CHAPTER 18 (p. 460)

Integration of the Marine Corps

Even more so than in the Army, the history of racial equality in the

Marine Corps demonstrates the effect of the exigencies of war on the

integration of the armed forces. The Truman order, the Fahy Committee,

even the demands of civil rights leaders and the mandates of the draft

law, all exerted pressure for reform and assured the presence of some

black marines. But the Marine Corps was for years able to stave off

the logical outcome of such pressures, and in the end it was the

manpower demands of the Korean War that finally brought integration.

In the first place the Korean War caused a sudden and dramatic rise in

the number of black marines: from 1,525 men, almost half of them

stewards, in May 1949, to some 17,000 men, only 500 of them serving in

separate stewards duty, in October 1953.[18-1] Whereas the careful

designation of a few segregated service units sufficed to handle the

token black representation in 1949, no such organization was possible

in 1952, when thousands of black marines on active duty constituted

more than 5 percent of the total enlistment. The decision to integrate

the new black marines throughout the corps was the natural outcome of

the service's early experiences in Korea. Ordered to field a full

division, the corps out of necessity turned to the existing black

service units, among others, for men to augment the peacetime strength

of its combat units. These men were assigned to any unit in the Far

East that needed them. As the need for more units and replacements

grew during the war, newly enlisted black marines were more and more

often pressed into integrated service both in the Far East and at

home.

[Footnote 18-1: All statistics from official Marine

Corps sources, Hist Div, HQMC.]

Most significantly, the war provided a rising generation of Marine

Corps officers with a first combat experience with black marines. The

competence of these Negroes and the general absence of racial tension

during their integration destroyed long accepted beliefs to the

contrary and opened the way for general integration. Although the

corps continued to place special restrictions on the employment of

Negroes and was still wrestling with the problem of black stewards

well into the next decade, its basic policy of segregating marines by

race ended with the cancellation of the last all-black unit

designation in 1951. Hastily embraced by the corps as a solution to a

pressing manpower problem, integration was finally accepted as a

permanent manpower policy.

_Impetus for Change_ (p. 461)

This transformation seemed remote in 1949 in view of Commandant

Clifton B. Cates's strong defense of segregation. At that time Cates

made a careful distinction between allocating men to the services

without regard to race, which he supported, and ordering integration

of the services themselves. "Changing national policy in this respect

through the Armed Forces," he declared, "is a dangerous path to pursue

inasmuch as it effects [_sic_] the ability of the National Military

Establishment to fulfill its mission."[18-2] Integration of the

services had to follow, not precede, integration of American society.

[Footnote 18-2: Memo, CMC for Asst SecNav for Air, 17

Mar 49, MC files.]

The commandant's views were spelled out in a series of decisions

announced by the corps in the wake of the Secretary of the Navy's call

for integration of all elements of the Navy Department in 1949. On 18

November 1949 the corps' Acting Chief of Staff announced a new racial

policy: individual black marines would be assigned in accordance with

their specialties to vacancies "in any unit where their services can

be effectively utilized," but segregated black units would be retained

and new ones created when appropriate in the regular and reserve

components of the corps. In the case of the reserve component, the

decision on the acceptance of an applicant was vested in the unit

commander.[18-3] On the same day the commandant made it clear that the

policy was not to be interpreted too broadly. Priority for the

assignment of individual black marines, Cates informed the commander

of the Pacific Department, would be given to the support establishment

and black officers would be assigned to black units only.[18-4]

[Footnote 18-3: MC Memo 119-14, 18 Nov 49, sub: Policy

Regarding Negro Marines, Hist Div, HQMC, files.

Unless otherwise noted, all documents in this

section are located in these files.]

[Footnote 18-4: Msg, CMC (signed C. B. Cates) to CG,

Dept of Pacific, 18 Nov 49. Aware of the delicate

public relations aspects of this subject, the

Director of Plans and Policies recommended that

this message be classified; see Memo, E. A. Pollock

for Asst CMC, 8 Nov 49.]

