FRENCH AT THE UNIVERSITIES
The universities set the grammar schools the example by neglecting the
study of French and other subjects necessary to a polite education. Even
the limited encouragement given to the modern language at the
universities during the Middle Ages no longer existed in the sixteenth
century. At this date Latin reigned supreme at Oxford and Cambridge, and
its use was rigorously enforced. The students were required "to speak in
Latin at public places" or otherwise "incur the penalty contained in the
statute regarding this point."[515] It is true that these regulations
were not always obeyed; Fynes Moryson says that scholars in the
universities shun occasions of speaking Latin. But it was none the less
the chief language cultivated at the universities,[516] where no modern
languages received official recognition.
The mediaeval custom of using French on various academic occasions had
not, however, disappeared without leaving a few traces. Some of the
French forms of procedure favoured in the Middle Ages, probably owing to
the influence of the University of Paris, were still in use at Cambridge
in the seventeenth century. The books of two Cambridge beadels, Beadel
Stokys (_c._ 1570) and Beadel Buck (1665),[517] show that on several
occasions these officials were instructed to use French during public
ceremonies. Thus, at the solemn exercise of determination, one of the
beadels gave thanks for the money he and his fellows received, in the
following terms: [Header: FRENCH AND ITALIAN READ] "Noter Determiners je
vous remercie de le Argent que vous avez donner a moy et a meis
companiouns, pourquoy je prie a Dieu que il vous veuille donner tres
bonne vie et en la Fin la Joye de Paradise." In similar
"Stratford-atte-Bowe" French they summoned the lecturers in the
'schools' to be present on commencement day: "Nostre Seigneur Doctor,
une parolle sil vous Plaist, nostres Peres de nostres Seigneurs
Commencens vous prient que vous estes demayn a son commencement en
l'église de nostre Dame." And throughout the ceremonies[518] in Arts and
Theology similar French formulae, often interspersed with Latin, were
frequently used, though they had probably passed out of use by the
beginning of the eighteenth century. But even at that time the summons
to dinner at New College still retained a trace of the old custom; two
choristers walked from the chapel door to the garden gate crying,
"Tempus est vocando, mangez tous seigneurs."
Yet modern languages were not entirely neglected by all university
students. Gabriel Harvey, in an interesting letter to a certain Mr.
Wood, says that the students of Cambridge have "deserted Thomas Aquinas
and the whole rabblement of schoolmen for modern French and Italian
works such as Commines and Machiavell, Paradines in Frenche, Plutarche
in Frenche, and I know not how many outlandish braveryes of the same
stamp." "You can not stepp into a schollars studye," he adds, "but (ten
to on) you shall litely finde open either Bodin _de Republica_ or Le
Royes exposition uppon Aristotles Politiques, or some other like Frenche
or Italian Politique Discourses."[519]
Thus we may safely conclude that French and to a less extent Italian
books were widely read at the universities. No doubt, those who learnt
Italian did so with the help of a dictionary or an English translation,
like Lord Herbert of Cherbury. But there were additional opportunities
for learning the more popular language. French tutors and French
grammars were not unknown at both Oxford and Cambridge. But it was at
Oxford that they were by far the more numerous. The tutors taught French
privately to those of the students who were willing to learn. And
Holyband in dedicating his _French Schoolemaister_ (1573) to the young
Robert Sackville, then a student at Oxford, throws light on the attitude
taken towards that language: "not that you shuld leave off your
weightier and worthier studies in the Universitie, but when your mind is
amazed and dazled with long readinge, you may refresh and disport you in
learninge this [French] tongue."
Protestant refugees formed an important section of the little band of
private French tutors at Oxford. Many Huguenots, frequently scholars of
distinction, settled at the English centres of learning. Some were
promoted to positions in the University,[520] on which they had a very
beneficial influence, just as others received preferment in the English
Church. The French tutors were among the humbler and more numerous
exiles who "taught privately," as the seventeenth-century historian of
the University, Anthony à Wood, tells us. Apart from those who actually
taught French, the presence of considerable numbers of Frenchmen[521]
cannot have been without some indirect influence on the study of French
at Cambridge, as well as at Oxford.
