disaduantage of disarray, the shot of the _Normans_, did continually
beate vpon the _English_ with a grieuous execution. Among other King
_Harold_ about the closing of the euening, as he was busie in sustaining
his armie, both with voyce and with hand, was strooke with an arrow
through the left eye into his braines, of which wound hee presently
died. His two brothers, _Girth_ and _Leofwine_ were also slaine, and
also most of the nobilitie that were present: So long as the King stood,
they stood stoutly, both with him, and for him, and by him: his
directions supported them, his braue behauiour breathed fresh boldnesse
and life into them. But his death was a deadly stabbe to their courage;
vpon report of his death, they began to wauer in resolution, whether to
trust to the force of their armes, or to commend their safetie to their
good footemanship. In this incertainty many were slaine: Many retired in
reasonable order to a rising ground, whither they were closely followed
by the _Normans_; but the _English_ hauing gotten aduantage of the
place, and drawing courage out of despaire, with a bloody charge did
driue them downe. Count _Eustachius_ supposing fresh forces to be
arriued, fled away with fiftie Souldiers in his company; and meeting
with the Duke, rounded him secretly in his eare, that if hee went any
further hee was vndone. Whilest he was thus speaking, hee was strooke
betweene the shoulder with so violent a blowe, that he fell downe as
dead, and voided much blood at his nose and mouth. In this conflict many
of the noblest _Normans_ were slaine, which mooued the Duke to make a
strong ordered stand, giuing libertie therby for those _English_ to
retire. Others fled through a watery channell, the passages whereof were
well knowen vnto them: and when the _Normans_ did more sharpely then
aduisedly pursue, the place being shadowed partly with Sedges and
Reedes, and partly with the night, they were either stifled in the
waters, or easily destroyed by the _English_, and that in so great
numbers, that the place was filled vp with dead bodies. The residue
scattered in smaller companies, and had their flight fauoured by
increasing darkenesse: the enemie not aduenturing to follow, both in a
strange Countrey, and in the night. Earle _Edwine_ and Earle _Morchar_,
brothers of approoued both courage and faith, did great seruice at that
time, in collecting these dispersed Troupes, and leading them in some
fashion to _London_.
Duke _William_ surprised with Ioy, gaue publike charge for a solemne
thanksgiuing to God. Then he erected his pauilion in the middest of the
field, among the thickest of those bodies whom death had made to lie
quietly together. There he passed the residue of that night; and the
next morning mustered his souldiers, buried those that were slaine, and
gaue libertie to the _English_ to do the like. The bodie of King
_Harold_ could not be knowen by his face, it was so deformed by death,
and by his wound; by his armour and by certaine markes vpon his body it
was knowen. As it lay vpon the ground, a _Norman_ Souldier did strike it
into the legge with his sword: for which vnmanly acte he was cassed by
the Duke with open disgrace. It was caried into the Dukes Pauilion,
vnder the custodie of _William Mallet_. And when his mother made suite
for it to bee buried, the Duke denied it at the first; affirming, that
buriall was not fit for him, whose ambition was the cause of so many
Funerals. The mother, besides her lamentations and teares, offered for
it (as one _Norman_ writer affirmes) the weight thereof in gold. But the
Duke, with a manly compassion gaue it freely; as holding it
dishonourable both to value the bodie of a King, and make sale of a
slaine enemie. So his body was buried by his mother at _Waltham Crosse_
within the monasterie which hee had founded. Verely there was nothing to
be blamed in him, but that his courage could not stoupe to be lower then
a King.
I haue been the more long in describing this battel, for that I esteem
it the most memorable and best executed that euer was fought within this
land: as well for skilfull direction, as for couragious performance, and
also for the greatnesse of the euent. The fight continued with very
great both constancie of courage, and variety of fortune, from seuen of
the clocke in the morning vntill night. Of the _Normans_ were slaine
6000 and more, besides those that were drowned and beaten downe in the
water. The slaughter of the _English_ is vncertainely reported, but
certainely it was farre greater then that of the _Normans_. Certaine
also that their death was most honourable and faire, not any one basely
abandoning the fielde; not any one yeelding to bee taken prisoner. And
yet one circumstance more I hold fit to bee obserued; that this victory
was gotten onely by the meanes of the bow and arrow: The vse whereof was
by the _Normans_ first brought into this land. Afterward the _English_
being trained to that fight, did thereby chiefly maintaine themselues
with honourable aduantage, against all nations with whom they did
contend in armes; being generally reputed the best shot in the world.
But of late yeeres it hath bene altogether layed aside, and in stead
thereof the harquebuze and calliuer are brought into vse: yet not
without contradiction of many expert men of Armes; who albeit they doe
not reiect the vse of these small pieces, yet doe they preferre the Bow
before them. First, for that in a reasonable distance, it is of greater
both certainty and force. Secondly, for that it dischargeth faster.
Thirdly, for that more men may discharge therewith at once: for onely
the first rancke dischargeth the piece, neither hurt they any but those
that are in front; but with the bow 10. or 12. rancks may discharge
together, and will annoy so many ranckes of the enemies. Lastly, for
that the arrow doeth strike more parts of the body: for in that it
hurteth by discent; (and not onely point blancke like the bullet) there
is no part of the body but it may strike; from the crowne of the head,
euen to the nayling of the foot to the ground. Hereupon it followeth,
that the arrowes falling so thicke as haile vpon the bodies of men, as
lesse fearefull of their flesh, so more slenderly armed then in former
times, must necessarily worke most dangerous effects.
Besides these generall respects in many particular seruices and times,
the vse of the Bow is of greatest aduantage. If some defence lye before
the enemy, the arrow may strike where the bullet cannot. Foule weather
may much hinder the discharge of the piece, but it is no great
impediment to the shot of the Bow. A horse strooke with a bullet if the
wound be not mortall, may performe good seruice; but if an arrow be
fastened in his flesh, the continuall stirring thereof, occasioned by
the motion of himselfe, will enforce him to cast off all command, and
either beare downe or disorder those that are neere.
But the cracke of the piece (will some man say) doeth strike a terrour
into the enemie. True, if they bee such as neuer heard the like noise
before. But a little vse wil extinguish these terrours: to men, yea to
beasts acquainted with these cracks, they worke a weake impression of
feare. And if it be true which all men of action doe hold, that the eye
in all battailes is first ouercome, then against men equally accustomed
to both, the sight of the arrow is more auaileable to victorie then the
cracke of the piece. Assuredly, the Duke before the battaile encouraged
his men, for that they should deale with enemies who had no shot. But I
will leaue this point to be determined by more discerning iudgements,
and happily by further experience in these affaires, and returne againe
to my principall purpose.
The next day after the victorie the Duke returned to _Hastings_, about
seuen miles from the place of the encounter, partly to refresh his
Armie, and partly to settle in aduise and order for his further
prosecution. First, he dispatched messengers to signifie his successe to
his friends abroad; to the Pope he sent King _Harolds_ Standerd, which
represented a man fighting, wrought curiously with golde and precious
stones. Afterwards placing a strong garrison at _Hastings_, he conducted
his Armie towards _London_: not the direct way, but coasted about
through part of _Kent_, through _Sussex_, _Surrey_, _Hampshire_ and
_Barkeshire_: the wayes where hee passed being as free from resistance,
as his thoughts were from change. At _Wallingford_ he passed ouer the
_Thames_; and then marched forward through _Oxford-shire_,
_Buckingham-shire_, and _Hartford-shire_, vntill he came to the Castle
at _Berkhamstead_. In this passage many of his Souldiers languished and
died of the Fluxe. And whether it were vpon licentiousnesse after the
late victorie, or whether for want of necessary prouision, or whether to
strike a terrour into the _English_, or whether to leaue no danger at
his backe, he permitted the sword to range at large, to harrie freely,
to defile many places with ruine and blood.
In the meane time the _English_ Lords assembled at _London_, to aduise
vpon their common affaires; but the varietie of opinions was the chiefe
impediment to the present seruice; the danger being more important, then
the counsaile resolute, or the confidence assured. The Nobilitie
enclined to declare _Edgar_ grandchild to _Edmund Ironside_, to be their
King: and with these the _Londoners_ wholy went. But those of the
Clergie were of opinion (some vpon particular respects, all vpon feare
to displease the Pope) to yeeld to the storme and streame of the present
time, to yeeld to the mightie Arme of GOD; that their forces being
prostrated, their hopes feeble and forlorne, they must be content not to
be constrained; they must not prouoke the Victor too farre; against
whose forces and felicities, time gaue them not power to oppose. This
deliberation held so long, that all the time of action was spent. For
the Duke approched so neere the Citie, that many preferring their
safetie before other respects, withdrew themselues and went vnto him.
