[Illustration: IGNATII IONES MAG: BRIT: ARCHITECTI GENERALIS, VERA
EFFIGIES,
_Anth. van Dycke Eques pinxit,_ _W. Hollar fecit, aqua forti_]
THE
most notable
ANTIQUITY
OF
_GREAT BRITAIN_,
vulgarly called
STONE-HENG
ON
_SALISBURY PLAIN_.
RESTORED
By _INIGO JONES_ Esquire,
Architect Generall to the late
KING.
_LONDON_,
Printed by _James Flesher_ for _Daniel Pakeman_ at the sign of the
_Rainbow_ in _Fleetstreet_, and _Laurence Chapman_ next door
to the Fountain Tavern in the _Strand_. 1655.
TO
The Right Honourable
PHILIP
Earle of _Pembroke_ and _Montgomerie_,
Baron _Herbert_ of _Caerdiff_ and _Sherland_,
Lord _Parr_ and _Rosse_ of _Kendall_, Lo: _Fitzhugh
Marmyon_ and Saint _Quintin_ &c.
_STONE-HENG_ restored
is
humbly dedicated
by
Your Loᵖˢ devoted servant
_John Webb_.
TO
THE FAVOURERS
OF
_ANTIQUITY_.
This Discourse of _Stone-heng_ is moulded off, and cast into a rude
Form, from some few indigested notes of the late judicious _Architect_,
the _Vitruvius_ of his age _Inigo Jones_. That so venerable an
_Antiquity_ might not perish, but the world made beholding to him for
restoring it to light, the desires of severall his learned _Friends_
have encouraged me to compose this Treatise. Had he survived to have
done it with his own hand, there had needed no Apology. Such as it is,
I make now yours. Accept it in _his name_, from
_J. W._
STONEHENG
RESTORED,
BY
_INIGO JONES_ Esquire.
Being naturally inclined in my younger years to study the _Arts of
Designe_, I passed into forrain parts to converse with the great
Masters thereof in _Italy_; where I applied my self to search out the
ruines of those ancient _Buildings_, which in despight of _Time_ it
self, and violence of _Barbarians_ are yet remaining. Having satisfied
my self in these, and returning to my native _Countrey_, I applied
my minde more particularly to the study of _Architecture_. Among the
ancient monuments whereof, found here, I deemed none more worthy the
searching after, then this of _Stoneheng_; not only in regard of the
_Founders_ thereof, the _Time_ when built, the _Work_ it self, but also
for the rarity of its _Invention_, being different in _Forme_ from all
I had seen before: likewise, of as beautifull _Proportions_, as elegant
in _Order_, and as stately in _Aspect_, as any.
King _James_, in his progresse, the year one thousand six hundred and
twenty, being at _Wilton_, and discoursing of this _Antiquity_, I was
sent for by the right Honourable _William_ then _Earl of Pembrook_,
and received there his Majesties commands to produce out of mine own
practise in _Architecture_, and experience in _Antiquities_ abroad,
what possibly I could discover concerning this of _Stoneheng_. What
mine opinion was then, and what I have since collected in relation
thereunto; I intend to make the subject of this present Treatise. And
certainly, in the intricate, and obscure study of _Antiquity_ it is
far easier (as _Camden_ very well observes) to refute and contradict
a false, then to set down a true and certain resolution. For mine own
part, in what I shall here deliver, I intend not to struggle against
any opinion commonly, and long since received. Let every man judge as
it pleaseth him. What opinion soever the Reader inclines to, I shall
not make much materiall, my aime being, a desire only to vindicate,
as much as in me lies, the _Founders_ of this venerable _Antiquity_
from oblivion, and to make the truth, as far forth as possibly I may,
appeare to all men.
Severall Writers, both Strangers, and our own Countreymen, have treated
of _Stoneheng_. Before recite whole opinions, I think not amisse to
seek this subject from the most ancient times, endevouring thereby to
give satisfaction whether or no, the _Druides_, _aliàs_ _Druidæ_ (in
Authors indifferently written, and in old time the _Priests_ of the
_Britans_ and _Gauls_) or the ancient _Britans_, for the _Druid’s_ use,
might not be the _Founders_ of so notable a monument; which if they
were, there is then no cause why bestow farther study or pains, in
searching who the _Founders_ were, but acquiesce in the honour of our
own Nations first erection of it.
As far neverthelesse, as from History ancient or moderne may be
gathered, there is little likelyhood of any such matter, considering
especially what the _Druid’s_ were; also, what small experience the
_Britans_, anciently inhabiting this Isle, had, in knowledge of what
ever _Arts_, much lesse of building, with like elegancy and proportion,
such goodly works as _Stoneheng_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. Commen. lib. 6._]
[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 16._]
Concerning the _Druid’s_ in the first place, true it is, they are
reported in ancient times, to have been in great esteeme in this
Island, where their discipline, and manner of learning, was supposed to
be first invented, and from hence translated into _Gaul_. _Disciplina
in Britannia reperta_ (saith _Cæsar_) _atque inde in Galliam translata
esse existimatur._ They are said in like manner no have ordered and
disposed all divine matters, as well in relation to their severall
kinds of Sacrifices, as to expounding whatever rites of their
idolatrous superstition; insomuch, you may call them (if you please)
the Bishops and Clergy of that Age.
[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 6._]
Their power moreover, and preheminence was not confined within the
strict limits of sacred matters, but enjoying a more large prerogative,
temporall negotiations, and affairs of State were transacted by them:
the managing of Peace and War was usually remitted to their Authority,
even when Armies were ready to joyn in Battell. _Publica iis_
(saith _Strabo_) _& privata judicia committuntur, & aliquando causis
bellorum disceptandis jam acie congressuros composuerunt._ Judges
they were (saith _Cæsar_ also) in almost all civill and criminall
causes: sentence they gave in case of life and death: decide they did
controversies, and debates betwixt party and party: finally, whatever
else was requisite and convenient to keep the people in due obedience
to their _Princes_, they wholly took the care and charge of.
[Sidenote: _Vitr. li. 1._]
These were the maine affaires wherein the employment of the _Druides_
consisted, and whereunto they wholly addicted themselves. Whosoever
desires to know more of them, may read _Cæsar_, _Diodorus Siculus_,
_Strabo_, _Pliny_, _Diogenes Laertius_, _Ammianus Marcellinus_, and
such like ancient Authors. But, whatsoever these, or other Historians
have written of the _Druides_, certainly, _Stoneheng_ could not be
builded by them, in regard, I find no mention, they were at any time
either studious in _Architecture_, (which in this subject is chiefly to
be respected) or skilfull in any thing else conducing thereunto. For,
_Academies_ of _Designe_ were unknown unto them: publique Lectures in
the _Mathematiques_ not read amongst them: nothing of their _Painting_,
not one word of their _Sculpture_ is to be found, or scarce of any
Science (_Philosophy_ and _Astronomy_ excepted) proper to informe the
judgement of an _Architect_; who, (as _Vitruvius_ saith) should be
_peritus Graphidos, eruditus Geometria, & Optices non ignarus_ &c.
_perfect in Designe, expert in Geometry, well seen in the Opticks,
skilfull in Arithmetick, a good Historian, a diligent hearer of
Philosophers, well experienced in Physick, Musick, Law and Astrologie_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. li. 6._]
Of all that have written of the _Druid’s_, no Author knew them better
then _Cæsar_, neither hath any more fully described them; who after
a large discourse of their discipline, priviledges, and _Theologie_,
_Multa de sideribus_ (saith he) _atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum
magnitudine, de rerum natura, &c. disputant, & juventuti transdunt.
