knew, and had frequently stated, the extreme imbecility and weakness of

the said Nabob of Furruckabad, and his subjection to unworthy servants;

and in the Minute of Consultation upon which he founded the appointment

did state the Nabob of Furruckabad "as a weak and unexperienced young

man, who had abandoned himself entirely to the discretion of his

servants, and the restoration of his independence was followed by a

_total_ breach of the engagements he had promised to fulfil, attended by

pointed instances of contumacy and disrespect"; and in the said minute

the said Hastings adds, (as before mentioned,) his principal servant and

manager had propagated a report that the "_interference_" (namely, his,

the said Hastings's, interference) "to which his master owed the power

he then enjoyed was purchased by him," the principal servant aforesaid:

yet he, the said Hastings, who had assigned on record the character of

the said Nabob, and the conduct of his servants, and the aforesaid

report of his principal servant, so highly dishonorable to him, the said

Hastings, as reasons for taking away the independency of the Nabob of

Furruckabad, and the subjecting him to the oppression of the Nabob of

Oude's officer, Almas Ali, did again himself establish the pretended

independence of the said prince of Furruckabad, and the real

independence of his corrupt and perfidious servants, not against the

Nabob of Oude, but against a British Resident appointed by himself ("as

a character eminently qualified for such a charge") for the correction

of those evils, and for rendering the prince aforesaid an useful ally to

the Company, and restoring his dominions to order and plenty.

That the said Hastings did not only disable the Resident at Furruckabad

by his said prohibitory letter, but did render his very remaining at all

in that station perfectly precarious by a subsequent letter, rendering

him liable to dismission by the Vizier,--thereby changing the tenure of

the Resident's office, and changing him from a minister of the Company,

dependent on the Governor-General and Council, to a dependant upon an

unresponsible power,--in this also acting without the Council, and by

his own usurped authority: and accordingly the said Resident did

declare, in his letter of the 24th of April, 1785, "that the situation

of the country was _more_ distressful than when he [the prince of

Furruckabad] addressed himself for relief in 1783, and that he was sorry

to say that his appointment at Furruckabad was of no use"; that, though

the old tribute could not be paid, owing to famine and other causes, it

was increased by a new imposition, making the whole equal the entire

_gross_ produce of the revenue; that therefore there will not be

"_anything for the subsistence of the Nabob and family_." And the uncles

of the said Nabob of Furruckabad, the brethren of the late Ahmed Khân,

(who had rendered important services to the Company,) and their

children, in a petition to the Resident, represented that soon after the

succession of Muzuffer Jung "their misery commenced. The jaghires [lands

and estates] on which they subsisted were disallowed. Our distress is

great: we have neither clothes nor food. Though we felt hurt at the idea

of explaining our situation, yet, could we have found a mode of

conveyance, we would have proceeded to Calcutta for redress. The

scarcity of grain this season is an additional misfortune. With

difficulty we support life. From your presence without the provinces we

expect relief. It is not the custom of the Company to deprive the

zemindars and jaghiredars of the means of subsistence. To your justice

we look up."

This being the situation of the person and family of the Nabob of

Furruckabad and his nearest relations, the state of the country and its

capital, prevented from all relief by the said Warren Hastings, is

described in the following words by the Resident, Willes.

"Almas Ali has taken the purgunnah of Marara at a very inadequate rent,

and his aumils have seized many adjacent villages: the purgunnahs of

Cocutmow and Souje are constantly plundered by his people. The

collection of the ghauts near Futtyghur has been seized by the Vizier's

_cutwal_, and the zemindars in four purgunnahs are so refractory as to

have fortified themselves in their gurries, and to refuse all payments

of revenue. This is the state of the purgunnahs. _And Furruckabad,

which was once the seat of great opulence and trade, is now daily

deserted by its inhabitants, its walls mouldering away, without police,

without protection, exposed to the depredations of a banditti of two or

three hundred robbers, who, night after night, enter it for plunder,

murdering all who oppose them. The ruin that has overtaken this country

is not to be wondered at, when it is considered that there has been no

state, no stable government, for many years._ There has been the Nabob

Vizier's authority, his ministers', the Residents' at Lucknow, the

sezauwils', the camp authority, the Nabob Muzuffer Jung's, and that of

twenty duans or advisers: no authority sufficiently predominant to

establish any regulations for the benefit of the country, whilst each

authority has been exerted, as opportunity offered, for temporary

purposes.

"Such being the present _deplorable_ state of Furruckabad and its

districts, in the ensuing year it will be in vain to look for revenue,

if some regulations equal to the exigency be not adopted. The whole

country will be divided between the neighboring powerful aumils, the

refractory zemindars, and banditti of robbers; and the Patans, who might

be made useful subjects, will fly from the scene of anarchy. The crisis

appears now come, that either some plan of government should be resolved

on, so as to form faithful subjects on the frontier, or the country be

given up to its fate: and if it be abandoned, there can be little doubt

but that the Mahrattas will gladly seize on a station so favorable to

incursions into the Vizier's dominions, will attach to their interests

the Hindoo zemindars, and possess themselves of forts, which, with

little expense being made formidable, would give employment perhaps to

the whole of our force, should it be ever necessary to recover them."

That the Council at Calcutta, on the representation aforesaid made by

the Resident at Furruckabad, did propose and record a plan for the

better government of the said country, but did delay the execution of

the same until the arrangements made by the said Hastings with the Nabob

Vizier should be known; but the said Hastings, as far as in him lay, did

entirely set aside any plan that could be formed for that purpose upon

the basis of a British Resident at Furruckabad, by engaging with the

said Nabob Vizier that no British influence shall be employed within his

dominions, and he has engaged to that prince not to abandon him to any

other mode of relation; and he has informed the Court of Directors that

the territories of the Nabob of Oude will be ruined, if Residents are

sent into them, observing, that "Residents never will be sent for any

other purposes than those of vengeance and corruption."