Hereupon the residue dissolued: and _Alfred_ Archb. of _Yorke_,
_Wolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_, _Wilfire_ B. of _Hereford_, and many
other Prelates of the Realme went vnto the Duke at _Berkhamstead_;
accompanied with _Edgar_, Earle _Edwine_, Earle _Morchar_, and diuers
others of the Nobilitie: who gaue pledges for their allegiance, and were
thereupon receiued to subiection and fauour. The Duke presently
dispatched to _London_, was receiued with many declarations of ioy, the
lesser in heart, the fairer in appearance, and vpon _Christmas day_ next
following was crowned King.
Now the meanes whereby this victory was[21] assured, were the very same
whereby it was atchieued; euen by a stiffe and rigorous hand. For
whosoeuer supposeth that a State atteined by force, can be reteined by
milder meanes, he shall find himselfe disappointed of his hopes. A
people newly subdued by force, will so long remaine in obedience, as
they finde themselues not of force to resist.
And first he endeauoured either to preuent or appease all forren warres,
especially against the _Danes_, who were then chiefly feared in
_England_, as well in regard of their former victories, as for that they
pretended title to the Crowne. And herein two things did especially
fauour his affaires. One, for that the _Normans_ were in some sort
allied to the _Danes_; being the progenie of those _Noruegians_ and
_Danes_, which vnder the conduct and fortune of _Rollo_ inuaded
_France_, & after many great atchieuements, seated in _Normandie_. The
other was, for that after the death of _Canutus_, the state of
_Denmarke_ was much infeebled by diuision. For the _Noruegians_ set vp
_Magnus_ the sonne of _Olaus_ for their King; but the _Danes_
acknowledged _Canutus_ the third of that name: by meanes whereof that
puissant empire did languish in consumption of it selfe, and could not
be dangerous to any neighbour Countrey. Yet ceased they not for many
yeeres, to continue claime to the Crowne of _England_: But King
_William_ had purchased many sure and secret friends in that diseased
state, wherein all publike affaires were set to sale; especially he vsed
the authoritie of _Adelbert_, Archbishop of _Hamburgh_, either to crosse
all counsaile of hostilitie against him, or else to delay, and thereby
to delude the enterprise, or lastly so to manage the action, that it
should not worke any dangerous effect.
After the death of _Swaine_, _Canutus_ prepared a Nauie of one thousand
saile for inuasion of _England_; and was aided with sixe hundred more
by _Robert le Frizon_, whose daughter hee had taken to wife. But either
for want, or else by negligence, or happily of purpose, this Nauie
continued, partly in preparation, and partly in a readinesse, the space
of two yeeres, and then the voyage was layd aside. The cause was
attributed to contrarietie of winds; but the contrariety of wils was the
truest impediment. Likewise _Swaine_ had furnished against _England_ a
Nauie of 200. sayle, commanded by Earle _Osborne_ his brother. Another
fleete of 200. saile was set foorth vnder the charge of Earle _Hacon_:
But King _William_ so corrupted them both, that the one departed out of
the Realme without performing any great exploit, the other neuer would
arriue.
Also out of these confusions in _England_, _Malcolme_ King of Scots, did
take his opportunitie for action. Hee receiued into protection many
_English_, who either for feare, or for discontentment, forsooke their
Countrey; of whom many families in _Scotland_ are descended, and namely
these; _Lindsey_, _Vaus_, _Ramsey_, _Louell_, _Towbris_, _Sandlands_,
_Bissart_, _Sowlis_, _Wardlaw_, _Maxwell_, with diuers others. Hee
entertained into his Court _Edgar Atheling_; and tooke his sister
_Margaret_ to wife. He possessed himselfe of a great part of
_Cumberland_, and of _Northumberland_; wherewith the people were well
content, for that hee was their Earles sisters sonne.
Hereupon King _William_ sent against him, first, _Roger_ a _Norman_, who
was traiterously slaine by his owne Souldiers, then _Gospatrick_, Earle
of _Gloucester_: These did onely represse the enemie, but were not able
to finish the warre fully. Lastly, hee went himselfe with a mighty armie
into _Scotland_, where hee made wide waste, and in _Lothiam_ found King
_Malcolme_, prepared both in force and resolution to entertaine him with
battell. The great armie of King _William_, their faire furniture and
order, their sudden comming, but especially their firme countenance and
readinesse to fight, much daunted the _Scots_: whereupon King _Malcolme_
sent a Herault to King _William_, to mooue him to some agreement of
peace. The more that the King was pleased herewith, the more hee seemed
vnwilling and strange: the more he must be perswaded to that, which if
it had not bin offered, he would haue desired. At the last, a peace was
concluded, vpon conditions honourable for King _William_, and not
vnreasonable for the King of _Scots_: whereby all the _English_ were
pardoned, who had fled into _Scotland_, and borne armes against their
King.
As for the _Welsh_, albeit both their courage and their power had been
extreamely broken in the time of King _Edward_, and that by the valour
and industry of _Harold_; yet vpon aduantage of these troubled times,
they made some incursions into the borders of _England_; but in
companies so disordered and small, so secretly assaulting, so suddenly
retiring, so desirous more of pillage then of blood, that they seemed
more like to ordinarie robbers then to enemies in field. Against these
the King ledde an armie into _Wales_, reduced the people both to
subiection and quiet, made all the principall men tributary vnto him,
receiued pledges of all, for assurance of their obedience and faith.
Whilest the King thus setled his affaires abroad, he secured himselfe
against his subiects,[22] not by altering their will, but by taking away
their power to rebell. The stoutest of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen were
spent, either by warre, or by banishment, or by voluntary auoidance out
of the Realme. All these hee stripped of their states, and in place of
them aduanced his _Normans_: insomuch as scarce any noble family of the
_English_ blood did beare either office or authoritie within the Realme.
And these ranne headlong to seruitude; the more hasty and with the
fairer shew, the more either countenanced or safe. These he did assure
vnto him, not onely by oath of fidelitie and homage, but either by
pledges, or else by reteining them alwaies by his side.
And because at that time the Clergie were the principall strings of the
_English_ strength, he permitted not any of the _English_ Nation to be
aduanced to the dignities of the Church, but furnished them with
_Normans_, and other strangers. And whereas in times before, the Bishop
and Alderman were absolute Iudges in euery Shire, and the Bishop in many
causes shared in forfeitures and penalties with the King; he clipped the
wings of their Temporall power, and confined them within the limits of
their Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction; to maintaine the Canons and customes
of the Church, to deale in affaires concerning the soule. He procured
_Stigand_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_, _Agelwine_ Bishop of
_East-Angles_, and certaine other Bishops and Abbots, to be depriued by
authoritie from _Rome_, and deteined them in prison during their liues,
that strangers might enioy their places. The matters obiected against
_Stigand_ were these.
1 _That hee had entruded vpon the Archbishopricke whilest Robert the
Archb. was in life._
2 _That he receiued his Pall from Benedict the fifth, who for buying
the Papacie had bene deposed._
3 _That hee kept the Sea of Winchester in his handes, after his
inuestiture into the Sea of Canterburie._
He was otherwise also infamous in life; altogether vnlearned, of heauie
iudgement and vnderstanding, sottishly seruiceable both to pleasure and
sloath; in couetousnesse beneath the basenesse of rusticitie: insomuch
as he would often sweare, that he had not one penie vpon the earth, and
yet by a key which hee did weare about his necke, great treasures of his
were found vnder the ground. And this was a griefe and sicknesse to
honest mindes, that such spurious and impure creatures should susteine,
or rather destaine the reuerence and maiestie of Religion.
Further, the King caused all the Monasteries and Abbeys to be searched,
pretending that the richer sort of the _English_ had layd vp their money
in them: vnder colour whereof he discouered the state of all, and
bereaued many of their owne treasure. Some of these Religious houses he
appropriated wholly to himselfe; of diuers others he seized the
liberties, which they redeemed afterward at a very high and excessiue
rate. Those Bishopricks and Abbeis which held Baronies, and had bene
free before from secular subiection, he reduced vnder the charge of his
seruice; appointing how many Souldiers, and of what sort, they should
furnish for him and his successours in the time of their warres. Those
strangers which he entertained in pay, he dispersed into Religious
houses, and some also among the Nobilitie, to be maintained at their
charge: whereby he not onely fauoured his owne purse, but had them as a
watch, and sometimes as a garrison ouer those, of whose alleageance he
stood in doubt.