In addition, several French tutors accompanied their pupils to the
University, and spent some time with them there. Such, no doubt, was the
case of Peter Du Ploich who, for some unknown reason, was residing in
Barnard College (now St. John's), Oxford, early in the second half of
the sixteenth century. Another well-known French tutor, G. De la Mothe,
accompanied his pupil Richard Wenman to Oxford, some time between 1587
and 1592. About ten years before, we come across a famous Protestant,
Jean Hotman, sieur de Villiers St. Paul, resident at Oxford with his
pupils, the sons of Lord Poulet, English ambassador at Paris; while
attending to the education of his charges he completed his own, and
received the degree of Doctor. Subsequently he became secretary to
Leicester, and was thus brought into contact with the English
Court.[522] The younger Pierre Du Moulin likewise remained with his
pupil Richard Boyle when at Oxford.[523] [Header: FRENCH GRAMMARS
PRINTED AT OXFORD] Among tutors who spent a short time at Oxford, and
then joined the larger and more successful group of language teachers
in London, was John Florio,[524] well known as a writer of books for
teaching Italian, and himself of Italian parentage, though born in
London. In about 1576 he became tutor for French and Italian to
Emmanuel, son of Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, and to several other
Oxford students. He was, we are told, a "very useful man in his
profession." Shortly after, he removed to London, where he enjoyed
favour at Court.
Of more importance, however, is the group of private tutors who settled
at Oxford, found a clientèle among the University students, and
frequently wrote and published French grammars for the use of their
pupils. There was evidently some demand for instruction in French at
Oxford early in the sixteenth century. The bookseller John Donne enters
a book called _Frans and Englis_ twice in the register of books he sold
in 1520;[525] this may have been either Caxton's Book in French and
English, or the similar collection of dialogues printed by Pynson and
Wynkyn de Worde in turn.
The first book for teaching French printed at Oxford was due to a
Frenchman called Pierre Morlet, a native of Auteuil, who taught French
at Oxford in the last decade of the sixteenth century. His _Janitrix
sive institutio ad perfectam linguae gallicae cognitionem acquirendum_
was issued from the press of Joseph Barnes in 1596.[526] The dedication,
dated from Broadgates Hall the 5th of March of the same year, is
addressed to Morlet's former pupil, Sir Robert Beal. This rare little
treatise contains a few observations on the pronunciation of the
letters, followed by a concise treatment of each part of speech in turn.
It is preceded by a number of commendatory verses in Latin and Greek,
tributes from Morlet's pupils, students of the various colleges. Morlet
had previously prepared a revised edition of Jean Garnier's French
grammar, which was published at Jena in 1593,[527] no doubt before his
coming to England.
As might be expected, most of the early Oxford French grammars, written
for the use of Oxonians, differ from those published at London in that
they are composed in Latin. They differ further in containing no
practical exercises and restricting their contents to rules of grammar.
All the French grammars published at Oxford were not due to Frenchmen.
In 1584 a Spanish refugee, Antonio de Corro, resident at Christ Church,
after acting as minister of the Spanish Church in London, had
anticipated Morlet by adding a few rules on French pronunciation and
accidence to his Spanish Grammar,[528] written in his own language. This
was subsequently translated into English in 1590 by J. Thorius, also of
Christ Church, and printed in London as _The Spanish Grammer with
certaine Rules teaching both the Spanish and French tongues_. Several
grammars were likewise produced by Englishmen resident at Oxford, and
teaching the French language. Among others was John Sanford, or
Sandford, chaplain of Magdalen College, and the author of the French
grammar which succeeded Morlet's. Sanford wrote in Latin, and entitled
his work _Le Guichet François, sive Janicula et Brevis Introductio ad
Linguam Gallicam_. It was published by Joseph Barnes in 1604,[529] and
dedicated to Dr. Bond, president of Magdalen. Sanford compiled his
observations on the pronunciation and parts of speech from the various
French grammars published in both France and England; he drew largely on
Morlet, as well as Bellot and Holyband; and made equally free with de
Bèze, Pillot, and Ramus.