Further limiting the chances that black marines would be integrated,

Cates approved the creation of four new black units. The Director of

Personnel and the Marine Quartermaster had opposed this move on the

grounds that the new units would require technical billets,

particularly in the supply specialties, which would be nearly

impossible to fill with available enlisted black marines. Either

school standards would have to be lowered or white marines would have

to be assigned to the units. Cates met this objection by agreeing with

the Director of Plans and Policies that no prohibition existed against

racial mixing in a unit during a period of on-the-job training. The

Director of Personnel would decide when a unit was sufficiently

trained and properly manned to be officially designated a black

organization.[18-5] In keeping with this arrangement, for example, the

commanding general of the 2d Marine Division reported in February 1950

that his black marines were sufficiently trained to assume complete

operation of the depot platoon within the division's service command.

Cates then designated the platoon as a unit suitable for general (p. 462)

duty black marines, which prompted the Coordinator of Enlisted

Personnel to point out that current regulations stipulated "after a

unit has been so designated, all white enlisted personnel will be

withdrawn and reassigned."[18-6]

[Footnote 18-5: DP&P Study 119-49, 14 Nov 49, sub:

Designation of Units for Assignment of Negro

Marines, approved by CMC, 2 Dec 49.]

[Footnote 18-6: Memo, CG, 2d Marine Div, for CMC, 18

Feb 50, sub: Assignment of Negro Enlisted

Personnel; Memo, CMC to CG, 2d Marine Div, 28 Mar

50, sub: Designation of the Depot Platoon, Support

Company, Second Combat Service Group, Service

Command, for Assignment of Negro Enlisted Marines;

MC Routing Sheet, Enlisted Coordinator, Personnel

Department, 27 Mar 50, same sub.]

Nor were there any plans for the general integration of black

reservists, although some Negroes were serving in formerly all-white

units. The 9th Infantry Battalion, for instance, had a black

lieutenant. As the assistant commandant, Maj. Gen. Oliver P. Smith,

put it on 4 January 1950, black units would be formed "in any area

where there is an expressed interest" provided that the black

population was large enough to support it.[18-7] When the NAACP

objected to the creation of another all-black reserve unit in New York

City as being contrary to Defense Department policy, the Marine Corps

justified it on the grounds that the choice of integrated or

segregated units must be made by the local community "in accord with

its cultural values."[18-8] Notwithstanding the Secretary of the

Navy's integration order and assignment policies directed toward

effective utilization, it appeared that the Marine Corps in early 1950

was determined to retain its system of racially segregated units

indefinitely.

[Footnote 18-7: Ltr, Smith to Franklin S. Williams,

Asst Special Counsel, NAACP, 4 Jan 50, AO-1, MC

files.]

[Footnote 18-8: Ltr, Roy Wilkins to SecDef, 27 Feb 50;

Memo, SecNav for SecDef, 17 Apr 50, sub: Activation

of Negro Reserve Units in the U.S. Marine Corps;

both in SecDef 291.2. See also Ltr, Asst CMC to

Franklin Williams, 7 Feb 50.]

But the corps failed to reckon with the consequences of the war that

broke out suddenly in Korea in June. Two factors connected with that

conflict caused an abrupt change in Marine race policy. The first was

the great influx of Negroes into the corps. Although the commandant

insisted that race was not considered in recruitment, and in fact

recruitment instructions since 1948 contained no reference to the race

of applicants, few Negroes had joined the Marine Corps in the two

years preceding the war.[18-9] In its defense the corps pointed to its

exceedingly small enlistment quotas during those years and its high

enlistment standards, which together allowed recruiters to accept only

a few men. The classification test average for all recruits enlisted

in 1949 was 108, while the average for black enlistees during the same

period was 94.7. New black recruits were almost exclusively enlisted

for stewards duty.[18-10]

[Footnote 18-9: Ltr, CMC to Walter White, 2 Jul 51.]