Now against the inferiour sort of people, knowing right well that hee
was generally hated, hee prepared these remedies for his estate: All
their armour was taken from them, they were crushed downe with change
of calamity, which held them prostrate vnder yoke, and brake the very
heart of their courage: leauing them no hope to be relieued, no hope to
rise into any degree of libertie, but by yeelding entire obedience vnto
him. Those who either resisted or fauoured not his first entrance, he
bereaued of all meanes afterward to offend him; holding them downe, and
keeping them so lowe, that their very impotencie made him secure. All
such as had their hand in any rebellion, albeit they were pardoned their
liues, lost their liuings, and became vassals to those Lords to whom
their possessions were giuen. And if they attained any thing afterward,
they held it onely at the pleasure of their Lords; at the pleasure of
their Lords they might bee despoyled.
Hee much condemned the iudgement of _Swanus_ the _Dane_, sometimes King
of _England_, who permitted those whom hee had vanquished, to retaine
their former both authoritie and estates: whereby it happened, that
after his death, the inhabitants were of force to expell the strangers,
and to quit themselues both from their societie and subiection.
Hereupon many seuere lawes were made; diuers of all sorts were put to
death, banished, stripped of their wealth, disabled in their bodies by
vnusuall variety of punishments; as putting out the eyes, cutting off
the hands and such like: not onely to diminish his feares, if they were
suspected; but sometimes if they were of wealth, to satisfie therewith
either his pleasure or wants. His cruelty made the people rebellious,
and their rebellions made him the more cruell; in which case many
Innocents were made the oblations of his ambitious feares. Many heauy
taxations were imposed vpon them; their ancient Lords were remoued,
their ancient lawes and policies of State were dashed to dust; all lay
couched vnder the Conquerours sword, to bee newly fashioned by him, as
should bee best fitting for his aduantage.
Hee erected Castels in diuers parts of the Realme, of which the Towre
neere _London_ was the chiefe, which afterward was increased both in
compasse and in strength by addition of the outward walls. In these he
planted garrisons of _Normans_, as if it had bene in a hostile Countrey;
not without oppression to the people although they remained quiet, and
sufficient to suppresse them if they should rebell. Thus he secured the
Realme against a generall defection; as for particular stirres, they
might happily molest him, but endanger him they could not. _Exceter_,
_Northumberland_, and some other parts did rise against him in armes;
but being vnable to maintaine their reuolt, their ouerthrow did much
confirme his State.
Hee either imitated or concurred with _Caesar_ in aduise: For, as _Caesar_
inuaded the _Germans_ which kept the great forrest of _Ardenna_, not
with his owne Souldiers, but with his aides out of _Gallia_; gaining
thereby victory ouer the one, and securitie from the other, without any
dispence of the _Romane_ blood: so after the Kings great victory against
the valiant, but too aduenturous King _Harold_, when many of the English
fled into _Ireland_, and from thence with fresh both courage, and
supplies returned into _England_; commaunded by two of _Harolds_ sonnes;
hee encountred them onely with _English_ forces. In the first conflict
the Kings partie was ouerthrowen, and the valiant leader _Ednothus_
slaine, who had bene master of the horses to King _Harold_. In the
second his enemies were so defeated, as they were neuer able to make
head againe. So the victorers being weakened, and the vanquished wasted,
the King with pleasure triumphed ouer both. Likewise when he was
occasioned to passe the Seas into _Normandie_, either to establish
affaires of gouernement, or to represse rebellions, which in his absence
were many times raised; he drew his forces out of _England_, and that in
a more large proportion then the importance of the seruice did require.
Hee also tooke with him the chiefe men of _English_ blood, as well to
vse their aduise and aide, as also to hold them and their friends from
working innouation in his absence.
He enclosed the great Forrest neere vnto the Sea in _Hamshire_, for
which he dispeopled villages and townes, about the space of thirtie
miles, to make a desert for beasts of chase; in which place afterward
two of his sonnes, _Richard_ and _William_ ended their liues; _Richard_
by a fall from his horse, and _William_ by the stroke of an arrow. The
Kings great delight in hunting was made the pretence of this Forrest;
but the true end was rather, to make a free place of footing for his
_Normans_ and other friends out of France, in case any great reuolt
should be made. Diuers other parts of the Realme were so wasted with
his warres, that for want both of Husbandrie and habitation, a great
dearth did ensue; whereby many were inforced to eate horses, dogs, cats,
rats, and other loathsome and vile vermine: yea, some absteined not from
the flesh of men. This famine and desolation did especially rage in the
North parts of the Realme. For the inhabitants beyond _Humber_, fearing
the Kings secret hate, so much the more deepe and deadly because vniust;
receiued without resistance, and perhaps drew in the Armie of the King
of _Sueueland_, with whom _Edgar Atheling_ and the other _English_ that
fled into _Scotland_ ioyned their power. The _Normans_ within _Yorke_
fired the suburbs, because it should not be a lodging for their enemies:
but the strength of the winde caried the flame into the Citie, which
consumed a great part thereof, with the Minster of S. _Peter_, and
therein a faire Librarie. And herewith whilest the _Normans_ were partly
busied, and partly amazed, the enemies entred, and slue in _Yorke_, in
_Duresme_, and thereabout, three thousand _Normans_; among whom were
many of eminent dignitie, as well for birth, as for place of their
charge. But in short time the King came vpon them, and hauing partly by
Armes, and partly by gifts dispatched the strangers, exercised vpon the
_English_ an ancient and assured experience of warre, to represse with
maine force a rebellion in a State newly subdued. Insomuch as all the
land betweene _Duresme_ and _Yorke_, except onely the territorie of S.
_Iohn_ of _Beuerlace_, lay waste for the space of nine yeeres, without
inhabitants to manure the ground.
And because conspiracies and associations are commonly contriued in the
night, he commanded, that in all Townes and villages a Bell should be
runge in the euening at eight of the clocke; and that in euery house
they should then put foorth their fire and lights, and goe to bed. This
custome of ringing a Bell at that houre, in many places is still
obserued.
And for that likenesse is a great cause of liking and of loue, he
enioyned the chiefe of the _English_ (and these were soone imitated by
the rest) to conforme themselues to the fashions of _Normandie_, to
which they had made themselues no strangers before. Yea, children in the
schoole were taught their letters and principles of grammar in the
_Norman_ language. In their speech, attire, shauing of the beard,
seruice at the Table; in their buildings and houshold furniture, they
altogether resembled the _Normans_.
In the beginning of his reigne he ordeined that the Lawes of King
_Edward_ should be obserued, together with those Lawes which hee did
prescribe: but afterwards he commanded that 9. men should be chosen out
of euery shire, to make a true report what were the Lawes and customes
of the Realme. Of these hee changed the greatest part, and brought in
the customes of _Normandie_ in their stead: commanding also that causes
should be pleaded, and all matters of forme dispatched in _French_.
Onely hee permitted certaine _Dane_-Lawes, (which before were chiefly
vsed in _Northfolke_, _Suffolke_, and _Cambridge_-shire) to be generally
obserued; as hauing great affinitie with his _Norman_-customes; both
being deriued from one common head.
Likewise at the great suit of _William_ a _Norman_ then Bishop of
_London_, he granted a Charter of libertie to that Citie, for enioying
the vse of K. _Edwards_ Lawes: a memoriall of which benefite, the
Citizens fixed vpon the Bishops graue, being in the middest of the
great West Ile of S. _Pauls_. Further, by the counsaile of _Stigand_
Archb. of _Canterburie_, and of _Eglesine_ Abbot of S. _Augustines_ (who
at that time were the chiefe gouernours of _Kent_) as the King was
riding towards _Douer_, at _Swanescombe_ two mile from _Grauesend_, the
_Kentish_ men came towards him armed, and bearing boughes in their
hands, as if it had bene a moouing wood; they encloased him vpon the
sudden, and with a firme countenance, but words well tempered with
modestie and respect, they demanded of him the vse of their ancient
Liberties and Lawes: that in other matters they would yeeld obedience
vnto him: that without this they desired not to liue. The King was
content to strike saile to the storme, and to giue them a vaine
satisfaction for the present; knowing right well, that the generall
customes & Lawes of the residue of the Realme, would in short time
ouerflow these particular places. So pledges being giuen on both sides,
they conducted him to _Rochester_, and yeelded the Countie of _Kent_ and
the Castle of _Douer_ into his power.
In former times many Farmes and Mannors were giuen by bare word,
without writing, onely with the sword of the Lord, or his head-peece;
with a horne or standing goblet, and many tenements with a quill, with a
horse-combe, with a bow, with an arrow; but this sincere simplicitie at
that time was changed. And whereas Charters and deeds were before made
firme by the subscription of the partie, with crosses of gold, or of
some other colour; then they were firmed by the parties speciall Seale,
set vpon waxe, vnder the _Teste_ of three or foure witnesses.