They make much dispute, and instruct their Scholars in many things
concerning the Stars, and their motion, the greatnesse of Heaven and
Earth, of the nature of things &c._ As for other Arts relating to the
_Mathematiques_, or any works of this kind, he makes no manner of
mention, though himself an _Architect_, glorying in his own, and much
more extolling others invention in that _Art_.
The truth is, those ancient times had no knowledge of publique works,
either Sacred or Secular, for their own use, or honour of their
_Deities_. Besides, they us’d not any buildings of Stone, or (for
ought is manifest) knew so much, as how to order working therein. The
_Druid’s_ led a solitary contemplative life, contenting themselves with
such habitations, as either meer necessity invented, to shelter them
from contrariety of seasons, without _Art_, without _Order_, without
any whatever means tending to perpetuity: or, such as _Nature_ alone
had prepared for them in dens, and caves of desert and darksome woods;
esteeming it, questionlesse, the highest secret of their mystery,
rather to command in caves and cottages, then live like Kings, in
Palaces, and stately houses. They were too wise, knew too well, ’twas
their humility, integrity, retired manner of life, and pretended
sanctity possest the people with an awfully reverend esteem of them;
and which fed, and kept up their reputation throughout the Countrey,
when outward appearances of State and magnificence would either have
brought them into envy, and their superstition into contempt, or
themselves and _Religion_ both to be wholly extirpated and laid aside.
[Sidenote: _Pomp. Mela lib. 3._]
_Pomponius Mela_ discoursing of the _Druides_, _Docent multa_ (saith
he) _nobilissimos gentis clam & diu vicenis annis in specu, aut in
abditis saltibus_, _They teach the Nobility, and better sort of their
nation, many things, even twenty years together, secretly in caves, or
close coverts of obscure woods and forrests_. Such, and no other were
their habitations, such their Universities, and publique Schooles.
[Sidenote: _Pliny lib. 16._]
As for their _Temples_ and sacred structures, they consisted not in
variety of formes, costlinesse of materials, or perfection of humane
_Arts_, but were of _Natures_ own framing in like manner, being no
other then groves of Oke. _The_ Druid’s _chose of purpose_ (saith
_Pliny_) _such groves for their divine Service, as stood only upon
Okes; nay they solemnized no Sacrifice, nor performed any sacred
Ceremonies without the branches, and leaves thereof; from whence they
may seem well enough to be named_ Dryadæ _in_ Greek, _which signifies
as much as_ Oke Priests.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
The _Romans_ having forced their passage, and gained victory over the
_Druid’s_ in _Anglesey_, cut down their woods and groves, amongst
them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions.
_Excisi luci_ (saith _Tacitus_) _sævis superstitionibus sacri_.
To this purpose, _Humphrey Lloid_, in his history of _Wales_, The
vast woods growing in that Island, were not only by the _Romans_, but
afterwards, when the _Christian_ Faith took place in this _Nation_,
by the _Christians_ also fell’d and rooted out. And why? because of
the idolatry (saith he) and absurd Religion used in them. Again, in
his Epistle to _Ortelius_ concerning the Isle of _Anglesey_, the same
Author affirmes; Though there is little wood now growing there, yet
every day the roots and bodies of huge trees of a wonderfull length and
bignesse are by the inhabitants found, and digged out of the earth, in
divers places in low grounds, and champion fields.
Now, if in stead of these roots, and bodies of trees, the ruines of
ancient Structures had been there found, it might peradventure, with
some probability, have been presumed either that the _Druid’s_ used
_Temples_, or some other buildings of stone. For, their ancient seat
was in the Isle of _Mona_, now _Anglesey_, whence modern Writers
style it _Insulam Druidum_, the _Island_ of the _Druid’s_, and _sedem
Druidum_, the seat of the _Druid’s_. And from hence, questionlesse, it
came to passe, the _Romans_, with such difficulty, under the conduct of
_Suetonius Paulinus_, brought that Island under their power; nor was it
wholly subdued to their Empire, untill _Julius Agricola’s_ time. For,
whereas in other parts of _Britain_, the people contended for Liberty
only, there, they fought _pro aris & focis_, for Liberty, and Religion
both.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 16._]
There it was the _British_ armies (saith _Tacitus_) being imbattailed,
the women ran to and fro amongst them in sable weeds, their hair about
their ears, and fire-brands in their hands, like infernall furies, the
_Druid’s_ round about them also, lifting up their hands to Heaven,
and pouring forth deadly curses; the novelty of which sight bred such
amazement in the _Roman Legions_, (the _Romans_ here, it seems, were
unacquainted with the _Druid’s_ till then) that they stood stock still,
and close together, not once moving a foot, as if possessed with a
resolution to act nothing at all, but receive their deaths tamely and
without any great resistance.
Wherefore, besides, that History hath not remembred the ruines of any
ancient buildings digged up in _Anglesey_; if either, this _Antiquity_
had been remaining in that _Island_, or any Author delivered such
Actions of the _Druid’s_, as aforesaid, performed about the place,
where _Stoneheng_ remains standing, there might have been some
advantage made thereof to the purpose now in hand. But _Anglesey_
excepted, ancient Writers give them residence in no part of _Britain_
beside, nor are they remembred by any, to have been found elswhere,
throughout the whole Nation. With respect whereunto, if the _Druid’s_
had knowledge, either to build the like magnificent structures, or use,
for any such, they would, without all peradventure, have erected them
upon the same place rather where themselves resided, then elswhere.
[Sidenote: _Cæs. Com. lib. 6._]
Neither are we to wonder, they chose such an out-nook or corner as
_Anglesey_, to reside in; in regard, there, they lived remote, and
solitary; there, were store of caves, and dens to instruct their
Scholars in, close and retired places for their own habitations, and
plenty of groves to perform their sacred mysteries in. Moreover, they
past their days there, like the Hermits of old time, according to their
own desire, in full contentment, and with free liberty to study, and
contemplate what they pleased. For, _Anglesey_ (we must know) in those
times of yore, was wholly overgrown with desert Woods, and obscure
forrests, from whence the ancient _Britans_ call’d it _Ynis Dowil_,
the shadowy or dark _Island_. Which name it still retains, and is
well known thereby to the now inhabitants, who are, even at this day,
likewise enclined, (yea, they usually accustome themselves) to commit
things more to Memory, then Writing; and, as having received it by
tradition from their Ancestors, living in those ancient times, still
endevour to observe that custom of the _Druid’s, who held it unlawfull
to commit any thing to writing_. As _Cæsar_ (in the sixth book of his
Commentaries of the Gaulish war) delivers.
Concerning the _Britans_ in the next place, The condition of those
ancient inhabitants of this Island in the _Druid’s_ time duly
considered, (_viz._ in what manner they lived, how unskilfull in all
Sciences, and civill customs, what Deities they had, in what places
they adored them, and what manner of buildings, or sacred or secular,
were used by them) as little reason appears, that this Antiquity was by
them erected.
[Sidenote: _Herodian. lib. 3._]
As for their manner of living, the _Britans_ were then a savage and
barbarous people, knowing no use at all of garments. _Vestis usum non
cognoscunt_ (saith _Herodian_.) Now, if destitute of the knowledge,
even to clothe themselves, much lesse any knowledge had they to erect
stately structures, or such remarkable works as _Stoneheng_. What
fashions they used to adorn their bodies with, the same Author tells
us. _As a rare and rich habiliment, they wore about their wasts
and necks ornaments of iron_ (saith he) _and did pounce and colour
their bodies with sundry forms, in rude manner representing severall
creatures_. In which regard, they would not be otherwise clothed, lest
constrain’d thereby to hide such their simple (though with them much
esteemed) bravery.