That the said Warren Hastings did declare to the Court of Directors,

that in his opinion the mode of relief most effectual, and most lenient

with regard to Furruckabad, would be to nominate one of the family of

the prince to superintend his affairs and to secure the payments; but

this plan, which appears to be most connected with the rights of the

ruling family, whilst it provides against the imbecility of the natural

lord, and is free from his objection to a Resident, is the only one

which the said Hastings never has executed, or even proposed to execute.

That the said Hastings, by the agreements aforesaid, has left the

Company in such an alternative, that they can neither relieve the said

prince of Furruckabad from oppression without a breach of the

engagements entered into by him, the said Hastings, with the Nabob

Vizier in the name of the Company, nor suffer him to remain under the

said oppression without violating all faith and all the rules of justice

with regard to him. And the said Hastings hath directly made or

authorized no less than six revolutions in less than five years in the

aforesaid harassed province; by which frequent and rapid changes of

government, all of them made in contradiction to all his own declared

motives and reasons for the several acts successively done and undone in

this transaction, the distresses of the country and the disorders in its

administration have been highly aggravated; and in the said irregular

proceedings, and in the gross and complicated violations of faith with

all parties, the said Hastings is guilty of high crimes and

misdemeanors.

VI.--DESTRUCTION OF THE RAJAH OF SAHLONE.

I. That the late Nabob of Oude, Sujah ul Dowlah, did (on what reasons of

policy or pretences of justice is unknown) dispossess a certain native

person of distinction, or eminent Rajah, residing in the country of

Sahlone, "the lineal descendant of the most powerful Hindoo family in

that part of Hindostan," of his patrimonial estate, and conferred the

same, or part of the same, on his, the Nabob's, mother, as a jaghire, or

estate, for the term of her life: and the mother of the Nabob, in order

to quiet the country, and to satisfy in some measure the principal and

other inhabitants, did allow and pay a certain pension to the said

Rajah; which pension, on the general confiscation of jaghires, made at

the instigation of the said Warren Hastings, and by the letting the

lands so confiscated to farmers at rack-rents, was discontinued and

refused to be paid; and the discontinuance of the said pension, "on

account of the personal respect borne to the Rajah, (as connections with

him are sought for, and thought _to confer honor_,)" did cause an

universal discontent and violent commotions in the district of Sahlone,

and other parts of the province of Oude, with great consequent effusion

of blood, and interruption, if not total discontinuance, to the

collection of the revenues in those parts, other than as the same was

irregularly, and with great damage to the country, enforced by British

troops.

II. That Mr. Lumsdaine, the officer employed to reduce those disordered

parts of the province to submission, after several advantages gained

over the Rajah and his adherents, and expelling him from the country,

did represent the utter impossibility of bringing it to a permanent

settlement "merely by forcible methods; as in any of his [the Rajah's]

incursions it would not be necessary to bring even a force with him, as

the zemindars [landed proprietors and freeholders] are much attached to

the Rajah, whom they consider as their hereditary prince, and never fail

to assist him, and that his rebellion against government is not looked

on as a crime": and Mr. Lumsdaine declared it "as his clear opinion,

that the allowing the said Rajah a pension suitable to his rank and

influence in the country would be the most certain mode of obtaining a

permanent peace,"--alleging, among other cogent reasons, "that the

expense of the force necessary to be employed to subdue the country

might be spared, and employed elsewhere, and that the people would

return to their villages with their cattle and effects, and of course

government have some security for the revenue, whereas at present they

have none." And the representation containing that prudent and temperate

counsel, given by a military man of undoubted information and perfect

experience in the local circumstances of the country, was transmitted by

the Resident, Bristow, to the said Warren Hastings, who did wilfully and

criminally omit to order any relief to the said Rajah in conformity to

the general sense and wishes of the inhabitants, a compliance with whose

so reasonable an expectation his duty in restoring the tranquillity of

the country and in retrieving the honor of the English government did

absolutely require; but instead of making such provision, a price was

set upon his head, and several bodies of British troops being employed

to pursue him, after many skirmishes and much bloodshed and mutual waste

of the country, the said Rajah, honored and respected by the natives,

was hunted down, and at length killed in a thicket.

FOOTNOTES:

[59] See Hastings's Letter.

[60] Sic orig.

[61] 26th Dec., 1781.

[62] 13th Jan., 1782.

[63] 18th Jan., 1782.

[64] Letter from Mr. Middleton, 2d Feb., 1782.

[65] Lucknow, 22d July, 1782.

[66] Major Gilpin's Letter, 15th June, 1782.

[67] Mr. Johnson's letter, 9th July, 1782.

[68] Ibid., 4th July, 1782.

[69] Major Gilpin's Letter, 6th July, 1782.

[70] Mr. Johnson's Letter, 22d July, 1782.

[71] Major Gilpin's Letters, 16th June and 15th Sept., 1782.

[72] Major Gilpin's letter, 15th Sept., 1782.

[73] Major Gilpin's letter, 19th Oct., 1782.

[74] Major Gilpin's Letter, 18 Nov., 1782.

[75] Mr. Bristow's Letter, 2d Dec., 1782.

[76] Mr. Bristow's Letter, 12 Dec., 1782.

[77] Shoka from the Vizier to Hyder Beg Khân, 2d Ramsur, 1197

[78] Bristow's Letter, 29th Jan., 1784, with inclosures.

END OF VOL. VIII.