He ordained also his counsaile of State, his Chancery, his Exchequer,
his Courts of Iustice, which alwaies remoued with his Court. These
places he furnished with Officers, and assigned foure Termes in the yere
for determining controuersies among the people: whereas before all
suites were summarily heard and determined in the _Gemote_ or monthly
conuention in euery hundred, without either formalities or delay.
He caused the whole Realme to be described in a censuall Roll, so as
there was not one Hide of land, but both the yerely rent and the owner
thereof, was therein set downe; how many plowlands, what pastures,
fennes, or marishes; what woods, parkes, farmes and tenements were in
euery shire; and what euery one was worth. Also how many villaines euery
man had, what beasts or cattell, what fees, what other goods, what rent
or commoditie his possessions did yeeld. This booke was called _The Roll
of Winton_, because it was kept in the Citie of _Winchester_. By the
_English_ it was called _Doomes day booke_; either by reason of the
generalitie thereof, or else corruptly in stead of _Domus Dei booke_;
for that it was layed in the Church of _Winchester_, in a place called
_Domus Dei_. According to this Roll taxations were imposed; sometimes
two shillings, and sometimes sixe shillings vpon euery hide of land (a
hide conteyning 20. acres,) besides ordinarie prouision for his house.
In all those lands which hee gaue to any man, he reserued _Dominion in
chiefe_ to himselfe: for acknowledgement whereof a yeerely rent was payd
vnto him, and likewise a fine whensoeuer the Tenant did alien or die.
These were bound as Clients vnto him by oath of fidelitie and homage;
And if any died his heire being in minoritie, the King receiued the
profits of the land, and had the custodie and disposing of the heires
body, vntill his age of one and twentie yeeres.
It is reported of _Caligula_,[23] that when he entended to make
aduantage of his penal Edicts, he caused them to be written in so small
letters, and the tables of them to be fastened so high, that it was
almost impossible for any man to read them. So the King caused part of
those Lawes that he established, to be written in the _Norman_ language,
which was a barbarous and broken _French_, not well vnderstood of the
naturall _French_, and not at all of the vulgar _English_. The residue
were not written at all, but left almost arbitrarie, to be determined by
reason and discretion at large. Hereupon it followed, partly through
ignorance of the people, and partly through the malice of some officers
of Iustice, who many times are instruments of secret and particular
ends; that many were extreamely intangled, many endangered, many rather
made away, then iustly executed.
But here it may be questioned, seeing these Lawes were layed vpon the
_English_, as fetters about their feet, as a ponderous yoke vpon their
necke, to depresse and deteine them in sure subiection; how it falleth,
that afterward they became not onely tolerable, but acceptable and well
esteemed.
Assuredly, these lawes were exceeding harsh and heauy to the _English_
at the first: And therefore K. _William Rufus_, and _Henry_ the first,
at such time as _Robert_ their eldest brother came in armes against them
to challenge the crowne, being desirous to winne the fauour of the
people, did fill them with faire promises, to abrogate the lawes of K.
_William_ their father, and to restore to them the Lawes of K. _Edward_.
The like was done by K. _Stephen_, and by K. _Henry_ the second; whilest
both contending to draw the State to himselfe, they did most grieuously
teare it in pieces. The like by others of the first Kings of the
_Norman_ race, whensoeuer they were willing to giue contentment to the
people: who desired no other reward for all their aduentures and
labours, for al their blood spent in the seruice of their Kings, but to
haue the Lawes of K. _Edward_ restored. At the last the Nobilitie of the
Realme, with great dispence both of their estates and blood, purchased a
Charter of libertie, First from K. _Iohn_, which was soone reuoked, as
violently enforced from him: afterwards from King _Henry_ the third,
which remained in force. And hereby the sharpe seuerity of these lawes
was much abated.
In that afterwards they became, not onely tolerable, but easie and
sweete, and happily not fit to bee changed, it is by force of long
grounded custome, whereby those vsages which our ancestors haue obserued
for many ages, do neuer seeme either grieuous or odious to bee endured.
So _Nicetas_ writing of certaine Christians, who by long conuersing with
the _Turkes_, had defiled themselues with Turkish fashions,
_Custome_[24] (saith he) _winneth such strength by time, that it is more
firme then either Nature or Religion_. Hereupon _Dio. Chrysostome_
compareth Customes to a King,[25] and Edicts to a Tyrant; because we are
subiect voluntarily to the one, but by constraint and vpon necessitie to
the other. _It is manifest_ (saith _Agathias_) _that vnder whatsoeuer
law a people hath liued, they doe esteeme the same most excellent and
diuine_.[26] _Herodotus_ reporteth, that _Darius_ the sonne of
_Hysdaspis_, hauing vnder his Dominion certaine _Grecians_ of _Asia_,
who accustomed to burne their dead parents and friends, and certaine
nations of _India_, who vsed to eate them; called the _Grecians_ before
him: and told them that it was his pleasure, that they should conforme
themselues to the custome of the _Indians_, in eating their deceased
friends. But they applied all meanes of intreatie and perswasion, that
they might not be inforced, to such a barbarous, or rather brutish
obseruation. Then hee sent for the _Indians_, and mooued them to
conformitie with the _Grecians_; but found that they did farre more
abhorre to burne their dead, then the _Grecians_ did to eate them.
Now these seuerities of the King were much aggrauated by the _English_,
and esteemed not farre short of cruelties. Notwithstanding hee tempered
it with many admirable actions both of iustice and of clemencie and
mercie: for which hee is much extolled by the _Normane_[27] writers. Hee
gaue great priuiledges to many places; & the better to giue the people
contentment, and to hold them quiet, he often times renued the oath
which first he tooke at his Coronation: namely, _to defend the holy
Church of God, the pastors thereof, and the people subiect to him iustly
to gouerne, to ordaine good lawes, and obserue true iustice, and to the
vttermost of his power to withstand all rapines and false Iudgements._
Such of the nobilitie as had been taken in rebellion, were onely
committed to prison; from which they were released in time: such as
yeelded and submitted themselues, were freely pardoned, and often times
receiued to fauour, trust, and imployment.
_Edric_, the first that rebelled after hee was King, he held neere and
assured vnto him. _Gospatric_ who had been a stirrer of great
commotions, he made Earle of _Glocester_, and employed him against
_Malcolme_ King of _Scots_. _Eustace_ Earle of _Bologne_, who vpon
occasion of the Kings first absence in _Normandie_ attempted to surprize
the Castle of _Douer_, he imbraced afterward with great shew of loue and
respect. _Waltheof_ sonne to Earle _Siward_, who in defending the Citie
of _Yorke_ against him, had slaine many _Normans_, as they assayed to
enter a breach, hee ioyned in marriage to his Neece _Iudeth_. _Edgar_
who was the ground and hope of all conspiracies, who after his first
submission to the King, fled into _Scotland_, and maintained open
hostilitie against him, who pretended title to the Crowne as next heire
to the _Saxon_ Kings, he not onely receiued to fauour, but honoured
with faire enterteinments. Hee furnished him to the warre of
_Palestine_, where he atteined an honourable estimation with the
Emperours of _Almaine_ and of _Greece_. After his returne he was allowed
20. shillings a day by way of pension, and large liuings in the
Countrey, where he mellowed to old age in pleasure and vacancie of
affaires; preferring safe subiection, before ambitious rule accompanied
both with danger and disquiet.
Thus was no man more milde to a relenting and vanquished enemie; as
farre from crueltie, as he was from cowardice, the height of his spirit,
ouerlooking all casuall, all doubtfull and vncertaine dangers. Other
great offenders he punished commonly by exile or imprisonment, seldome
by death. Onely among the _English_ Nobilitie Earle _Waltheof_ was put
to death, for that after twice breaking allegiance, he conspired the
third time with diuers both _English_ and _Normans_ to receiue the
_Danes_ into _England_, whilest the King was absent in _Normandie_. And
for the same conspiracie _Ralph Fitz-aubert_ a _Norman_ was also
executed; who had furnished 40. ships for the King in his voiage for
_England_: for which and for his other seruices in that warre, he was
afterward created Earle of _Hereford_. But present iniuries doe alwayes
ouerballance benefits that are past.
He much delighted in hunting and in feasting. For the first he enclosed
many forrests and parks, and filled them with Deere; which he so deerely
loued, that he ordained great penalties for such as should kill those or
any other beasts of game. For the second hee made many sumptuous feasts,
especially vpon the high Festiuall dayes in the yeere. His _Christmasse_
hee often kept at _Glocester_, his _Easter_ at _Winchester_, his
_Whitsontide_ at _Westminster_; and was crowned once in the yeere at one
of these places, so long as he continued in _England_. To these feasts
he inuited all his Nobilitie, and did then principally compose himselfe
to courtesie, as well in familiar conuersation, as in facilitie to grant
suits, and to giue pardon to such as had offended. At other times he was
more Maiesticall and seuere; and imployed himselfe both to much exercise
and great moderation in diet; whereby he preserued his body in good
state, both of health and strength, and was easily able to endure
trauaile, hunger, heat, cold, and all other hardnesse both of labour and
of want.