[Footnote 18-10: Memo, Div of Plans and Policies for

Asst Dir of Public Info, 4 Jun 51, sub: Article in

Pittsburgh _Courier_ of 26 May 51.]

A revision of Defense Department manpower policy combined with the

demands of the war to change all that. The imposition of a qualitative

distribution of manpower by the Secretary of Defense in April 1950

meant that among the thousands of recruits enlisted during the Korean

War the Marine Corps would have to accept its share of the large

percentage of men in lower classification test categories. Among these

men were a significant number of black enlistees who had failed to

qualify under previous standards. They were joined by thousands (p. 463)

more who were supplied through the nondiscriminatory process of the

Selective Service System when, during the war, the corps began using

the draft. The result was a 100 percent jump in the number of black

marines in the first year of war, a figure that would be multiplied

almost six times before war inductions ran down in 1953. (_Table 11_)

Table 11--black Marines, 1949-1955

Percent

Date Officers Enlisted Men of Corps

July 1949 0 1,525 1.6

July 1950 0 1,605 1.6

January 1951 2 2,077 1.2

July 1951 3 3,145 1.6

January 1952 3 8,315 3.7

July 1952 NA 13,858 6.0

January 1953 10 14,479 6.1

July 1953 13 15,729 6.0

November 1953 18 16,906 6.7

June 1954 19 15,682 6.5

January 1955 19 12,456 5.7

A second factor forcing a change in racial policy was the manpower

demands imposed upon the corps by the war itself. When General

MacArthur called for the deployment of a Marine regimental combat team

and supporting air group on 2 July 1950, the Secretary of the Navy

responded by sending the 1st Provisional Marine Brigade, which

included the 5th Marine Regiment, the 1st Battalion of the 11th

Marines (Artillery), and Marine Air Group 33. By 13 September the 1st

Marine Division and the 1st Marine Air Wing at wartime strength had

been added. Fielding these forces placed an enormous strain on the

corps' manpower, and one result was the assignment of a number of

black service units, often combined with white units in composite

organizations, to the combat units.

The pressures of battle quickly altered this neat arrangement.

Theoretically, every marine was trained as an infantryman, and when

shortages occurred in combat units commanders began assigning black

replacements where needed. For example, as the demand for more marines

for the battlefield grew, the Marine staff began to pull black marines

from routine duties at the Marine Barracks in New Jersey,

Pennsylvania, and Hawaii and send them to Korea to bring the fighting

units up to full strength. The first time black servicemen were

integrated as individuals in significant numbers under combat

conditions was in the 1st Provisional Marine Brigade during the

fighting in the Pusan Perimeter in August 1950. The assignment of

large numbers of black marines throughout the combat units of the 1st

Marine Division, beginning in September, provided the clearest

instance of a service abandoning a social policy in response to the

demands of the battlefield. The 7th Marines, for example, an organic

element of the 1st Marine Division since August 1950, received into

its rapidly expanding ranks, along with many recalled white reservists

and men from small, miscellaneous Marine units, a 54-man black (p. 464)

service unit. The regimental commander immediately broke up the

black unit, assigning the men individually throughout his combat

battalions.

That the emergency continued to influence the placement of Negroes is

apparent from the distribution of black marines in March 1951, when

almost half were assigned to combat duty in integrated units.[18-11]

Before the war was over, the 1st Marine Division had several thousand

black marines, serving in its ranks in Korea, where they were assigned

to infantry and signal units as well as to transportation and food

supply organizations. One of the few black reserve officers on active

duty found himself serving as an infantry platoon commander in Company

B of the division's 7th Marines.

[Footnote 18-11: _Location of Black Marines, 31 March

1951_

Posts and stations inside the United States 938

Posts and stations outside the United States 181

Troop training units 3

Aviation 190

Fleet Marine Force (Ground) 1,327

Ships 3

En route 58

Missing in action 8

Total 2,708

_Source_: Tab 1 to Memo, ACofS, G-1, to Asst Dir of

Public Info, 6 Jun 51, sub: Queries Concerning

Negro Marines.]