He varied his duties as chaplain by giving lessons in French. In 1605 he
was teaching French to that "hopefull young gentleman Mr. William Grey,
son to the Rt. Honourable Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton," and found "good
contentement" in his "happy progresse therein." Called away temporarily
by other duties, Sanford made an English translation of the Latin work,
which he addressed to his young charge "as a pledge of my duteous love
towards your good deserts, and as my substitute to supplie my absence,
being willing also for your sake to make a publicke use therof." The
_Janicula_ appeared in its new form, much abridged as well as
translated, in 1605, under the title of _A Briefe Extract of the former
Latin Grammar_.[530] It is significant that although this English
translation was printed by Barnes at Oxford, it was mainly intended for
a London public, and was "to be sold in Paules Church Yard at the signe
of the Crowne by Simon Waterson."
[Header: SALTONSTALL AND LEIGHTON]
Sanford retained his position at Magdalen for some years after the
appearance of his grammars. In about 1610 he was travelling abroad as
chaplain to Sir John Digby, whose acquaintance he had made when Sir John
was a student at Balliol.[531]
Other well-known English teachers of French at Oxford were Wye
Saltonstall and Henry Leighton. Wye Saltonstall came of a noble family
in Essex. He was educated at Queen's College, Oxford, where "his descent
and birth being improved by learning, flatter'd him with a kinder
fortune than afterwards he enjoyed his life being all _Tristia_." He is
said to have then gone to Gray's Inn, Holborn, without taking a degree
at Oxford, and afterwards to have become a perfect master of French,
which he had acquired during his travels. In 1625 he returned to Oxford
for purposes of study and converse with learned men. There he taught
Latin and French, and was still living in good repute in 1640 and
after.[532]
Henry Leighton, on the other hand, had not so good a reputation at the
University. He is said to have been a man of debauched character, and to
have obtained the degree of M.A. in anything but a straightforward
manner; when Charles I. created more than seventy persons M.A. on the
1st of November 1642, Leighton, who then bore a commission in the king's
army, contrived to have the degree conferred on himself by presenting
himself at dusk, when the light was very low, though his name was not on
the list. When the king's cause declined, Leighton, who had received the
greater part of his education in France, and was an accomplished French
scholar, settled at Oxford as a teacher of French, and had a room in St.
John's College. Apparently he continued to teach French until 1669, the
year of his death.[533]
He was the author of a French grammar written in Latin, called _Linguae
Gallicae addiscendae regulae_, printed in 1659,[534] and again in 1662.
Beginning with rules for the pronunciation of each letter, the author
passes to observations on the articles, nouns, pronouns, and verbs; he
then returns to the pronunciation, gives fuller rules for the more
difficult sounds, and closes with a list of irregular verbs.[535]
Leighton says he published his work at the request of his friends. He
dedicated it (in French) to Henry O'Brien, baron of Ibrecken, only son
of the Earl of Thomond, expressing, in words very like those used by
Holyband on a similar occasion, the hope that this "divertissement," as
he calls the grammar, may help to while away time not occupied by more
serious and important studies. Thus we see that the general attitude
towards the study of French was still, in the middle of the seventeenth
century, very much what it had been in the preceding century.
In the meantime other grammars had appeared from the pens of French
sojourners at Oxford. One, Robert Farrear, a teacher of French, wrote a
grammar in English for the use of his pupils, _The Brief Direction to
the French Tongue_, printed at Oxford in 1618. Nothing further is known
of its author. Anthony à Wood[536] informs us that in the title of the
book Farrear inscribed himself M.A., but "whether he took that degree or
was incorporated therein in Oxford" he could not discover.