Many wrongs he would not see, of many smarts he would not complaine; he
was absolute master of himselfe, and thereby learned to subdue others.
He was much commended for chastitie of body; by which his Princely
actions were much aduanced. And albeit the beginning of his reigne was
pestered with such routs of outlawes and robbers, that the peaceable
people could not accompt themselues in surety within their owne doores;
hee so well prouided for execution of Iustice vpon offenders, or rather
for cutting off the causes of offence; that a young maiden well charged
with gold, might trauaile in any part of the Realme, without any offer
of iniurie vnto her. For if any man had slaine another vpon any cause,
he was put to death; and if he could not be found, the hundred paide a
fine to the King; sometimes 28. and sometimes 36. pounds, according to
the largenesse of the hundred in extent. If a man had oppressed any
woman, he was depriued of his priuie parts. As the people by Armes, so
Armes by lawes were held in restraint.
He talked little and bragged lesse: a most assured performer of his
word: In prosecution or his purposes constant and strong, and yet not
obstinate; but alwayes appliable to the change of occasions: earnest,
yea violent, both to resist his enemies, and to exact dueties of his
Subiects. He neither loued much speech, nor gaue credite to faire; but
trusted truely to himselfe, to others so farre as he might not be abused
by credulitie.
His expedition (the spirit of actions and affaires) may hereby appeare.
He inuaded _England_ about the beginning of October; He subdued all
resistance, he suppressed all rising Rebellions, and returned into
_Normandy_ in March following. So as the time of the yeere considered, a
man should hardly trauaile through the land in so short a time as he did
win it. A greater exploit then _Iulius Caesar_ or any other stranger
could euer atchieue vpon that place.
He gaue many testimonies of a Religious minde. For he did often frequent
Diuine seruice in the Church, he gaue much Almes, hee held the Clergie
in great estimation, and highly honoured the Prelats of the Church. He
sent many costly ornaments, many rich presents of gold and siluer to the
Church of _Rome_; his _Peter_ paiments went more readily, more largely
then euer before. To diuers Churches in _France_ after his victorie he
sent Crosses of gold, vessels of gold, rich Palles, or other ornaments
of great beautie and price. He bare such reuerence to _Lanfranck_
Archbishop of _Canterburie_, that he seemed to stand at his directions.
At the request of _Wolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_, he gaue ouer a great
aduantage that he made by sale of prisoners taken in _Ireland_. He
respected _Aldred_ Archbishop of _Yorke_, by whom he had bene crowned
King of _England_, as his father. At a time vpon the repulse of a
certaine suit, the Archbishop brake forth into discontentment,
expostulated sharpely against the King, and in a humorous heat offered
to depart. But the King staied him, fell downe at his feet, desired
pardon, and promised satisfaction in the best maner that he could. The
Nobilitie that were present, put the Archbishop in minde that he should
cause the King to arise. Nay (answered the Archb.) let him alone; Let
him still abide at S. _Peters_ feet. So with much adoe he was appeased,
and entreated to accept his suite. And so the name of Saint _Peter_, and
of the Church hath been often vsed as a mantle, to couer the pride,
passions and pleasures of disordered men.
He founded and enlarged many houses of Religion: Hee furnished
Ecclesiasticall dignities, with men of more sufficiencie and worth then
had been vsuall in former times. And because within his owne Dominions
studies did not flourish and thriue, by reason of the turbulent times,
by reason of the often inuasions of barbarous people, whose knowledge
lay chiefly in their fists; hee drew out of _Italy_ and other places
many famous men, both for learning and integritie of life, to wit,
_Lanfranke_, _Anselm_, _Durand_, _Traherne_ and others. These he
honoured, these hee aduanced, to these hee expressed great testimonies
both of fauour and regard.
And yet he preferred _Odo_ his brother by the mothers side to the
Bishopricke of _Baion_, and afterwards created him Earle of _Kent_: A
man proud, vaine, mutinous, ambitious; outragious in oppression, cruelty
and lust; a prophaner of Religion, a manifest contemner of all vertue.
The King being called by occasions into _Normandie_, committed vnto him
the gouernment of the Realme: In which place of credite and command he
furnished himselfe so fully with treasure, that hee aspired to the
Papacie of _Rome_: vpon a prediction then cast abroad, (which commonly
deceiue those that trust vnto them) that the successour of _Hildebrand_
was named _Odo_. So filled with proud hopes, hee purchased a palace and
friends at _Rome_; hee prepared for his iourney, and drew many gentlemen
to be of his traine. But the King returning suddenly out of _Normandie_,
met with him in the _Isle of Wight_, as he was ready to take the Seas.
There hee was arrested, and afterwards charged with infinite
oppressions; also for seducing the Kings subiects to forsake the Realme;
and lastly, for sacrilegious spoyling of many Churches. Hereupon his
treasure was seized, and he was committed to prison; not as Bishop of
_Baion_, but as Earle of _Kent_, and as an accomptant to the King. And
so he remained about foure yeeres, euen vntill the death of the King.
His seruants, some in falshood, and some for feare, discouered such
hidden heapes of his gold, as did exceede all expectation: yea, many
bagges of grinded gold were drawen out of riuers, wherein the Bishop had
caused them for a time to be buried. After this hee was called the Kings
spunge: as being preferred by him to that place of charge, wherein he
might in long time sucke that from others, which should at once be
pressed from himselfe. By this meanes the King had the benefit of his
oppression without the blame; and the people (being no deepe searchers
into secrets of State) were so well pleased with the present punishment,
as they were thereby, although not satisfied, yet well quieted for all
their wrongs.
Towards the end of his reigne he appointed his two sonnes, _Robert_ and
_Henry_, with ioynt authoritie, gouernours of _Normandie_; the one to
suppresse either the insolencie, or leuitie of the other. These went
together to visit the _French_ King, lying at _Conflance_: where
entertaining the time with varietie of disports, _Henry_ played with
_Louis_ then _Daulphine_ of _France_ at Chesse, and did win of him very
much. Here at _Louis_ beganne to growe warme in words, and was therein
little respected by _Henry_. The great impatiencie of the one, and the
small forbearance of the other, did strike in the end such a heate
betweene them, that _Louis_ threw the Chesse-men at _Henries_ face, and
called him the sonne of a bastard. _Henrie_ againe stroke _Louis_ with
the Chesse-boord, drew blood with the blowe, and had presently slaine
him vpon the place, had hee not been stayed by his brother _Robert_.
Hereupon they presently went to horse, and their spurres claimed so good
haste, as they recouered _Pontoise_, albeit they were sharpely pursued
by the _French_.
It had been much for the _French_ King to haue remained quiet, albeit no
prouocations had happened, in regard of his pretence to many pieces
which King _William_ did possesse in _France_. But vpon this occasion he
presently inuaded _Normandie_, tooke the Citie of _Vernon_, and drew
_Robert_, King _Williams_ eldest sonne, to combine with him against his
owne father. On the other side King _William_, who neuer lost anything
by loosing of time, with incredible celeritie passed into _France_;
inuaded the _French_ Kings dominions, wasted and tooke many principall
places of _Zantoigne_ and _Poictou_, returned to _Roan_, and there
reconciled his sonne _Robert_ vnto him. The _French_ King summoned him
to doe his homage for the kingdome of _England_. For the Duchie of
_Normandie_ he offered him homage, but the kingdome of _England_ (he
said) he held of no man, but onely of God, and by his sword. Hereupon
the _French_ King came strongly vpon him; but finding him both ready
and resolute to answere in the field: finding also that his hazard was
greater then his hope; that his losse by ouerthrow would farre surmount
his aduantage by victory; after a few light encounters he retired:
preferring the care to preserue himselfe, before the desire to harme
others.
King _William_ being then both corpulent and in yeeres, was distempered
in body by meanes of those trauailes, and so retired to _Roan_; where
hee remained not perfectly in health. The _French_ King hearing of his
sickenesse, pleasantly said, that hee lay in child-bed of his great
belly. This would haue been taken in mirth, if some other had spoken it;
but comming from an enemie, it was taken in scorne. And as great
personages are most sencible of reproach, and the least touch of honour
maketh a wide and incurable wound; so King _William_ was so nettled with
this ieast, that hee swore _By Gods resurrection and his brightnesse_,
(for this was the vsuall forme of his oath) that so soone as hee should
be churched of that child, he would offer a thousand lights in _France_.