[Sidenote: _Strabo li. 4._]
Again, in other their civill customs, they were no lesse rude and
ignorant; yea, so barbarous, even in things appertaining to common
sustenance, and whatever husbandry; that (as _Strabo_) _Quidam eorum
ob imperitiam caseos nullos conficiant, cum tamen lacte abundent: alii
hortos colendi, & aliarum partium agriculturæ ignari sunt_. _Many of
them, though they had great plenty of milk, yet their want of skill was
such, they knew not how to make cheese: others so simple, they knew not
to order their gardens or orchards, or any thing belonging thereunto._
[Sidenote: _Dion li. 62._]
[Sidenote: _Ral. li. 3. c. 5._]
Their Countrey also then lay uncultivated, no corn sown: _Quævis herba
& radix cibus est_, _Their food was herbs and roots_ (saith _Dion
Cassius_.) Hence Sir _Walter Raleigh_ cals them the _British Nomades_.
And (by the way) it may not inappositely be observ’d, milk, roots,
and fruit were the chief banquetting dishes; and skins of beasts (if
clothed) the most costly habits of our Forefathers. Now who can, in
reason imagine, that any great knowledge, practice, or delight of Arts
and Sciences, wherein the elegancy of Architecture consists, should be
in use or esteem, amongst a people, wholly devoted (as I may so say)
and given over to such barbarity?
[Sidenote: _Dion li. 76._]
There were then no publick roads, or common high-ways to passe from
one place to another, no constant habitations, _Nec mœnia, nec urbes_,
_Nor towns nor walls_ (as _Dion_ out of _Xiphiline_ hath it) much lesse
_Temples_, or other buildings made of stone, composed by Art, with
Order, and Proportion.
[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]
Moreover, who cast their eies upon this Antiquity, and examine the same
with judgement, must be enforced to confesse it erected by people,
grand masters in the Art of building, and liberall sciences, whereof
the ancient _Britans_ utterly ignorant, as a Nation wholly addicted to
wars, never applying themselves to the study of Arts, or troubling
their thoughts with any excellency therein. _Omnis arbor domus._ _Every
tree being in stead of a house to them._
[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]
In the wars which _Bunduica_ (whom _Tacitus_ cals _Boadicia_) Queen of
the _Iceni_, undertook against the _Romans_, wherein seventy thousand
of their Citizens, and allies perished; in disdainfull contempt of the
experience in Arts, wherein the _Romans_ flourished, _She_ accounted
it her chiefest glory (saith _Dion Cassius_) to command over the
_Britans_, in regard, a people they were, who had not learned, or
knew, what belonged to the cultivating _and manuring of lands; or the
practice of Arts, or to be craftsmen in any thing, save war_. _Qui non
agros colere, non opifices esse, sed bella gerere optimè didicerunt._
Where you see, their having nor experience nor practice in any kinde
of Sciences, war excepted, was enforc’d, by _Bunduica_, as redounding
greatly to the _Britans_ honour, much advantage being made thereof by
_Her_, towards advancing _Her_ designs, as the Historian plainly tells
us.
But certain it is, however barbarous in other affairs, a most warlike
people they were. Never, untill the forces of the whole world united
in the _Roman_ Empire conspiring to subdue them, liable to conquest:
neither could all that power, till after numbers of years spent in
the attempt, with infinite expence of men and treasure, ever prevail
against them. Now, as their sole skilfulnesse was in war, so they
idoliz’d principally what had relation thereunto, their _Dea optima
maxima_, being _Victoria_, whom they worshipped under the name of
_Andates_. Another Goddesse they had in much esteem, called _Adraste_,
which some imagine (as the _Nemesis_ amongst the _Greeks_) was their
Goddesse of Revenge. These, according to their savage manner of living,
they adored in groves, and woods, the only _Temples_ in use amongst
them, to perform their Sacrifices, and divine mysteries in. (as from
severall Authors I have already proved) Neither find I any particular
place mentioned, to which any of these their _Temples_ (if they may so
be called) were assigned; only _Andates_ (it seems from _Dion Cassius_)
had a grove sacred to her in the Countrey of the _Iceni_, anciently
containing _Norfolk_, _Suffolk_, _Cambridge_, and _Huntingdon_ Shires,
farre enough from _Stoneheng_.
Besides, it is not to be past over in silence, how _Tacitus_ expresseth
himself in the before cited fourteenth Book of his Annals, telling us;
_The_ Romans _overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations,
any of the sacred structures of the_ Druid’s _and_ Britans _made of
stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they
had used any such: but positively, the_ Romans _cut down the_ Britans
_woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to
their execrable superstitions_. True it is, other Temples, of greater
magnificence then already spoken of, I find none: Ornaments of Art to
enrich them they were not acquainted with: such orderly composed works
as _Stoneheng_, they had not any: yea, no kind of sacred structures of
stone were in use amongst them: their idolatrous places being naturally
adorned, only with wild, and overgrown shades, designed and brought to
perfection by Dame Nature her self, she being Architect generall to all
their Deities. Nor did it consist with their vain Religion to use any
other, they making their worship, performing their Ceremonies, offering
their Sacrifices in dark and obscure groves, most conformable unto
their barbarous, and inhumane, humane oblations.
[Sidenote: _Mayer. 1 K. 1. Ch._]
[Sidenote: _Herod. li. 1._]
Neither must it seem strange, they used no other Temples then these,
it not being their custom alone; for the _Excelsi_ or high places
mentioned in the sacred Story, wherein the Heathen performed idolatrous
rites unto their Idols, were commonly groves, affectedly sited upon
some mountainous place, without any _House_ or _Temple_. The _Persians_
of old, (of whom _Herodotus_) _Neque statuas, neque templa, neque
aras extruere consuetudo est_, _Erected neither Images, nor Temples,
nor Altars_: _quinimo hoc facientibus insaniæ tribuere_, _accounting
it great folly and madnesse in those that did_: but ascending to the
tops of the highest, and most lofty hils, on them offered sacrifices
to their Gods. From hence, _Xerxes_, in his expedition, burnt down the
Temples of the _Greeks_, because they shut up their Gods therein,
to whom all things are open and free, and to whom the whole Universe
serves for a Temple. The _Abasgians_ also (inhabiting Mount _Caucasus_)
did worship, even till _Procopius_ his time, groves and woods; and in
a barbarian simplicity esteemed the very trees themselves to be Gods.
In like manner, the Northern and Southern people of _America_, made
all their Invocations and Exorcisms in woods. The ancient _Germans_
likewise consecrated woods and forests. _Lucos ac nemora consecrant_,
saith _Tacitus_ of them. And the like places for idolatrous
superstition, did divers other barbarous Nations use, before reduced to
order, and civility of life, _Tacitus_ giving this reason for it: They
thought it a matter ill beseeming the greatnesse of their Deities, to
enclose them within Temples made by Art. His words are, _Nec cohibere
parietibus Deos arbitrantur_, _They thought it not fit to restrain
their Deities within compacted walls_: _id est, neque templis, neque
domibus_, viz. _neither within Temples or Houses made with hands_, as
_C. Pichenas_ commenting thereon more fully interprets.