The shift to integration in Korea proved uneventful. In the words of

the 7th Marines commander: "Never once did any color problem bother

us.... It just wasn't any problem. We had one Negro sergeant in

command of an all-white squad and there was another--with a graves

registration unit--who was one of the finest Marines I've ever

seen."[18-12] Serving for the first time in integrated units, Negroes

proceeded to perform in a way that not only won many individuals

decorations for valor but also won the respect of commanders for

Negroes as fighting men. Reminiscing about the performance of black

marines in his division, Lt. Gen. Oliver P. Smith remembered "they did

everything, and they did a good job because they were integrated, and

they were with good people."[18-13] In making his point the division

commander contrasted the performance of his integrated men with the

Army's segregated 24th Infantry. The observations of field commanders,

particularly the growing opinion that a connection existed between

good performance and integration, were bound to affect the

deliberations of the Division of Plans and Policies when it began to

restudy the question of black assignments in the fall of 1951.

[Footnote 18-12: Washington _Post_, February 27,

1951.]

[Footnote 18-13: USMC Oral History Interview, Lt Gen

Oliver P. Smith, Jun 69.]

As a result of the division's study, the Commandant of the Marine

Corps announced a general policy of racial integration on 13 December

1951, thus abolishing the system first introduced in 1942 of

designating certain units in the regular forces and organized reserves

as black units.[18-14] He spelled out the new order in some detail (p. 465)

on 18 December, and although his comments were addressed to the

commanders in the Fleet Marine Force, they were also forwarded to

various commands in the support establishment that still retained

all-black units. The order indicated that the practices now so

commonplace in Korea were about to become the rule in the United

States.[18-15] Some six months later the commandant informed the Chief

of Naval Personnel that the Marine Corps had no segregated units and

while integration had been gradual "it was believed to be an

accomplished fact at this time."[18-16]

[Footnote 18-14: MC Policy Memo 109-51, 13 Dec 51,

sub: Policy Regarding Negro Marines.]

[Footnote 18-15: Memo, CMC for CG, FMF, Pacific, et

al., 18 Dec 51, sub: Assignment of Negro Enlisted

Personnel.]

[Footnote 18-16: Idem for Chief, NavPers (ca. Jun 51),

MC files.]

[Illustration: MARINES ON THE KANSAS LINE, KOREA. _Men of the 1st

Marines await word to move out._]

The change was almost immediately apparent in other parts of the

corps, for black marines were also integrated in units serving with

the fleet. Reporting on a Mediterranean tour of the 3d Battalion, 6th

Marines (Reinforced), from 17 April to 20 October 1952, Capt. Thomas

L. Faix, a member of the unit, noted: "We have about fifteen Negro

marines in our unit now, out of fifty men. We have but very little

trouble and they sleep, eat and go on liberty together. It would be

hard for many to believe but the thought is that here in the service

all are facing a common call or summons to service regardless of

color."[18-17] Finally, in August 1953, Lt. Gen. Gerald C. Thomas, (p. 466)

who framed the postwar segregation policy, announced that "integration

of Negroes in the Corps is here to stay. Colored boys are in almost

every military occupation specialty and certainly in every enlisted

rank. I believe integration is satisfactory to them, and it is

satisfactory to us."[18-18]

[Footnote 18-17: Extract from Thomas L. Faix, "Marines

on Tour (An Account of Mediterranean Goodwill

Cruise and Naval Occupation Duty), Third Battalion,

Sixth Marines (Reinforced), April 17-October 20,

1952," in Essays and Topics of Interest: #4, Race

Relations, p. 36.]

[Footnote 18-18: The Chief of Staff was quoted in

"Integration of the Armed Forces," _Ebony_ 13 (July

1958):22.]