So presently after his recouery hee entred _France_ in armes, tooke the
Citie of _Meux_, set many Townes and Villages and corne fields on fire;
the people abandoning all places where he came, and giuing foorth, that
it was better the nests should be destroyed, then that the birds should
be taken in them. At the last he came before _Paris_, where _Philip_
King of _France_ did then abide: to whom he sent word, that he had
recouered to be on foote, and was walking about, and would be glad
likewise to find him abroad. This enterprise was acted in the moneth of
August, wherein the King was so violent and sharpe, that by reason both
of his trauaile, and of the vnseasonable heate, he fell into a relapse
of his sicknesse. And to accomplish his mishap, in leaping on
horse-backe ouer a ditch, his fat belly did beare so hard vpon the
pommell of his saddle, that hee tooke a rupture in his inner parts. And
so ouercharged with sickenesse, and paine, and disquietnesse of minde,
hee returned to _Roan_; where his sickenesse increased by such dangerous
degrees, that in short time it led him to the period of his dayes.
During the time of his sickenesse hee was much molested in
conscience,[28] for the blood which hee had spilt, and for the seueritie
which he had vsed against the _English_: holding himselfe for that
cause more guilty before God, then glorious among men. Hee spent many
good speeches in reconciling himselfe to God and the world, & in
exhorting others to vertue and Religion. He gaue great summes of money
to the Clergie of _Meux_, and of some other places in _France_, to
repaire the Churches which a little before he had defaced. To some
Monasteries he gaue tenne markes of gold, and to others sixe. To euery
Parish Church hee gaue fiue shillings, and to euery Borough Towne a
hundred pounds for reliefe of the poore. Hee gaue his Crowne, with all
the ornaments therto belonging, to the Church of Saint _Stephen_ in
_Caen_, which hee had founded: for redeeming whereof, King _Henry_ the
first did afterwards giue to the same Church the Mannour of _Brideton_
in _Dorcetshire_. Hee reteined perfect memorie and speach so long as he
reteined any breath. Hee ended his life vpon the ninth day of September:
full both of honour and of age, when hee had reigned twenty yeeres,
eight moneths and sixteene dayes; in the threescore and fourth yeere of
his age.
So soone as he was dead, the chiefe men that were about him went to
horse, and departed forthwith to their owne dwellings: to prouide for
the safety of themselues, and of their families and estates. For all men
were possessed with a marueilous feare, that some dangerous aduentures
would ensue. The seruants and inferiour Officers also fled away; and to
double the basenesse of their disposition, tooke with them whatsoeuer
was portable about the king; his Armour, plate, apparell,
household-stuffe, all things were held as lawfull bootie. Thus the dead
body was not onely abandoned, but left almost naked vpon the ground:
where it remained from prime vntil three of the clocke, neither guarded
nor regarded by any man. In the meane time the Religious persons went in
procession to the Church of S. _Geruase_, & there commended his soule to
God. Then _William_ Archb. of _Roan_ commaunded, that his body should be
caried to _Caen_, to be there buried in the Church of S. _Stephen_. But
hee was so forsaken of all his followers, that there was not any found
who would vndertake either the care or the charge. At the last
_Herlwine_ a countrey Knight, vpon his owne cost, caused the body to be
embalmed and adorned for funerall pompe: then conueyed it by coach to
the mouth of the Riuer _Some_; and so partly by land, and partly by sea
brought it to _Caen_.
Here the Abbot with the Couent of Monks came foorth with all accustomed
ceremonies, to meet the corps: to whom the whole multitude of the
Clergie and Lay-people did adioyne. But when they were in the middest of
their sad solemnities, a fire brake out of a certaine house, and
suddenly embraced a great part of the towne. Hereupon the Kings body was
once againe abandoned; all the people running from it in a headlong
haste; some to saue their goods, others to represse the rage of the
flame, others (as the latest nouelty) to stand and looke on. In the end
a few Moncks returned, and accompanied the Hearse to the Abbey Church.
Afterward all the Bishops and Abbots of _Normandy_ assembled to
solemnize the funerall. And when the diuine Office was ended, and the
coffin of stone set into the earth, in the presbytorie, betweene the
Quire and the Altar (but the body remained vpon the Herse) _Guislebert_
bishop of _Eureux_ made a long Sermon; wherein hee bestowed much breath
in extolling the honourable actions of the King. In the end he
concluded; That forsomuch as it was impossible for a man to liue, much
lesse to gouerne, without offence; First, by reason of the multitude of
a Princes affaires; Secondly, for that he must commit the managing of
many things to the conscience and courtesie of others; Lastly, for that
personall grieuances are many times beneficiall to the maine body of
State; in which case, particular either losses or harmes, are more then
manifoldly recompenced by the preseruation or quiet of the whole: If
therefore any that were present did suppose they had receiued iniurie
from the King, he desired that they would in charitie forgiue him.
When the Bishop had finished his speach, one _Anselme Fitz-Arthur_ stood
vp amongst the multitude, and with a high voice said; _This ground
whereupon wee stand, was sometimes the floore of my fathers house; which
that man of whom you haue spoken, when he was Duke of Normandie, tooke
violently from my father, and afterward founded thereon this Religious
building. This iniustice hee did not by ignorance or ouersight; not vpon
any necessitie of State; but to content his owne couetous desire. Now
therefore I doe challenge this ground as my right; and doe here charge
you, as you will answere it before the fearefull face of Almightie God,
that the body of the spoiler be not couered with the earth of mine
inheritance._
When the Bishops and Noble men that were present heard this, and
vnderstood by the testimony of many that it was true, they agreed to
giue him three pounds presently for the ground that was broken for the
place of burial; and for the residue which he claimed, they vndertooke
he should be fully satisfied. This promise was performed in short time
after, by _Henrie_ the Kings sonne, who onely was present at the
Funerall; at whose appointment _Fitz-Arthur_ receiued for the price of
the same ground one hundred pounds.
Now when the body was to be put into the earth, the sepulchre of stone
which stood within the graue, was hewen somewhat too strait for his fat
belly; whereupon they were constrained to presse it downe with much
strength. By this violence, whether his bowels burst, or whether some
excrements were forced out at their natural passage, such an intolerable
stinck proceeded from him, as neither the perfumes that smoaked in great
abundance, nor any other meanes were able to qualifie. Wherefore the
Priests hasted to finish their office, and the people departed in a sad
silence; discoursing diuersly afterward of all these extraordinarie
accidents.
A man would thinke that a sepulchre thus hardly attained, should not
easily againe bee lost. But it happened otherwise to this vnquiet King;
not destined to rest, either in his life or after his death. For in the
yeere 1562. when _Chastilion_ tooke the Citie of _Caen_, with those
broken troupes that escaped at the battaile of _Dreux_; certaine sauage
Souldiers of diuers nations, led by foure dissolute Captaines, beate
downe the Monument which King _William_ his sonne had built ouer him,
and both curiously and richly adorned with gold & costly stones. Then
they opened his Tombe, & not finding the treasure which they expected,
they threw forth his bones with very great derision & despight. Many
_English_ souldiers were then in the Towne, who were very curious to
gather his bones; whereof some were afterwards brought into _England_.
Hereby the report is conuinced for vaine, that his body was found
vncorrupt, more then foure hundred yeeres after it was buried. Hereby
also it is found to be false, that his body was eight foote in length.
For neither were his bones proportionable to that stature, (as it is
testified by those who saw them) and it is otherwise reported of him by
som who liued in his time; namely, that he was of a good stature, yet
not exceeding the ordinary proportion of men.
And this was the last end of all his fortunes, of all that was mortall
in him besides his fame: whose life is too much extolled by the
_Normans_, and no lesse extenuated by the _English_. Verely, he was a
very great Prince: full of hope to vndertake great enterprises, full of
courage to atchieue them: in most of his actions commendable, and
excusable in all. And this was not the least piece of his Honour, that
the Kings of _England_ which succeeded, did accompt their order onely
from him: not in regard of his victorie in _England_, but generally in
respect of his vertue and valour.
For his entrance was not by way of conquest but with pretence of title
to the Crowne: wherein he had both allowance and aide from diuers
Christian Princes in Europe. He had also his partie within the Realme,
by whose meanes he preuailed against the opposite faction, (as _Caesar_
did against _Pompey_) and not against the entire strength of the State.
Againe, hee did not settle himselfe in the chaire of Soueraignetie, as
one that had reduced all things to the proud power and pleasure of a
Conquerour, but as an vniuersall successor of former Kings, in all the
rights and priuiledges which they did enioy. Hee was receiued for King
by generall consent; He was crowned with all Ceremonies and Solemnities
then in vse; Hee tooke an oath in the presence of the Clergie, the
Nobilitie, and of much people, for defence of the Church, for moderate
and carefull gouernement, and for vpright administration of iustice.