[Sidenote: _Ovid. Met. lib. 1._]
[Sidenote: _Vitru. lib. 2._]
Touching the manner of the buildings of the ancient _Britans_, and
of what materialls they consisted, I find them so far short of the
magnificence of this Antiquity, that they were nor stately, nor
sumptuous; neither had they any thing of _Order_, or _Symmetry_, much
lesse, of gracefulnesse, and _Decorum_ in them, being only such as
_Ovid_ (relating to the first Age of the world) makes mention of.
————————_domus antra fuerunt,
Et densi frutices, & junctæ cortice virgæ_.
Thus Englished by _Arthur Golding_.
————————_their houses were the thicks,
And bushy queaches, hollow caves, and hardles made of sticks_.
To like purpose _Vitruvius_. _In the first Age of the World_ (saith
he) _men lived in woods, caves, and forests, but after they had found
out the use of fire, and by the benefit thereof were invited to enter
into a certain kind of society_, _cœperunt alii de fronde facere
tecta, alii speluncas fodere sub montibus, nonnulli hirundinum nidos,
& ædificationes earum imitantes, de luto & virgultis facere loca,
quæ subirent_. _Some of them began to make themselves habitations of
boughs, some to dig dens in mountains; other some, imitating the nests
of birds, made themselves places of lome and twigs, and such like
materials, to creep into, and shroud themselves in._ Directly after
which manner of workmanship, were the houses of the ancient _Britans_.
[Sidenote: _Diodo. li. 6._]
_Domos ex calamis aut lignis ut plurimum habent compactas_. _Their
houses for the most part are of reed and wood_, saith _Diodorus
Siculus_.
In the Northern parts they live in tents. _Degunt in tentoriis_, (saith
_Dion_, epitomis’d by _Xiphiline_.)
[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]
Their Cities were without walls, the Country without Towns. _Urbium
loco ipsis sunt nemora_, (saith _Strabo_) _woods stand them in stead
of Cities or Towns_. _Arboribus enim dejectis ubi amplum circulum
sepierunt, ipsi casas ibidem sibi ponunt, & pecori stabula condunt, ad
usum quidem non longi temporis._ _For when by felling of trees, they
have inclosed, and fenced therewith a large circuit of wood, therein
they raise cabbins and cottages for themselves, and hovels for their
cattell, of no great continuance, but only to supply their present use
and occasion._
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 5._]
_Opidum Britanni vocant_ (saith _Cæsar_) _quum silvas impeditas vallo
atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandæ causa, convenire
consueverunt_, _The_ Britans _call a thick wood, enclosed about with a
ditch and rampire, made for a place of retreat to avoid the invasion
and assault of their bordering enemies, a Town_.
Thus, you see, in what condition the Inhabitants of this Island lived
in those ancient times, having of themselves, neither desire, nor
ability to exercise, nor from others, encouragement to attain whatever
knowledge in the Art of Building. Precepts, and rules therein, the
_Druid’s_ neither could, nor would impart unto them. That they could
not, appears from what is formerly said, and in what skilfull above
others, they communicated nothing, but to those of their own society,
_taking speciall order_ (as _Cæsar_ affirms) _their discipline might
not be divulged_.
[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 4._]
[Sidenote: _Ortel. descr. Fr._]
[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 2._]
As for Colonies of any Nation practised in Arts, from whom they might
receive or knowledge, or civil conversation, there were none setled
amongst them: neither had they commerce, or traffique, with any people
experienced therein, much lesse acquaintance with any other, except
those of _Gaul_, welnear as barbarous as themselves. _None of the_
Gauls _in a manner, had any knowledge_ (saith _Cæsar_) _of the nature
and quality of the people of_ Britain, _or of the places, ports, or
passes of the Countrey_. _Neque enim temerè præter mercatores illò
adit quisquam, neque iis ipsis quidquam, præter oram maritimam, atque
eas regiones quæ sunt contra Galliam, notum est._ For, _not any went
thither without eminent danger, except merchants, and they also could
give accompt of nothing, save only the Sea-coast, and those Countreys
which were opposite to_ Gaul. _Never any Colony of the_ Greeks, _for
ought I know_ (saith _Ortelius_) _was seated in_ Britain. _And_ Cæsar,
_the first of all the_ Romans _that discovered it_, saith _Camden_.
If desire neverthelesse, to know in what times the ancient _Britans_
began to be civilized, when to learn the knowledge of _Arts_, to build
stately _Temples_, _Palaces_, _publick Buildings_, to be eloquent
in forrain languages, and by their habits, and attire, attain the
qualities of a civil, and well ordered people, _Tacitus_ shall relate
the same.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. in vit. Agr._]
_Sequens hiems saluberrimis conciliis absumpta_ &c. _The winter
ensuing_ (being the second year of _Julius Agricola_ his
_Proprætorship_, or Leivtenancy in _Britan_; _Titus Vespasian_
Emperour, about one hundred thirty three years after the first
discovery thereof by _Cæsar_) _was spent in most profitable, and
politick Councels_ (saith _Tacitus_.) _For, whereas the_ Britans _were
rude, and dispersed, and thereby prone, upon every occasion, to warre_;
Agricola, _to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest, exhorted
in private, and helpt them in common to build Temples, Houses, and
places of publick resort, commending those, that were forward therein,
and punishing the refractory. Moreover, the Noblemens sons he took, and
instructed in the liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of_ Britain,
_to the students in_ Gaul, _as being now eagerly ambitious to attain
the eloquence of the_ Roman _tongue, whereas lately they utterly
rejected that language. After that, our attire grew in account, and
the gown much used amongst them, and so by little and little they
proceeded to provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries, baths,
and exquisite banquettings._ Thus far _Tacitus_. Now had there been
but the least mention made, by any Author, concerning the _Druid’s_
instructing, and training up the ancient _Britans_ in any such matters,
as these, (which _Tacitus_ remembers the _Romans_ to have done) what
conclusions might have been rais’d from them? what presumptive reasons
drawn, to prove, _Stoneheng_ a work of the _Druid’s_, or at least
erected for their use?
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 63._]
To conclude, if this authority from _Tacitus_ only, (an Author esteem’d
the _Polybius_ of the _Latines_) be throughly weighed, it will
evidently manifest, (whatever else hath formerly been delivered) there
was no such thing in _Britain_, before the _Romans_ arrived here, as
that which we now call _Stoneheng_. What credit else with posterity
could _Tacitus_ expect to gain, in affirming the _Britans_ were taught
and instructed in the liberall Sciences by the _Romans_; if those
_Arts_ acknowledg’d, to be practis’d amongst the _Britans_ before?