[Illustration: MARINE REINFORCEMENTS. _A light machine gun squad of 3d

Battalion, 1st Marines, arrives during the battle for "Boulder

City."_]

_Assignments_

The 1951 integration order ushered in a new era in the long history of

the Marine Corps, but despite the abolition of segregated units, the

new policy did not bring about completely unrestricted employment of

Negroes throughout the corps. The commandant had retained the option

to employ black marines "where their services can be effectively

utilized," and in the years after the Korean War it became apparent

that the corps recognized definite limits to the kinds of duty to

which black marines could be assigned. Following standard assignment

procedures, the Department of Personnel's Detail Branch selected

individual staff noncommissioned officers for specific duty billets.

After screening the records of a marine and considering his race, the

branch could reject the assignment of a Negro to a billet for any (p. 467)

reason "of overriding interest to the Marine Corps."[18-19]

[Footnote 18-19: Memo, Head of Detail Br, Pers Dept,

for Dir of Pers, 10 Jun 52, sub: Policy Regarding

Negro Marines, MC files. This method of assigning

staff noncommissioned officers still prevailed in

1976.]

By the same token, the assignment of marines in the lower ranks was

left to the individual commands, which filled quotas established by

headquarters. Commanders usually filled the quotas from among eligible

men longest on station, but whether or not Negroes were included in a

transfer quota was left entirely to the discretion of the local

commander. The Department of Personnel reserved the right, however, to

make one racial distinction in regard to bulk quotas: it regulated the

number of black marines it took from recruit depots as replacements,

as insurance against a "disproportionate" number of Negroes in combat

units. Under the screening procedures of Marine headquarters and unit

commanders, black enlisted men were excluded from assignment to

reserve officer training units, recruiting stations, the State

Department for duty at embassies and legations, and certain special

duties of the Department of Defense and the Navy Department.[18-20]

[Footnote 18-20: Ibid., 4 Aug 52.]

For the service to reserve the right to restrict the assignment of

Negroes when it was of "overriding interest to the Marine Corps" was

perhaps understandable, but it was also susceptible to considerable

misinterpretation if not outright abuse. The Personnel Department was

"constantly" receiving requests from commanders that no black noncoms

be assigned to their units. While some of these requests seemed

reasonable, the chief of the division's Detail Branch noted, others

were not. Commanders of naval prison retraining centers did not want

black noncommissioned officers assigned because, they claimed, Negroes

caused unrest among the prisoners. The Marine Barracks in Washington,

D.C., where the commandant lived, did not want black marines because

of the ceremonial nature of its mission. The Marine Barracks at

Dahlgren, Virginia, did not want Negroes because conflicts might arise

with civilian employees in cafeterias and movies. Other commanders

questioned the desirability of assigning black marines to the Naval

Academy, to inspector-instructor billets in the clerical and supply

fields, and to billets for staff chauffeurs. The Detail Branch wanted

a specific directive that listed commands to which black marines

should not be assigned.[18-21]

[Footnote 18-21: Ibid., 10 Jun 52.]

Restrictions on the assignment of black marines were never codified,

but the justification for them changed. In place of the "overriding

interest to the Marine Corps" clause, the corps began to speak of

restrictions "solely for the welfare of the individual Marine." In

1955 the Director of Personnel, Maj. Gen. Robert O. Bare, pointed to

the unusually severe hardships imposed on Negroes in some communities

where the attitude toward black marines sometimes interfered with

their performance of duty. Since civilian pressures could not be

recognized officially, Bare reasoned, they had to be dealt with

informally on a person-to-person basis.[18-22] By this statement (p. 468)

he meant the Marine Corps would informally exclude Negroes from

certain assignments. Of course no one explained how barring Negroes

from assignment to recruitment, inspector-instructor, embassy, or even

chauffeur duty worked for "the welfare of the individual Marine." Such

an explanation was just what Congressman Powell was demanding in

January 1958 when he asked why black marines were excluded from

assignments to the American Embassy in Paris.[18-23]

[Footnote 18-22: Ltr, Maj Gen R. O. Bare to CO, 1st

Mar Div, 14 Jul 55; Ltr, Dir of Pers to CG, 1st Mar

Div (ca. 10 Dec 56). The quotation is from Ltr, CO,

Marine Barracks, NAD, Hawthorne, Nev., to Dir of

Pers, 15 Dec 62.]