The works on French which appeared at Oxford were not all formal
grammars of the type described. Pierre Bense, a native of Paris, who
taught Italian and Spanish as well as French, was the author of the
_Analogo-Diaphora seu Concordantia Discrepans et Discrepantia Concordans
trium linguarum Gallicae, Italicae et Hispanicae_, commended by Edward
Leigh in his _Foelix Consortium or a fit Conjuncture of Religion and
Learning_ (1663). This comparison of the resemblances and differences in
the grammar of the three languages is dedicated to the University of
Oxford, and was printed at the author's own expense in 1637.[537] As to
Bense himself we are told that he was partly bred "in good letters" at
Paris, and then, coming to England, "he went by letters commendatory to
Oxon where being kindly received and entertained, became a sojourner
there, was entred into the public library, and taught for several years
the French, Italian and Spanish tongues." For the rest we must be
content to add with Wood: "What other things he hath written I know not,
nor any thing else of the author."[538]
[Header: GABRIEL DU GRÈS]
As yet no French grammars had appeared at Cambridge, and French teachers
do not seem to have made their presence felt there.[539] In 1631,
however, one of the best known of this group of university French tutors
arrived at Cambridge--Gabriel Du Grès, a native of Saumur, and a member
of a good family from Angers. He arrived in England as a refugee on
account of his Protestant faith, received a warm welcome at Cambridge,
and taught French to several of the students in various colleges.[540]
In the fifth year of his residence, the liberality of his pupils enabled
him to publish his _Breve et Accuratum Grammaticae Gallicae compendium
in quo superflua rescinduntur et necessaria non omittuntur_ (1636), a
work on the same lines and of about the same dimensions as that of
Morlet.[541] It is preceded by Latin verses addressed to the author by
members of different colleges, and is dedicated to the students of the
University, especially those engaged in the study of French. This
grammar of Du Grès appears to be the only work of its kind printed at
Cambridge before the eighteenth century.[542]
Shortly after its publication Du Grès joined the group of French tutors
at Oxford,[543] and this removal points to the more ready openings
offered there to those of his profession. When he published his _Dialogi
Gallico-Anglico-Latini_[544] at Oxford in 1639, he was teaching French
in that "most illustrious and famous university." These dialogues are
dedicated to Charles, Prince of Wales. Twenty-one in number, they deal
with the usual familiar topics, greetings and the ordinary civilities,
visiting and table talk, the house and its contents, man and the parts
of his body, wayfaring, a journey to France, and so forth, many being of
much interest on account of the light they throw on the customs of the
time. Considerable space is devoted to instructions for writing letters.
A second edition appeared in 1652, enlarged with "necessary rules for
the pronunciation of the French tongue, very profitable unto them that
are desirous of it," giving a pseudo-English equivalent of the sound of
each French letter, and followed by a few general rules for reading
French and a table of the auxiliary and regular verbs. This little book,
which has more in common with the productions of the London teachers
than with the Oxford manuals, enjoyed a greater popularity than those of
Du Grès's rivals. In 1660 a third edition appeared, without the
additions found in the second.
He was also the author of an interesting little work in English on the
Duke of Richelieu,[545] printed in London in 1643. Probably Du Grès had
removed to London at that date; in the second edition of his grammar,
printed, like the first, by Leonard Lichfield at Oxford, he describes
himself as "late teacher of the same in Oxford."
In his dialogues Du Grès gives some account of his ideas on the teaching
of French:[546]
Commençons à l'abécé.
Escusez moy.
Entendez moy, oyez moy, prononcer les lettres. Remarquez bien
comment je prononce les voyelles, et principalement _u_, car il est
bien malaisé a prononcer à vous autres mm. les Anglois, comme aussi
_e_ entre les consonnes. Prononcez apres moy.
Voilà qui va bien.
Prononce-je bien?
Fort bien. Essayez encore une fois.
Ce mechant _u_ me donne bien de la peine.
Il ne sauroit tant vous en donner que votre _th_ ou _ch_ nous en
donne.
Il est malaisé d'avoir la proprieté de votre langue.
L'exercice et la lecture des bons autheurs vous apprendront avec le
temps, etc.
He agreed with most of the French teachers of the day in attaching much
importance to conversational practice and reading. He also recommended a
certain amount of memorising and the study of grammar; general rules and
rules of syntax he considered indispensable; but for pronunciation he
thought practice of more avail than rules. It is possible, he admits, to
learn French by rote, without any grammar rules. But it is not the best
way in his opinion. Without grammar rules the student cannot distinguish
good French from bad, nor can he translate, write letters, or read; and
reading, thought Du Grès, was an essential condition if the cultivation
of French in England was to be maintained. [Header: FRENCH AT
CAMBRIDGE] Those who learn by ear are at a loss as soon as they no
longer hear French spoken daily. As for those who promise to teach
French in a short time, they are nothing but mountebanks. Du Grès held
that a man of moderate intellect could, with hard work, learn to
understand an ordinary French author in three or four months. He had
had, he declares, some pupils at Cambridge who learnt to read and speak
fairly well in four months and others who learnt practically nothing in
a whole year.