What need to have told us, the _Romans_ made them skilfull in erecting
sumptuous _Palaces_, stately _Portico’s_, and publick places, if the
inhabitants here, accustomed to enjoy such noble buildings, before the
_Romans_ arrivall in this Land? Why, tell succeeding Ages, when gentle
persuasions not prevail, to make the _Britans_ innovate, and admit of
sacred structures to whatever Deities, _Agricola_ compelled them to
found magnificent _Temples_, and assist therein, if this Antiquity
_Stoneheng_ extant before those times? Why also, should the _Britans_
look upon the _Temple_ erected by the _Romans_ at _Camalodunum_,
(supposed _Maldon_ in _Essex_) in honour of _Claudius_ sacred memory,
as an _Altar of perpetuall dominion_ over them, if been used to such
structures before? yea, such an eye-sore the _Britans_ accounted
it, as, that _Temple_ was one of the principall causes, which gave
birth to that fatall insurrection under _Boadicia_. Neither would
_Tacitus_ have magnified the introducing those customs amongst them,
as admirable policy in _Agricola_, and the true and only rule to bring
them from their rude, and dispersed manner of living to civility, if
the _Britans_ attain’d such discipline before, or any knowledge in
the excellency of _Architecture_ preceding the time of the _Romans_
government here. No, for what saith _Camden_? _It was the brightnesse
of that most glorious Empire, which chased away all savage Barbarism
from the_ Britans _minds, like as from other Nations, whom it had
subdued._
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 4._]
Furthermore, in the time of this _Agricola_, _Britain_ was fully
discovered, the _Romans_ had circumnavigated it, and knew, for certain,
it was an Island, formerly doubted of till his time; yea, there was not
a Port (as I may so say) a bay, mountain, valley, hill, plain, wood,
or forest, either any custom, rite, ceremony, or what else belonging
to the knowledge of the Countrey, or manners of the People, but the
_Romans_ were then as well acquainted with (especially, in that part
of the Island now call’d _England_) as, at this day, the Inhabitants
themselves are. Neverthelesse, what mention soever is made by their
Historians, concerning other matters of the _Britans_, not one word
is to be found of this Antiquity, or any building of this kind in use
amongst them. But, because some curiously learned have desired somwhat
to be spoken for their better satisfaction touching this particular, I
have been too prolixe. In a word therefore, let it suffice, _Stoneheng_
was no work of the _Druid’s_, or of the ancient _Britans_; the learning
of the _Druid’s_ consisting more in contemplation then practice, and
the ancient _Britans_ accounting it their chiefest glory to be wholly
ignorant in whatever Arts. Neither could it be otherwise, seeing _their
life so uncivil, so rude, so full of wars, and consequently void of all
literature_. (as _Camden_ relateth)
Yet, before I come to speak of this middle Age (if I may so call it)
wherein the _Romans_ prevailed, and to compleat their victories gave
first rise to civility in this Island; as, I began with times of great
Antiquity, so must I now descend to those lesse ancient, and modern,
wherein, as posterity hath suffered an irreparable damage, through want
of writing in those first times, so hath it been almost at as great a
losse, by too much writing in later times; so many Authors, so much
contrariety, so little certainty is found amongst them. Who, when
they could not search out the truth in deed, laboured to bring forth
narrations invented by themselves, without or reason, or authority:
delivering (saith _Camden_) their severall opinions, rather with a
certain pleasant variety to give contentment to their _Readers_, then
with any care or judgement to find out the truth of things.
• • • • •
[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Arth. fo. 35._]
Those ancient Historians who (among other actions of the _Britans_)
treat of this Antiquity, differ much in their severall reports. And,
as it is usuall with _Historiographers_ of other Nations, where, they
cannot give a just and rationall accompt of unwonted accidents, beyond
the common course of things, to fill up their stories with fabulous,
and incredible relations; so, no marvell, if we hear the like in our
own Histories. _Credibile enim est calamitatem bellicam, quæ ecclesias
unà cum bibliochecis exhauserat infinitis, clara vetustatis monumenta
abrasisse. For evident it is, through the calamities of wars_ (saith
_Leyland_) _which together with infinite Libraries ruined the Churches
themselves, the certain records of our Antiquities, are utterly lost.
Unde scripturienti de antiquitate_ Britannica _occultissima, pleraque
omnia. Whereby the Writers of the_ British _Stories, are all of them,
for the most part, very obscure and doubtfull._
Some others again, especially the most ancient and authentick
_British_ Historians, who liv’d in Ages next succeeding those,
wherein, _Stoneheng_ might probably be first erected, have wholly
passed it over with silence. In like manner venerable _Bede_, _William
Malmesbury_, _Roger Hoveden_, and others, speak nothing thereof, as
happily, willing rather to decline it altogether, then deliver it upon
frivolous conjectures, and in so doing cast a blemish upon their other
labours. Neither is it improbable, that the most ancient Authors,
considering the times wherein they wrote, upon the first springing up
of _Christian Religion_ here, might through zeal unto the true God,
forbear to commemorate unto posterity, places designed for idolatrous
uses; endeavouring rather, to suppresse the memory thereof, and make
succeeding generations sollicitous therein; then, in that infancy of
Divine worship, to illustrate the magnificence of the Heathens, for
building such notable structures to their false Gods. Insomuch, I find
very little, or no mention at all thereof in the _British_ Stories,
except by _Geffrey Monmouth_, with some who follow him, and by such
Authors only, as our most judicious Writers hold in many things, either
meerly fabulous, or overladen with malicious, or accidentary untruths.
Such relations neverthelesse, as they make thereof, I shall endeavour
to deliver in their own words, reduceable into two conjectures, _viz._
either that _Stoneheng_ was erected by _A. Ambrosius_ (in ancient times
King of the _Britans_) in memory of the _British_ Nobility perfidiously
slain at a treaty by _Hengist_ the _Saxon_: or else, set up by the
_Britans_ themselves in honour of Him their said King.
[Sidenote: _Gir. Camb. de adm. Hib. Cap. 18._]
_Giraldus Cambrensis_, curiously diligent in his relations of the
miracles in _Ireland_, amongst other strange things in those parts,
reckons up this Antiquity _Stoneheng_. _Fuit antiquis temporibus in_
Hibernia, _lapidum congeries admiranda_, (saith he) _quæ &_ Chorea
Gigantum _dicta fuit, quia Gigantes eam ab ultimis_ Africæ _partibus
in_ Hiberniam _attulerunt &c. There was in_ Ireland _in ancient times,
a pile of stones worthy admiration, called the_ Giants Dance, _because
Giants, from the remotest parts of_ Africa, _brought them into_
Ireland, _and in the plains of_ Kildare, _not farre from the Castle of
the_ Naase, _as well by force of Art, as strength, miraculously set
them up. These stones_ (according to the _British_ story) Aurelius
Ambrosius, _King of the_ Britans, _procured_ Merlin _by supernaturall
means to bring from Ireland, into_ Britain. _And, that he might leave
some famous monument of so great a treason to after ages, in the same
order, and art, as they stood formerly, set them up, where the flower
of the_ British _Nation fell by the cut-throat practice of the_ Saxons,
_and where under the pretence of peace, the ill secured youth of the
Kingdom, by murdrous designs were slain_.
[Sidenote: _Polychr. li. 5._]
_Rainulph_ Monk of _Chester_, speaking of _Aurelius_, alias _Aurelianus
Ambrosius_ (by others called _Ambrosius Aurelianus_) saith (as Sir
_John Trevisa_ the Priest in old English laid it down) =His brother
Uter Pendragon by help of Merlin the Prophet brought= Choream Gigantum,
=that is Stonehenges out of Ireland. Stonehenge is now in the plain of
Salisbury: of that bringing of Stonehenge out of Ireland, speaketh the
British story, if it should lawfully be ytrowed.=
It appears, _Rainulph_ of _Chester_, as easie credit as he gave to
strange stories, had not much confidence in this: and if, according to
_Geffrey Monmouth_, or _Matthew Westminster_, I should set it down, I
presume you would be of his mind. But, I affect not such conceits, they
are neither fitting my discourse, nor your perusall. Neverthelesse,
seeing none of them tell us, by what ways, or Arts, Giants (as they
will have it) brought them from the remotest parts of _Africk_ into
_Ireland_ (for it seems they could not hansomly find a _Merlin_ to
help them therein also) I shall take so much leave, following _Geffrey
Monmouths_ steps, as to give you, at least, some part of the story,
and relate (according to their opinions) how they came from _Ireland_
hither. After _Geffrey Monmouths_ discourse of _Uter Pendragons_
victory over the _Irish_, who with _Merlin_ forsooth and a great
Army, were sent by _A. Ambrosius_ to fetch the Giants dance, _Lapidum
structuram adepti_ (saith he) _gavisi sunt & admirati; circumstantibus
itaque cunctis, accessit_ Merlinus _& ait, utimini viribus vestris
juvenes, ut in deponendo lapides istos, sciatis utrum ingenium virtuti,
aut virtus ingenio cedat, &c._ i.e. _Having found the structure, from
joy they fell into admiration, and standing all of them at gaze round
about it_, Merlin _draws near, and thus bespeaks them: Use now your
utmost strength young men, that in taking away these stones, you may
discover, whether Art to strength, or strength gives place to Art.