[Footnote 18-23: Ltr, Powell to SecDef, 23 Jan 58. See

also unsigned Draft Ltr for the commandant's

signature to Powell, 12 Feb 58.]

Community attitudes toward Negroes in uniform had become a serious

matter in all the services by the late 1950's, and concern for the

welfare of black marines was repeatedly voiced by Marine commanders in

areas as far-flung as Nevada, Florida, and southern California.[18-24]

But even here there was reason to question the motives of some local

commanders, for during a lengthy discussion in the Personnel

Department some officials asserted that the available evidence

indicated no justification for restricting assignments. Anxiety over

assignments anywhere in the United States was unfounded, they claimed,

and offered in support statistics demonstrating the existence of a

substantial black community in all the duty areas from which Negroes

were unofficially excluded. The Assignment and Classification Branch

also pointed out that the corps had experienced no problems

in the case of the thirteen black marines then assigned to

inspector-instructor duty, including one in Mobile, Alabama. The

branch went on to discuss the possibility of assigning black marines

to recruiting duty. Since recruiters were assigned to areas where they

understood local attitudes and customs, some officials reasoned,

Negroes should be used to promote the corps among potential black

enlistees whose feelings and attitudes were not likely to be

understood by white recruiters.

[Footnote 18-24: See Ltrs, A. W. Gentleman, Hq MC Cold

Weather Tng Cen, Bridgeport, Calif., to Col

Hartley, 12 Nov 57; CO, MB, NAS, Jacksonville,

Fla., to Personnel Dept, 14 Dec 62; CO, MB, NAD,

Hawthorne, Nev., to same, 15 Dec 62.]

These matters were never considered officially by the Marine Corps

staff, and as of 1960 the Inspector General was still keeping a list

of stations to which Negroes would not be assigned. But the picture

quickly changed in the next year, and by June 1962 all restrictions on

the assignment of black marines had been dropped with the exception of

several installations in the United States where off-base housing was

unavailable and some posts overseas where the use of black marines was

limited because of the attitudes of foreign governments.[18-25]

[Footnote 18-25: Draft Memo, Head of Assignment and

Classification Br for Dir, Pers (ca. 1961), sub:

Restricted Assignments; Memo, IG for Dir, Pers, 31

Aug 62; Ltr, Lt Col A. W. Snell to Col R. S.

Johnson, CO, MB, Port Lyautey, 28 Jun 62. See also

Memo, Maj E. W. Snelling, MB, NAD, Charleston,

S.C., for Maj Duncan, 27 Nov 62; and the following

Ltrs: Col S. L. Stephan, CO, MB, Norfolk Nav

Shipyard, to Dir, Pers, 7 Dec 62; K. A. Jorgensen,

CO, MB, Nav Base, Charleston, S.C., to Duncan, 7

Dec 62; Col R. J. Picardi, CO, MB, Lake Mead Base,

to Duncan, 30 Nov 62.]

The perennial problem of an all-black Steward's Branch persisted into

the 1960's. Stewards served a necessary though unglamorous function

in the Marine Corps, and education standards for such duty were (p. 469)

considerably lower than those for the rest of the service. Everyone

understood this, and beyond the stigma many young people felt was

attached to such duties, many Negroes particularly resented the fact

that while the branch was officially open to all, somehow none of the

less gifted whites ever joined. Stewards were acquired either by

recruiting new marines with stewards-duty-only contracts or by

accepting volunteers from the general service. The evidence suggests

that there was truth in the commonly held assumption among stewards

that when a need for more stewards arose, "volunteers" were secured by

tampering with the classification test scores of men in the general

service.[18-26]

[Footnote 18-26: Shaw and Donnelly, _Blacks in the

Marine Corps_, pp. 64-65.]