At the end of the seventeenth century the status of French at the
universities had undergone no marked change. At the time of the
Restoration, a certain Philemon Fabri petitioned Williamson for an
appointment as Professor of French eloquence at Oxford, "he having held
a similar situation at Strasburg"; he supported his request by an
address to the king in French verses, entitled _Le Pater Noster des
Anglais au Roi_. Apparently Fabri did not receive the desired
position.[547] At Cambridge we find still less encouragement given to
the study of French than at Oxford. During the Commonwealth, Guy Le
Moyne, formerly French tutor to Charles I., lived at Cambridge, and no
doubt continued to teach French there, as he had done in London and at
Court.[548] At the Restoration he petitioned Charles II. to let him have
the Fellowship at Pembroke Hall reserved for Frenchmen.[549] Le Moyne
was then seventy-two years old, and wished, he said, to end his days at
Cambridge.[550] At Cambridge, as at Oxford, there were also French
tutors in charge of particular pupils. Many of these were French
Protestants. Thus the famous Pierre Du Moulin, arriving in England as a
destitute refugee in 1588, was received into the service of the Countess
of Rutland, who sent him to Cambridge as tutor to her son. There he
remained until 1592, continuing his own studies as well as attending to
those of his young charge. He thoroughly disliked his position, and
seized the first opportunity of leaving it.[551] We also hear of Herbert
Palmer, President of Queen's College (1644-47), who had learnt French
almost as soon as he could speak, and could preach in French as well as
in English.[552] He won considerable distinction as a college tutor, but
whether he placed his knowledge of French at the service of students, as
Sanford and Leighton did at Oxford, is not specified.
Yet, even at Oxford, the efforts of this band of French teachers were
not on a large enough scale to have any very noticeable effect. Some
gentlemen who, like Sanford's pupil, William Grey, had gone to the
University to make themselves "fit for honourable imployments
hereafter," took advantage of such opportunities as there were of
studying French. Thus Henry Smith, while acting as tutor to Mr.
Clifford, learnt French himself, and wrote to Williamson in that
language.[553] And no doubt the French tutors found enough pupils among
those who were drawn more towards the fashionable than the scholastic
world. But the inability of the young Oxford student to speak French
when in polite London circles was a subject of comment in the
seventeenth century as the language became more and more widely
cultivated. To speak French was even considered incompatible with a
university education, to judge from this passage in one of Farquhar's
comedies:[554]
_Sir H. Wildair._ Canst thou danse, child?
_Bantu._ Oui, monsieur.
_Lady Lurewell._ Heyday! French too! Why, sure, sir, you could
never be bred at Oxford!
To the same intent Pepys relates[555] how an Oxford scholar, "in a
Doctor of Lawe's gowne," whom he met at dinner at the Spanish
ambassador's, sat like a fool for want of French, "though a gentle sort
of scholar"; nor could he speak the ambassador's language, but only
Latin, which he spoke like an Englishman. Pepys, on the other hand, was
very pleased at the display he was able to make of his own French on
this occasion. The famous diarist was a competent judge, and spoke and
wrote the language with ease. Unfortunately we know nothing of how he
acquired this knowledge, beyond the fact that he had not been to
France.[556] [Header: ONE-SIDEDNESS OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION] He often
criticizes the French of those he meets, and a certain Dr. Pepys,
according to him, "spoke the worst French he had ever heard from one who
had been beyond sea." Pepys's brother spoke French, "very plain and
good," and Mrs. Pepys, the daughter of a refugee Huguenot, was as
familiar with that language as with English.[557]
Thus the universities, like the schools, failed to keep in touch with
practical life by their neglect of the broader education necessary to
persons of quality and fashion. At the Inns of Court, where gentlemen
usually spent some time on leaving the university,[558] or where they
sometimes went instead of to the university,[559] the state of things
was somewhat better. Some knowledge of French was indispensable to those
studying the law, and the position of the Inns, almost all of them
within the boundaries of the ward of Farringdon Without, the favourite
abode of the French teachers, was such as to offer exceptional
facilities for the study of the language. When Robert Ashley was at the
Inner Temple he studied Spanish, Italian, and Dutch, as well as French.