At his command therefore, they bring severall sorts of engines, and
addresse themselves to pulling it down. Some ropes, some cables, some
had made lathers ready, that what they so much desired, might be
effected, but in no wise able to atcheive their purpose. Deficientibus
cunctis, solutus est_ Merlinus _in risum_ (saith _Geffrey_) _& suas
machinationes confecit. Denique cum quæque necessaria apposuisset;
leviùs quàm credi potest lapides deposuit: depositis autem, fecit
deferri ad naves, & introponi: & sic cum gaudio in_ Britanniam _reverti
cœperunt. All of them tired_, Merlin _breaks out into laughter,
and provides his engines. Lastly, when he had set all things in a
readinesse, hardly to be beleev’d it is, with what facility he took
them down: being taken down, he caused them to be carried to the
Ships, and imbarqued; and so with joy they began their return towards_
Britain. Leaving it for us to suppose, with as small labour they were
imbarqued, dis-imbarqued, and brought from their landing place to
_Salisbury_ plain: all (it seems) done by _Merlins_ spels. But of this
too much.
[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 6._]
[Sidenote: _Verstegan Ch. 5._]
Neverthelesse, as I contemne fables, so doe I imbrace, and take
pleasure in the truth of History: and therefore, that which concerns
the slaughter of the _British_ Nobility by treason of _Hengist_
commander of the _Saxons_, as of greater moment, and truth, I shall
more fully relate. And _Geffrey Monmouth’s_ Authority in this
treacherous slaughter of the _Britans_, though I respect not so much,
as _Ninnius_, _Malmsbury_, _Sigebert_, and others that affirm the same;
yet, because he was the first, after so many, and so ancient Authors,
that father’d _Stoneheng_ their monument, and _A. Ambrosius_ founder
thereof, and therefore must trace him, and his followers therein.
I will give you the history likewise from him, and thus it was:
_Hengist_, upon his return with new supplies into _Britain_, finding
_Vortigern_ beyond expectation restored to the Crown, and withall
greatly alienated in his affections towards him, prepared for his
defence, with force of arms. But, whether he thought himself too weak;
or, that he rather sought to be especially revenged on the _British_
Nobility, who had wholly unriveted his designs, or both; he thought it
no difficult matter to delude him by a Treaty, whom formerly he had so
easily beguiled with his Neece _Rowena_. To which purpose, he makes an
overture, to compose the enmities betwixt them at a Parley; and the
King accepting it, appoints _Ambresbury_ Town their meeting place, _Nec
mora, statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem_
(saith _Geffrey_) _& de pace habenda colloquium inceperunt. Ut igitur
horam proditioni suæ idoneam inspexisset_ Hengistus, _vociferatus
est_, =Nemet oure saxas=: _& ilico_ Vortigernum _accepit, & per pallium
detinuit. Audito ocyùs signo, abstraxerunt_ (i.e. _eduxerunt_) Saxones
_cultros suos, & astantes principes invaserunt, ipsósque nihil tale
præmeditantes jugulaverunt circiter quadringentos sexaginta inter
Barones & Consules. The prefixed day being come, they all, without
delay, met in the aforesaid Town, and began their Treaty for Peace;
when therefore_ Hengist _saw fit time for execution of his intended
Treason, he cried out, giving the word_, =Nemet oure saxas= (=Nem
eowr seaxes= (saith Verstegan) that is, _Take your_ =seaxes=; a kind
of crooked knives, which each of the _Saxons_ then carried closely in
his pocket) _and forthwith seised upon_ Vortigern, _and held him by
his robe. The_ Saxons _quickly hearing it, drew forth their knives,
and fell upon the_ Britans _standing by, of whom, part Noblemen, part
officers of State, expecting no such design, they slew four hundred
and sixty. Quorum corpora beatus_ Eldadus _postmodum sepelivit, atque
Christiano more humavit, haud longè à_ =Kaer-caradane=, _quæ nunc_
Salesberia _dicitur, in cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium_ Ambrii.
_Whose corpses holy_ Eldad, _according to custome, after Christian
manner interred, not far from_ =Kaer-caradane=, _now called_ Salisbury,
_in the Churchyard adjoyning to the monastery of_ Ambresbury.
[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 84._]
[Sidenote: _Hollinsh. l. 5. Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 53. 4ᵗᵒ._]
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 5._]
With this relation of the _Saxons_ treachery, _Mathew Westminster_ (in
his _Flores historiarum_) seems to agree. And it wholly destroys the
opinion commonly received, That the said Treaty with the _Saxons_,
the massacre of the _Britans_, and likewise their interment, were at
_Stoneheng_; and that in memory, those matters so transacted there,
_A. Ambrosius_ in the same place erected this Antiquity. Wherefore, I
much wonder, our modern historians should cite the aforesaid Authors
in confirmation thereof, especially, when they affirm directly, the
treaty was held in _Ambresbury_ Town, and that the _British_ Nobility
fell by Treason there. _Jussit_ Vortigernus _& cives &_ Saxones Maiis
_Kalendis, quæ jam instare incipiebant, juxta_ Ambrii _cœnobium
convenire_ (saith _G. Monmouth_) Vortigern _commanded both his own
people, and the_ Saxons, _upon the Calends of_ May _then approaching,
to appear near to the Monastery of_ Ambresbury. _In Pago_ Ambri
_convenire, to meet in the Town it self of_ Ambresbury (saith _Mathew
Westminster_) In order to which summons, (that I may proceed with
_Geffrey Monmouths_ story explaining himself positively concerning the
place) _statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem,
&c. the appointed day being come, all of them met together within the
forenamed Town, and there treated_. The issue whereof was, that upon
the word given (as before related) _The_ Saxons _drew their knives, and
falling upon the_ Britans _standing by, slew them_. And, lest posterity
should doubt those sacrificed for their Countreys cause neglected in
their funerals, he leaves not there, but gives us the direct place,
and manner of their buriall, affirming plainly they were buried by a
Metropolitane of those times, even in a Church-yard, as Christians
should. _In cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium, In the Church-yard,
close by the Monastery._ (saith he) There is not one word mentioned (I
pray observe) of _Salisbury plain_, where this _Antiquity Stoneheng_
remains, throughout all their Story.