[Illustration: TRAINING EXERCISES _on Iwo Jima, March 1954_.]

The commandant seemed less concerned with methods than results when

stewards were needed. In June 1950 he had reaffirmed the policy of

allowing stewards to reenlist for general duty, but when he learned

that some stewards had made the jump to general duty without being

qualified, he announced that men who had signed contracts for stewards

duty only were not acceptable for general duty unless they scored at

least in the 31st percentile of the qualifying tests. To make the

change to general duty even less attractive, he ruled that if a

steward reenlisted for general duty he would have to revert to the

rank of private, first class.[18-27] Such measures did nothing to

improve the morale of black stewards, many of whom, according to civil

rights critics, felt confined forever to performing menial tasks, nor

did it prevent constant shortages in the Steward's Branch and problems

arising from the lack of men with training in modern mess management.

[Footnote 18-27: Speed Ltr, CMC to Distribution List,

22 Jun 50; Routing Sheet, Pers Dept, 21 Jun 50,

sub: Enlistment of Stewards.]

The corps tried to attack these problems in the mid-1950's. At the

behest of the Secretary of the Navy it eliminated the stewards-duty-only

contract in 1954; henceforth all marines were enlisted for general

duty, and only after recruit training could volunteers sign up for

stewards duty. Acceptance of men scoring below ninety in the

classification tests would be limited to 40 percent of those

volunteering each month for stewards duty.[18-28] The corps also

instituted special training in modern mess management for stewards. In

1953 the Quartermaster General had created an inspection and

demonstration team composed of senior stewards to instruct members (p. 470)

of the branch in the latest techniques of cooking and baking,

supervision, and management.[18-29] In August 1954 the commandant

established an advanced twelve-week course for stewards based on the

Navy's successful system.

[Footnote 18-28: Ltrs, CMC to Distribution List, 16

Apr 55 and 18 Nov 55.]

[Footnote 18-29: Memo, Head, Enlisted Monitoring Unit,

Detail Br, for Lt Col Gordon T. West, 29 Oct 54,

Pers A. See also Shaw and Donnelly, _Blacks in the

Marine Corps_, pp. 65-66.]

[Illustration: MARINES FROM CAMP LEJEUNE ON THE USS VALLEY FORGE _for

training exercises, 1958_.]

These measures, however, did nothing to cure the chronic shortage of

men and the attendant problems of increased work load and low morale

that continued to plague the Steward's Branch throughout the 1950's.

Consequently, the corps still found it difficult to attract enough

black volunteers to the branch. In 1959, for example, the branch was

still 8 percent short of its 826-man goal.[18-30] The obvious

solution, to use white volunteers for messman duty, would be a radical

departure from tradition. True, before World War II white marines had

been used in the Marine Corps for duties now performed by black

stewards, but they had never been members of a branch organized

exclusively for that purpose. In 1956 tradition was broken when white

volunteers were quietly signed up for the branch. By March 1961 the

branch had eighty white men, 10 percent of its total. Reviewing the

situation later that year, the commandant decided to increase the

number of white stewards by setting a racial quota on steward

assignment. Henceforth, he ordered, half the volunteers accepted (p. 471)

for stewards duty would be white.[18-31]

[Footnote 18-30: Memo, J. J. Holicky, Detail Br, for

Dir of Pers, USMC, 3 Aug 59, sub: Inspection of

Occupational Field 36 (Stewards), Pers 1, MC

files.]

[Footnote 18-31: Memo, Asst Chief for Plans, BuPers

(Rear Adm B. J. Semmes, Jr.), for Chief of NavPers,

22 Jun 61.]

[Illustration: COLONEL PETERSEN (_1968 photograph_).]