We are told[560] that in earlier times "knights, barons, and the
greatest nobility of the kingdom often placed their children in those
Inns of Court, not so much to make the laws their study, much less to
live by the profession ... but to form their manners and to preserve
them from contagion of vice." There, could be found "a sort of gymnasium
or academy fit for persons of their station, where they learn singing
and all kinds of music, dancing, and other such accomplishments and
Diversions ... as are suitable to their quality and such as are usually
practiced at Court." French was, without doubt, one of these
accomplishments. Towards the end of the seventeenth century the Inns of
Court were still much in favour, and gentlemen's sons could enjoy there
good company and the innocent recreations of the town, as well as
improve themselves in the "exercises." Clarendon calls the Inns of Court
the suburbs of the Court itself.
None the less, the gentleman with a university education, even when it
was followed by residence at one of the Inns of Court, was felt to be
inadequately equipped. Almost invariably he sought on the Continent the
polite accomplishments and knowledge of languages, which were necessary
qualifications for high employment at Court, in the army, and elsewhere.
Travel came to be regarded as "an especial part"[561] of the education
of a gentleman, and as such occupies an important place in the
educational treatises of the time. The usual course advised for the sons
of gentlemen was an early study of Greek and Latin, followed by
residence at one of the Universities and at the Inns of Court, and,
finally, "travel beyond seas for language and experience" and the study
of such arts as could not be easily acquired in England.
In some cases gentlemen were educated quite independently of the English
schools and universities[562]--at home with private tutors, and in
France. Lady Brilliana Harley, for instance, feared that her son would
not find much good company at Oxford. "I believe," she wrote, "that
theare are but feawe nobellmens sonne in Oxford, for now, for the most
part, they send theaire sonnes into France when they are very yonge,
theaire to be breed."[563]
FOOTNOTES:
[515] J. Heywood, _Cambridge Statutes_ (sixteenth century), London,
1840, p. 267.
[516] Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, 1852, iii. p. 429; Mullinger,
_History of the University of Cambridge_, iii. p. 368.
[517] Printed in Peacock's _Observations on the Statutes of the
University of Cambridge_, 1841 (Appendix).
[518] Cp. C. Wordsworth, _Scholae Academicae_, 1877, pp. 209 _sqq._
[519] _Letter Book of Gabriel Harvey_ (1573-1580), Camden Soc., 1884,
pp. 78-9. The tutor of John Hall, author of the _Horae Vacivae_ (1646),
testified to his pupil's attainments in French, Spanish, and Italian
literature. Mullinger, _History of the University of Cambridge_, ii. p.
351.
[520] One, Jean Verneuil, became underlibrarian of the Bodleian in 1625.
Cp. Schickler, _Les Églises du Refuge_, i. p. 424; Foster Watson,
_Religious Refugees and English Education_, Hug. Soc. Proceedings, 1911;
Agnew, _Protestant Exiles_, i. ch. v. and pp. 137, 147, 148, 156, 163;
ii. pp. 260, 274, 388; Smiles, _The Huguenots_, ch. xiv.
[521] There were also numerous French Protestant students at the
University of Edinburgh; cp. Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 366.
[522] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 244.
[523] Wood, _Fasti Oxonienses_ (Bliss), ii. 195.
[524] Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 380.
[525] Oxford Historical Society: _Collectanea_, i., 1885, pp. 73 _sqq._
[526] 8vo, pp. 92.
[527] E. Stengel, _Chronologisches Verzeichnis französischer
Grammatiken_, Oppeln, 1890.
[528] F. Madan, _Oxford Books, 1468-1640_, 1895-1912, i. p. 22; ii. p.
24. Another Spanish Grammar, by d'Oyly, had appeared at Oxford in 1590.
[529] 4to, 21 leaves.
[530] Printed by Joseph Barnes, 4to, 8 leaves.
[531] He visited Spain, and wrote _An Entrance to the Spanish Tongue_
(1611). While at Oxford he had composed _An Introduction to the Italian
Tongue_ (1605). Cp. Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 471; C. Plummer,
_Elizabethan Oxford_, Ox. Hist. Soc., 1887, p. xxviii; _Dict. Nat.
Biog._, ad nom.