[Sidenote: _Thomas. Procachio fo. 46._]
But, it’s objected, although they were buried at the Monastery, the
monument for their memory might be set up elsewhere, in a place more
proper, and more conspicuous; even, as in the most properly conspicuous
places where great actions happened _Trophies_ were erected by the
_Romans_, whose customs _A. Ambrosius_ living long time amongst them,
knew very well. I answer, _A. Ambrosius_, is suppos’d by _Bede_, and
the best Authors, descended from the _Romans_; who, living many years
under their subjection, in forrain parts, had fully inform’d his
judgement, no doubt, with whatever customs, civill or martiall, then in
use amongst them. For, though the _Romans_ in those times, had utterly
lost all knowledge of Arts, questionlesse civill, and martiall customs
in some sort continued with them. Neverthelesse, if _A. Ambrosius_ did
erect any monument for the _British_ Nobility, he rather, doubtlesse
endeavoured to observe the rules of his own Religion, being a
Christian, then the Heathenish customs of his Ancestors. However, in
erecting it, at the place of their interment, he pursued both. As for
the Christians honouring to posterity their famous men after death,
it being so well known, I need not relate it. And, as concerning the
ancient _Romans_ manner in burying their Emperours, and those that had
triumphed, or otherwise deserved well of the Common-wealth, though they
burned their bodies abroad, the place for sepulture of their Ashes, was
within the City, monuments to their memory being erected, upon the same
place where buried; so was _Publicola_ honoured, so the _Fabritii_, the
_Cæsars_, and others. And, after the same fashion it seems, was the
monument for the _British_ Nobility (if any) set up where they were
interred; as in the place of all others most proper for it, all the
considerable circumstances touching their deaths, happening there in
like manner.
It’s true the _Romans_ set up _Trophies_ for great Victories, in the
most eminent places where those victories were obtained by them; as
the _Trophy_ for _Caius Marius_ his vanquishing the _Cimbrians_, in
the most notable place where that memorable field was fought. Also,
the _Trophy_ dedicated to the memory of _Augustus Cæsar_ that by his
happy conduct, all the _Alpine_ Nations, were reduced to _Roman_
obedience, was erected in the most conspicuous place of the _Alps_.
Now, this martiall custome considered, the _British_ Nobility being
(as the aforesaid Historians maintain) slaughtered in the Town, and
buried at the Monastery adjoyning. Some one of those high hils, on
either side _Ambresbury_, had certainly for site been more eminent,
and the monument it self more exposed to the daily view of travellers,
then about two miles from the Town, in a place remote, where this
_Antiquity_ stands. Which, though indeed eminent of it self, and
overlooking the plains adjoyning; yet, at a large distance, especially
on that side towards _Ambresbury_, and _Salisbury_-ward, is so
surrounded with hils; as it appears with an Aspect of Religious horror,
rather then as carrying any form of whatever sepulture.
[Sidenote: _Math. West. fo. 92._]
[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 8._]
This, though sufficient to refute the preceding objection (the
former reasons being grounded upon customs only) I shall yet, from
the histories of those times, further answer thereunto; _Mathew
Westminster_ tels us, _A. Ambrosius_ having compleated his victories
over _Hengist_, and subdued his sons at _York_; _Deinde porrexisse ad
monasterium_ Ambri, _ubi principes defuncti jacebant, quos_ Hengistus
_prodiderat; from thence came to the Monastery at_ Ambresbury, _where
the deceased Nobles, whom_ Hengist _betrayed, lay buried._ And
_Geffrey Monmouth_, prosecuting the same story, affirms also, that
_A. Ambrosius_ being come to the Monastery, _ut locum quo defuncti
jacebant circumspexit, pietate motus in lachrymas solutus est, dignum
namque memoria censebat cespitem, qui tot nobiles pro patria defunctos
protegebat. So soon as he cast his eyes upon the place where the
slaughtered Princes lay interred, deplored them; esteeming that very
ground which covered so many Nobles, dying for their Countreys cause,
worthy eternall memory._ Upon this consideration, _Præcepit_ Merlino
(saith the same Author) _lapides circa sepulturam erigere, quos ex_
Hibernia _asportaverat_. A. Ambrosius _commanded_ Merlin, _that
the stones brought out of_ Ireland (for he still troubles himself
and readers therewith) _should be erected about the place of their
buriall_. Whereby it clearly appears their Sepulchre was set up about
the same place where they were buried, and not elsewhere. Also, as
fully that their buriall place (as both the said Historians have told
us) was at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_, or Churchyard adjoyning to
it. All which former circumstances duly weighed, ’tis not possible
_Stoneheng_ should be supposed their Monument; except _Geffrey
Monmouth_, having made so formall a tale of their easie transportation
from _Ireland_, would compell us also to imagine, posterity might as
easily be induced to assent, they were in like manner removed from the
Churchyard at _Ambresbury_ to _Salisbury_ plain, the one being equally
as ridiculous as the other, and no manner of credit to be given to
either.
Wherefore, laying all the aforesaid Authorities together. First, that
_Giraldus Cambrensis_ formerly cited, tells us, (in that part of his
story which carries most likelihood of truth) a Monument was set up
by _A. Ambrosius_, in memory of the _Britans_, slain at a Treaty by
the _Saxons_, upon the very same place _where slain_; and in order
thereunto the aforesaid _British_ Historians unanimously affirming
the place at which that treaty was held, and where those _Britans were
slain_ was the Town it self of _Ambresbury_, not where this _Antiquity
Stoneheng_ remains: again, if suspect _Cambrensis_ authority, and allow
rather what our Historiographer of _Monmouth_ saith, That the Monument
was erected by _A. Ambrosius_, upon that plat of ground, where the
slaughtered _Britans lay buryed_; he telling us also, their _buriall
place_ was in the Churchyard of the Monastery at _Ambresbury_ (at the
Monastery it self, saith _Matthew Westminster_) certainly then their
Monument (whatsoever it was) being set up at the place, where they
were both slain and buried, and (according to the aforesaid Authors)
they being nor slain nor buryed at _Stoneheng_, it must necessarily
follow, this _Antiquity_ was not erected in Honour of those _Britans_.
Unlesse any man will undertake to prove (which most certain it is none
can) _Stoneheng_ stands now, where _Ambresbury_ stood of old: or that
the Monastery and Churchyard thereof were not at _Ambresbury_, but at
_Stoneheng_.
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo._ 254.]
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 6. & 8._]
That the Monastery of three hundred Monks, stood there, (to wit at
_Ambresbury_) _Camden_, out of the Book called _Eulogium_, affirms.
And, that the Churchyard was close adjoyning to it, there’s no question
to be made. First, because in all times since Monasteries erected,
it was always in use, to lay out places for Churchyards belonging to
them, near to the Monasteries themselves. Secondly, because divers
Sepulchres, upon severall occasions, broken up at _Ambresbury_
Monastery, manifest the same. Thirdly, because _Geffrey Monmouth_
plainly tels us, they were buried in _cœmeterio, quod est juxta
cœnobium_; _in the Churchyard which is close by the Monastery_. Lastly,
it is further confirmed by these his formerly recited words, _A.
Ambrosius being come unto the Monastery, cast his eyes upon the place
where the slaughtered Princes lay interred_. Which is not possible he
should have done, if the Churchyard had been at _Stoneheng_; it being
very well known _Stoneheng_ cannot be discerned, even from the highest
hils, upon those parts especially, that next surround _Ambresbury_,
much lesse from the Monastery it self, sited in the bottome of a deep
vale by the river _Avons_ side.
Among other Sepulchres found at the said Monastery, it’s worthy memory,
that about the beginning of this Century, one of them hewn out of a
firm stone, and placed in the middle of a wall, was opened, having upon
its coverture in rude letters of massie gold,
[Sidenote: The originall Inscription I could not procure; such relation
thereof neverthelesse as came to my hands, I have, upon credit of those
persons of quality from whom received, inserted it here.]
_R. G. A. C._ 600.