The new policy made an immediate difference. In less than two months

the Steward's Branch was 20 percent white. In marked contrast to the

claims of Navy recruiters, the marines reported no difficulty in

attracting white volunteers for messman duties. Curiously, the

volunteers came mostly from the southeastern states. As the racial

composition of the Steward's Branch changed, the morale of its black

members seemed to improve. As one senior black warrant officer later

explained, simply opening stewards duty to whites made such duty

acceptable to many Negroes who had been prone to ask "if it [stewards

duty] was so good, why don't you have some of the whites in

it."[18-32] When transfer to general service assignments became easy

to obtain in the 1960's, the Marine Corps found that only a small

percentage of the black stewards now wished to make the change.

[Footnote 18-32: USMC Oral History Interview, CWO

James E. Johnson, 27 Mar 73.]

There were still inequities in the status of black marines, especially

the near absence of black officers (two on active duty in 1950,

nineteen in January 1955) and the relatively slow rate of promotion

among black marines in general. The corps had always justified its

figures on the grounds that competition in so small a service was

extremely fierce, and, as the commandant explained to Walter White in

1951, a man had to be good to compete and outstanding to be promoted.

He cited the 1951 selection figures for officer training: out of 2,025

highly qualified men applying, only half were selected and only half

of those were commissioned.[18-33] Promotion to senior billets for

noncommissioned officers was also highly competitive, with time in

service an important factor. It was unlikely in such circumstances

that many black marines would be commissioned from the ranks or a

higher percentage of black noncommissioned officers would be promoted

to the most senior positions during the 1950's.[18-34] The Marine

Corps had begun commissioning Negroes so recently that the development

of a representative group of black officers in a system of open

competition was of necessity a slow and arduous task. The task was

further complicated because most of the nineteen black officers on (p. 472)

active duty in 1955 were reservists serving out tours begun in the

Korean War. Only a few of them had made the successful switch from

reserve to regular service. The first two were 2d Lt. Frank E.

Petersen, Jr., the first black Marine pilot, and 2d Lt. Kenneth H.

Berthoud, Jr., who first served as a tank officer in the 3d Marine

Division. Both men would advance to high rank in the corps, Petersen

becoming the first black marine general.

[Footnote 18-33: Ltr, CMC to Walter White, 2 Jul 51,

AO-1, MC files. See also Memo, Div of Plans and

Policies (T. J. Colley) for Asst Dir of Public

Info, 4 Jun 51, sub: Article in Pittsburgh

_Courier_ of 26 May 51.]

[Footnote 18-34: Memo, Exec Off, ACofS, G-1, for

William L. Taylor, Asst Staff Dir, U.S. Commission

on Civil Rights, 27 Feb 63, sub: Personnel

Information Requested, AO-1C, MC files.]

[Illustration: SERGEANT MAJOR HUFF.]

As for the noncommissioned officers, there were a number of senior

enlisted black marines in the 1950's, many of them holdovers from the

World War II era, and Negroes were being promoted to the ranks of

corporal and sergeant in appreciable numbers.

But the tenfold increase in the number of black marines during the

Korean War caused the ratio of senior black noncommissioned officers

to black marines to drop. Here again promotion to higher rank was

slow. The first black marine to make the climb to the top in the

integrated corps was Edgar R. Huff. A gunnery sergeant in an

integrated infantry battalion in Korea, Huff later became battalion

sergeant major in the 8th Marines and eventually senior sergeant major

of the Marine Corps.[18-35]

[Footnote 18-35: Shaw and Donnelly, _Blacks in the

Marine Corps_, pp. 62-63. 66.]

By 1962 there were 13,351 black enlisted men, 7.59 percent of the

corps' strength, and 34 black officers (7 captains, 25 lieutenants,

and 2 warrant officers) serving in integrated units in all military

occupations. These statistics illustrate the racial progress that

occurred in the Marine Corps during the 1950's, a change that was both

orderly and permanent, and, despite the complicated forces at work, in

essence a gift to the naval establishment from the Korean battlefield.

Integration of the Armed Forces, 1940-1965 · 第 10 / 16 章