[532] Wood, _Athen. Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 676; Foster, _Alumni Oxon._, ad
nom.
[533] Wood, _Fasti Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 29, 30; _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad
nom.
[534] 12º, pp. 31.
[535] In the copy in the Cambridge Univ. Library these are accompanied
by a MS. translation into Latin. Some additional rules in Latin are
written on the last blank leaf.
[536] _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 277.
[537] Printed by William Turner, 8º, pp. 72.
[538] _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 624.
[539] Valence, French tutor to the Earl of Lincoln, had studied at
Cambridge early in the sixteenth century.
[540] "Eandem linguam in celeberrima Cantabrigiensi Academia docens."
[541] Sm. 8vo, pp. 96.
[542] Cp. R. Bowes, _Catalogue of Books printed at Cambridge,
1521-1893_.
[543] The statement of Wood (_Athenae Oxon._ iii. 184), that Du Grès had
studied at Oxford before going to Cambridge, is probably incorrect.
[544] 8vo, pp. 195, printed by Leonard Lichfield.
[545] _Jean Arman Du Plessis, Duke of Richelieu and Peere of France his
Life_, etc., followed by a translation, "out of the French copie," of
_The Will and Legacies of the Cardinall Richelieu ... together with
certaine Instructions which he left the French King. Also some
remarkable passages that hath happened in France since the death of the
said Cardinall._
[546] He charged 10s. a month for an hour's lesson daily.
[547] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1661-62_, p. 439.
[548] Le Moyne also translated _The Articles of Agreement between the
King of France, the Parlaiment and Parisians. Faithfully translated out
of the French original copy._ London, 1649.
[549] In the Middle Ages, Pembroke College gave preference to Frenchmen
in the election of Fellows; cp. _supra_, p. 6.
[550] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1660-61_, p. 162.
[551] "Autobiographie de Pierre du Moulin," _Bulletin de la Société de
l'histoire du Protestantisme Français_, vii. pp. 343 _sqq._
[552] Mullinger, _History of the University of Cambridge_, 1911, iii. p.
300.
[553] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1670_, p. 275. Evelyn (_Diary_, ed.
Wheatly, 1906, ii. p. 306) describes verses written in Latin, English,
and French by Oxford students and added to _Newes from the dead_, an
account of the restoration to life of one Anne Green, executed at
Oxford, 1650.
[554] _Sir Harry Wildair_, Act III. Sc. 2; cp. Mockmode in the same
dramatist's _Love and a Bottle_.
[555] _Diary_, 5th May 1669.
[556] He long looked forward to a journey there--a hope which was not
fulfilled until his failing eyesight had compelled him to stop writing
his diary.
[557] She spent some time in France, until her father ordered her back
to England on account of her leaning towards Roman Catholicism. Many
times she expressed a wish to go and live in France.
[558] Cp. Shakespeare, _2 Henry IV._ Act III. Sc. 2:
"He's at Oxford still, is he not?
A' must then to the Inns a' Court shortly."
[559] Higford (_Institution of a Gentleman_, 1660, p. 58) blames those
of his countrymen who neglect the Inns of Court.
[560] J. Fortescue, _De Laudibus Legum Angliae ... Translated into
English ... with notes by Selden_, new ed., 1771, p. 172.
[561] Higford, _The Institution of a Gentleman_, 1660, p. 88.
[562] Perlin says of the English in the middle of the sixteenth century,
referring no doubt to the nobility: "Ceux du pays ne courent gaire ou
bien peu aux deux universités, et ne se donnent point beaucoup aux
lettres, sinon qu'à toute marchandise et à toute vanité" (_Description
des royaulmes d'Angleterre et d'Escosse_, p. 11).
[563] _Letters_ (1638), Camden Soc., 1854, p. 8. Nearly half a century
later, Chancellor Clarendon wrote: "I doubt our Universities are
defective in providing for those exercises and recreations, which are
necessary even to nourish and cherish their studies, at least towards
that accomplished education which persons of quality are designed to;
and it may be want of those Ornaments that may prevail with many to send
their sons abroad, who since they cannot attain the lighter with the
more serious Breeding, chuse the former which makes a present shew,
leaving the latter to be wrought out at leisure" (_Miscellaneous Works_,
1751, p. 326).