Lastly, during the whole course of his gouernement, the kingdome
receiued no vniuersall change, no losse or diminution of honour. For,
neither were the olde inhabitants expelled, as were the _Britaines_;
neither was the kingdome either subiected or annexed to a greater: but
rather it receiued encrease of honour, in that a lesse State was
adioyned vnto it. The change of customes was not violent and at once,
but by degrees, and with the silent approbation of the _English_; who
haue alwaies been inclinable to accommodate themselues to the fashions
of _France_. The grieuances and oppressions were particular, and with
some appearance either of iustice, or of necessitie for the common
quiet; such as are not vnusuall in any gouernement moderately seuere. So
the change was chiefly in the stemme and familie of the King: which
whether it be wrought by one of the same nation (as it was in _France_
by _Pepine_ and _Capett_) or by a stranger, (as in the same Countrey by
_Henry_ 5. and _Henry_ 6. Kings of _England_) it bringeth no
disparagement in honour; it worketh no essentiall change. The State
still remained the same, the solid bodie of the State remained still
_English_: the comming in of many _Normans_, was but as Riuers falling
into the Ocean; which change not the Ocean, but are confounded with the
waters thereof.
This King had by his wife _Matild_, daughter to _Baldwine_ Earle of
_Flanders_, foure sonnes; _Robert_, _Richard_, _William_ and _Henrie_:
Hee had also fiue daughters; _Cicely_, _Constance_, _Adela_, _Margaret_
and _Elianor_.
_Robert_ his eldest sonne surnamed _Courtcuise_, by reason of the
shortnesse of his thighs, succeeded him in the duchie of _Normandie_. He
was a man of exceeding honourable courage and spirit, for which cause he
was so esteemed by the Christian Princes in the great warre against the
_Saracens_, that when they had subdued the Citie and territorie of
_Hierusalem_, they offered the kingdome thereof first vnto him. Yet
afterwards, either by the malice of his Fortune, or for that he was both
suddaine and obstinate in his owne aduise (two great impediments that
valour cannot thriue) he receiued many foiles of his enemies, which
shall be declared in their proper place. Before the King made his
descent into _England_, hee gaue the duchie of _Normandie_ vnto him: but
whether he did this onely to testifie his confidence, or whether
afterwards his purpose changed, being often demanded to performe this
gift, he would neither deny nor accomplish his word, but enterposed many
excuses and delayes; affirming that he was not so surely setled in
_England_, but the duchie of _Normandie_ was necessary vnto him, both
for supply for his seruices (which he found like _Hydraes_ heads to
multiply by cutting off) and also for an assured place for retreit, in
case hee should be ouercharged with extremities. Hereupon _Robert_
vnable to linger and pine in hopes, declared openly against him in
armes. _Philip_ King of _France_ was ready to put fuell to the flame;
who as he neuer fauoured in his owne iudgement the prosperous encreases
of the King of _England_, so then he was vigilant to embrace all
occasions, either to abate or limit the same. And thus _Robert_ both
encouraged and enabled by the King of _France_, inuaded _Normandie_, and
permitted his souldiers licentiously to wast; to satisfie those by
spoile, which by pay he was not able to maintaine. At the last he
encountred the King his father in a sharpe conflict, before the castle
of _Gerberie_, wherein the King was vnhorsed and wounded in the arme;
his second sonne _William_ was also hurt, and many of his souldiers
slaine. And albeit _Robert_ so soone as he knew his father by his voyce,
allighted forthwith, mounted him vpon his owne horse, and withdrew him
out of the medley; yet did he cast vpon his sonne a cruell curse, which
lay so heauie vpon him, that he neuer prospered afterward in any thing
which hee vndertooke. And although after this he was reconciled to his
father, and imployed by him in seruices of credit and weight, yet did
the King often bewray of him an vnquiet conceit, often did he ominate
euill vnto him: yea, a little before his death he openly gaue forth,
_That it was a miserable Countrey which should be subiect to his
dominion, for that he was a proud and foolish knaue, and to be long
scourged by cruell Fortune_.
_Richard_ had erected the good expectation of many, as well by his
comely countenance and behauiour, as by his liuely and generous spirit.
But he died yong by misaduenture, as he was hunting within the
New-forrest, before he had made experiment of his worth. Some affirme
that he was goared to death by the Deere of that Forrest, for whose
walke his father had dispeopled that large compasse of ground: others
report, that as he rode in chase, hee was hanged vpon the bough of a
tree by the chaps: others more probably doe write, that he perished by a
fal from his horse. He was buried at _Winchester_ with this inscription:
_Hic iacet Richardus filius Wilielmi senioris Berniae Dux_.
_William_ did succeed next to his father in the Kingdome of _England_.
To _Henry_, the King gaue at the time of his death fiue thousand pounds
out of his treasure; but gaue him neither dignitie nor lands:
foretelling, that hee should enioy the honour of both his brothers in
time, and farre excel them both in dominion and power. Whether this was
deuised vpon euent; or whether some doe prophesie at their death; or
whether it was coniecturally spoken; or whether to giue contentment for
the present; it fell out afterward to be true. For hee succeeded
_William_ in the Kingdome of _England_, and wrested _Normandie_ out of
the possession of _Robert_. Of these two I shall write more fully
hereafter.
His daughter _Cicelie_ was Abbesse of _Caen_ in _Normandie_. _Constance_
was married to _Allen Fergant_ Earle of _Britaine_. _Adela_ was wife to
_Stephen_ Earle of _Blois_, to whom she bare _Stephen_, who after the
death of _Henry_ was King of _England_. _Margaret_ was promised in
marriage to _Harold_; she died before hee attained the Kingdome, for
which cause he held himselfe discharged of that oath which he had made
to the Duke her father. _Elianor_ was betroathed to _Alphonso_ King of
_Gallicia_; but she desired much to die a Virgine: for this she daily
prayed, and this in the end she did obtaine. After her death her knees
appeared brawnie and hard, with much kneeling at her deuotions.
Assuredly it will be hard to find in any one Familie, both greater
Valour in sonnes, and more Vertue in daughters.
In the beginning of this Kings reigne, either no great accidents did
fall, or else they were obscured with the greatnesse of the change: none
are reported by the writers of that time.
In the fourth yeere of his reigne, _Lanfranke_ Abbot of _Caen_ in
_Normandie_, but borne in _Pauie_, a Citie of _Lumbardie_, was made
Archbishop of _Canterbury_: And _Thomas_ a _Norman_, and _Chanon_ of
_Bayon_ was placed in the Sea of _Yorke_. Between these two a
controuersie did arise at the time of their consecration, for prioritie
in place: but this contention was quieted by the King, and _Thomas_ for
the time subscribed obedience to the Archb. of _Canterbury_. After this
they went to _Rome_ for their Palles, where the question for Primacie
was againe renued, or as some affirme, first moued before Pope
_Alexander_. The Pope vsed them both with honorable respect, and
especially _Lanfrank_, to whom he gaue two Palles, one of honour, and
the other of loue: but their controuersie he referred to be determined
in _England_.
About two yeeres after it was brought before the King and the Clergie at
_Windsore_. The Archbishop of _Yorke_ alleadged, that when the
_Britaines_ receiued the Christian faith, in the time of _Lucius_ their
King _Eleutherius_ then Bishop of _Rome_, sent _Faganus_ and _Damianus_
vnto them, who ordeined 28. Bishops, and two Archbishops within the
Realme, one of _London_, and the other of _Yorke_. Vnder these the
Church of _Britaine_ was gouerned almost three hundred yeeres, vntill
they were subdued by the _Saxons_. The _Saxons_ remained Infidels vntill
_Gregorie_ Bishop of _Rome_ sent _Augustine_ vnto them. By his preaching
_Ethelbert_ King of _Kent_ was first conuerted to the Christian faith:
By reason whereof _Augustine_ was made Archbishop of _Douer_, by
appointment of Pope _Gregorie_; who sent vnto him certaine Palles with
his letter from _Rome_. By this letter it is euident, that _Gregorie_
intended to reduce the Church of the _Saxons_ to the same order wherein
it was among the _Britaines_; namely, to be vnder twelue Bishops and two
Archbishops; one of _London_ and the other of _Yorke_. Indeede he gaue
to _Augustine_ during his life, authority and iurisdiction ouer all
Bishops and Priests in _England_: but after his decease he ioyneth these
two Metropolitanes in equall degree, to constitute Bishops, to ouersee
the Church, to consult and dispose of such things as appertaine to the
gouernement thereof, as in former times among the _Britaines_. Betweene
these he put no distinction in honour, but only as they were in
prioritie of time: and as he appointeth _London_ to be consecrated by no
Bishop, but of his own Synod, so he expresseth, that the Bishop of
_Yorke_ should not bee subiect to the Bishop of _London_. And albeit
_Augustine_ for the reason before mentioned, translated the Sea from
_London_ to _Douer_, yet if _Gregorie_ had intended to giue the same
authoritie to the successours of _Augustine_ which hee gaue vnto him, he
would haue expressed it in his Epistle: but in that he maketh no mention
of his successours, he concludeth, or rather excludeth them by his
silence.
The Archbishop of _Canterbury_ alleaged, that from the time of
_Augustine_, vntill the time of _Bede_, (which was about 140. yeeres)
the Bishops of _Canterburie_ (which in ancient time (said he) was called
_Douer_) had the Primacie ouer the whole land of _Britaine_, and
_Ireland_; that they did call the Bishops of _Yorke_ to their Councels,
which diuers times they kept within the Prouince of _Yorke_; that some
Bishops of _Yorke_ they did constitute, some excommunicate, and some
remoue. He alleaged also diuers priuiledges granted by Princes for the
Primacie of that Sea; diuers graunted from the Apostolike Sea to
confirme this dignitie in the successours of _Augustine_: that it is
reason to receiue directions of well liuing, from whence we first
receiued directions of right beleeuing; & therfore as the Bishop of
_Canterbury_ was subiect to the Bishop of _Rome_, because hee had his
faith from thence; for the very same cause the Bishop of _Yorke_ should
be in subiection to the Bishop of _Canterbury_: that like as the Lord
said that to all the Bishops of _Rome_, which hee said to S. Peter; so
that which _Gregorie_ said to _Augustine_, hee said likewise to all his
successours. And whereas much is spoken of the Bishop of _London_, what
is that to the Archbishop of _Canterbury_? For, neither is it certaine
that _Augustine_ was euer resident at _London_, neither that _Gregorie_
appointed him so to be.
In the end it was decreed, That _Yorke_ for that time should be subiect
to _Canterburie_; that wheresoeuer within _England_ the Archbishop of
_Canterburie_ should hold his Councell, the Archbishop of _Yorke_ should
come vnto it, with the Bishops of his Prouince, and be obedient to his
decrees: that when the Archbishop of _Canterburie_ should decease, the
Archbishop of _Yorke_ should goe to _Canterburie_, to consecrate him
that should succeed: that if the Archbishop of _Yorke_ should decease,
his successour should goe to _Canterbury_, or to such place as the
Archbishop of _Canterburie_ should appoint, there to receiue his
Consecration, making first his oath of Canonicall obedience. And thus
was the contention for this first time taken vp; but in succeeding times
it was often renued, and much busied the Clergie of the Realme.
In the ninth yeere of the reigne of King _William_ a Councell was holden
at _London_, where another matter of like qualitie and nature was
decreed: namely, that Bishops should translate their Sees from villages
to Cities; whereupon in short time after, Bishops Sees were remoued,
from _Selese_ to _Chichester_, from _Cornewall_ to _Exeter_, from
_Wells_ to _Bath_, from _Shirbourne_ to _Salisburie_, from _Dorcester_
to _Lincolne_, from _Lichfield_ to _Chester_, and from thence againe to
_Couentree_. And albeit the Archbishop of _Yorke_ did oppose against the
erecting of a Cathedrall Church in _Lincolne_, because he challenged
that Citie to be of his Prouince; yet _Remigius_ Bishop of _Dorchester_,
being strong both in resolution and in friends, did prosecute his
purpose to effect. Not long before the Bishopricke of _Lindafferne_
otherwise called _Holy land_, vpon the riuer _Tweed_, had bene
translated to _Durhame_.
In the tenth yeere of his reigne the cold of Winter was exceeding
memorable, both for sharpenesse and for continuance: For the earth
remained hard frozen from the beginning of Nouember, vntill the middest
of April then ensuing.
In the 15. yere a great earthquake happened in the month of April;
strange for the strong trembling of the earth, but more strange for the
dolefull and hideous roaring which it yeelded foorth.
In the 20. yeere there fell such abundance of raine, that the Riuers did
greatly ouerflow in all parts of the Realme. The springs also rising
plentifully in diuers hils, so softned and decaied the foundations of
them, that they fell downe, whereby some villages were ouerthrowne. By
this distemperature of weather much cattel perished, much corne vpon the
ground was either destroyed, or greatly empaired. Herehence ensued,
first a famine, and afterwards a miserable mortalitie of men.
And that all the Elements might seeme to haue conspired the calamity of
the Realme, the same yeere most of the principall Cities in _England_
were lamentably deformed with fire. At _London_ a fire began at the
entry of the West gate, which apprehending certaine shops and
Ware-houses, wherein was Merchandise apt to burne, it was at once begun
and suddenly at the highest. Then being caried with a strong wind; and
the Citie apt to maintaine the flame, as well by reason of the crooked
and narrow streets, as for that the buildings at that time had open and
wide windowes, and were couered with base matter fit to take fire, the
mischiefe spread more swiftly then the remedies could follow. So it
raged vntill it came to the East gate, prostrated houses and Churches
all the way, being the most grieuous that euer as yet hath happened to
that Citie. The Church of S. _Paul_ was at that time fired; Whereupon
_Maurice_ then Bishop of _London_, began the foundation of the new
Church of S. _Paul_. A worke so admirable, that many did iudge, it would
neuer haue bene finished; yet all might easily esteeme thereby his
magnanimitie, his high erected hopes, his generous loue and honour to
Religion. The King gaue towards the building of the East end of this
Church, the choise stones of his Castle at the West end of the Citie,
vpon the bancke of the Riuer Thames; which Castle at the same time was
also fired: in place whereof _Edward Killwarby_ Archbishop of
_Canterburie_ did afterwards found a Monasterie of blacke Friers. The
King also gaue the Castle of _Storford_, and all the lands which thereto
belonged, to the same _Maurice_, and to his successours in that See. And
doubtlesse nothing more then either parcimonious or prophane expending
the Treasures of the Church, hath since those times much dried vp those
fountaines which first did fill them.
After the death of _Maurice_, _Richard_ his next Successour, as well in
vertue as in dignitie, bestowed all the Rents rising out of this
Bishopricke, to aduance the building of this Church; maintaining
himselfe by his Patrimonie and friendes: and yet all which hee could
doe, made no great shewe: so that the finishing of this worke was left
to many other succeeding Bishops. Hee purchased the ground about the
Church whereupon many buildings did stand, and inclosed the same with a
strong wall of stone for a place of buriall. It seemeth that this wall
was afterwards either battered and torne in some ciuill warres, or else
by negligence suffered to decay: for that a graunt was made by King
_Edward_ the second, that the Church-yard of Saint _Pauls_ should bee
enclosed with a wall, because of the robberies and murthers that were
there committed. Many parts of this wall remaine at this time, on both
sides of the Church, but couered for the most part with dwelling houses.
The same yeere in Whitsun-weeke, the King honoured his sonne _Henrie_
with the order of Knighthood. What Ceremonies the King then vsed it is
not certainly knowen: but before his time the custome among the
_Saxons_ was thus. First, hee who should receiue the order of
Knighthood, confessed himselfe in the euening to a Priest. Then hee
continued all that night in the Church, watching and applying himselfe
to his priuate deuotions. The next morning he heard Masse, and offered
his sword vpon the Altar. After the Gospel was read, the sword was
hallowed, and with a benediction put about his necke. Lastly, he
communicated the mysteries of the blessed body of Christ, and from that
time remained a lawfull Souldier or Knight. This custome of Consecrating
Knights the _Normans_ did not onely abrogate, but abhorre; not for any
euill that was therein, but because it was not altogether their owne.
This yeere in a Prouince of _Wales_ called _Rosse_, the Sepulchre of
_Wawyn_, otherwise called _Gawen_, was found vpon the Sea shore. Hee was
sisters sonne to _Arthur_ the great King of the _Britaines_; a man
famous in our _Britaine_ Histories, both for ciuill courtesie, and for
courage in the field. I cannot but esteeme the report for fabulous, that
his bodie was fourteene foote in length. I doe rather coniecture that
one credulous writer did take that for the length of his body, which
happily might bee the length of his tombe.
It is constantly affirmed that the ground whereon the _English_ and the
_Normans_ did combate, doth shew after euery raine manifest markes of
blood vpon the grasse: which if it was not a proprietie of the soyle
before, it is hard now to assigne, either from what naturall cause it
doth proceede, or what it should supernaturally portend.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]