[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Arth._]
The bones within which Sepulchre were all firm, fair yellow coloured
hair about the scull, a supposed peece of the liver, near upon the
bignesse of a walnut, very dry and hard, and together therewith, were
found severall royall habiliments, as jewels, veils, scarfs, and
the like, retaining even till then, their proper colours. All which
were afterwards, very choicely kept, in the collection of the Right
honourable _Edward_, then Earl of _Hertford_: and of the aforesaid gold
divers rings were made and worn by his Lordships principall Officers.
Concerning which Tomb (though I list not dispute) why might it not be
the Sepulchre of Queen _Guinever_, wife of King _Arthur_; especially
the Letters _R G._ as much to say, _Regina Guinevera_, declaring her
title and name; and the date _An. Chr._ 600. (if truly copied) agreeing
(possibly well enough) with the time of her death? Besides, _Leyland_
affirms, severall Writers make mention, she took _upon her a Nuns veil
at_ Ambresbury, _died, and was buried there_. To which he gives so much
credit, that (whatever _Giraldus Cambrensis_ delivers to the contrary)
he will by no means allow, either her body to be afterwards translated
from _Ambresbury_, or, at any time, buried by her husband King
_Arthur_ at _Glastonbury_. Unto _Leylands_ reasons for her interment
at _Ambresbury_, _Camden_ (it seems) inclines also, because wholly
silent of her Sepulchre, discovered any where else: though he at large
sets down all the circumstances of her Husbands body, its being found
at _Glastenbury_. For, had _Camden_ apprehended any thing inducing him
to beleeve, her body had been together with his there found, he would
never, certainly, have concealed it from posterity.
[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7._]
[Sidenote: _Stow fo. 53._]
Whether the aforesaid Tomb so found, were her monument, yea or no,
enough concerning the slaughter and sepultures of the afore mentioned
_Britans_; as also, that _Stoneheng_ was not erected in memory of them.
Let us come now to _Aurelius Ambrosius_, and see whether _Polydore
Virgill’s_ story in relation to _Stoneheng_ agrees with what other
Authors have delivered of _Aurelius_. For from _Polydore’s_ authority,
our modern Writers raise their second, and quite contrary opinion:
namely, that the _Britans_ erected this _Antiquity_ for _A. Ambrosius_
his Sepulchre.
[Sidenote: _Polyd. Virg. lib. 3._]
_Polydore Virgill_ treating of the actions of those times betwixt the
_Britans_ and _Saxons_; Britanni, _Duci suo_ Ambrosio _de republica
bene merito magnificum_ (saith he) _posuerunt sepulchrum_ &c. _The_
Britans _in memory of his great atchievements for the Commonwealth,
erected a magnificent Sepulchre to their Chieftain_ Ambrosius, _made
of great square stones in form of a Crown, even in that place, where
fighting, he was slain, that the prowesse of so great a Commander,
should neither be forgotten amongst themselves, who then lived, or left
unremembred to posterity. Which Monument remains even to this day, in
the Diocese of_ Salisbury, _near unto the village called_ Amisbery.
This opinion of _Polydore_ is grounded (as I conceive) upon no great
likelihood. For, should the _British Nobles_, far inferiour to _A.
Ambrosius_, in honour, and dignity, be buried in the Churchyard of a
Monastery, and a Sepulchre assigned for _Ambrosius_ himself in the
open fields? Should that _Christian_ King, who had accomplished so
many great atchievements victoriously against the _Pagans_, enemies to
_Christ_? Caused Churches to be repaired, which the Barbarism of the
_Saxons_ had destroyed? pulled down and demolished idolatrous places
of the _Heathen_, and (as is more probable) rather, then erected by
him, whilst living, to others, or by others, to his memory after dead,
the very first that began to deface this Heathenish sacred structure
(for, though a _Roman_, yet a _Christian_, and zeal to true Religion
might, no doubt, cause him dispense with ruining idolatrous _Temples_
though formerly built, and consecrated to false Gods by his seduced
Auncestors) should he, I say, be buried Pagan-like, in unsanctified,
unhallowed ground, and others far lesse eminent, lesse conspicuous, in
more noble, and sacred places? It could never be. Neither reason of
State, nor fervor of piety, in those more scrupulous times, could ever
admit thereof.
[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Art._]
Had _Polydore_, or any other, told us some Pagan-Saxon-Commander lay
there intombed, ’twould have carried a shew of much more credit, and
the ancient custome of that _Peoples_ burying their dead might have
been produced, at least as a probable argument, to confirm the same.
For the Saxons a Pagan Nation, if any of _their Princes or Nobility
died, in their houses at home of sicknesse, were buried in pleasant,
and delightfull gardens; if from home, and in the wars, not far from
their camps, in heaps of earth cast up in the fields, which heaps they
called Burrows: and the promiscuous common people in medows and open
fields_. Saxones _Nobiles gens Christi ignara, in hortis amœnis, si
domi forte ægroti moriebantur: si foris & bello occisi, in egestis per
campos terræ tumulis quos Burgos appellabant, juxta castra sepulti
sunt: vulgus autem promiscuum etiam in pratis & apertis campis._
As _Leyland_, who laid a good ground-work towards the discovery of
_British Antiquities_, delivers.
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. M. Westm. Polychron. Caxton. Leyland._]
[Sidenote: _Knolls in vit. Ba._]
[Sidenote: _Ped. Mexia in vit. Con._]
[Sidenote: _Plutarch in vit. Pyrr._]
_Polydore_ neverthelesse, had great reason to imagine _A. Ambrosius_
famed the restorer of his Countrey (and Bulwark of War, as _Camden_
cals him) worthy an everlasting Monument, _Extat etiam nunc id
monimentum in diœcesi_ Sarisberiensi _prope pagum quam_ Amisberiam
_vocant, Which monument is yet extant in the diœcese of_ Salisbury
(saith he) _not far from_ Ambresbury _Town_: and so was the Churchyard
of the Monastery too. He also tels us, _Factum fuisse ad formam coronæ,
it was made in form of a Crown_. An elegant expression (I confesse)
of a no lesse elegant work, if he meant _Stoneheng_; yet no argument
thereby to prove _A. Ambrosius_ or buried, or slain there. For, as
touching _A. Ambrosius_ his death, severall Authors, of as good credit
as _Polydore_ (his integrity neverthelesse I question not, others have
been busie enough therein) affirm, that _Pascentius Vortigerns_ son,
with many rewards corrupted a certain _Saxon_ called _Eopas_ (_Clappa_,
saith _Caxton_) who, taking upon him the habit of a Monk, under
pretence of Physick (_A. Ambrosius_ being then sick) gave him poyson,
whereof he died at _Winchester_. And no wonder he was so poysoned,
many examples of the like kinde being recorded in History. As in later
times, the _Turkish_ Emperour _Bajazet_ the second, under pretence of
Physick poysoned by a Jew: also _Conrad_ third of that name Emperour
of _Germany_, by an _Italian_: and, in times of old, under the same
pretence, _Pyrrhus_ that famous Epirot had been poysoned by his own
Physitian, if _C. Fabricius_ the Roman Consul would have enclined to
such ignoble resolutions, as _Pascentius_ after put in act against _A.
Ambrosius_ in our story.
[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 94._]
Amongst other, who relate this disaster of _A. Ambrosius_, _Matthew
Westminster_ tels us, The said pretended Monk, _tandem ad Regis
præsentiam perductum, venenum ei porrexisse, &c. being at last
admitted to the Kings presence, administered poyson unto him, which
having drunk, the wicked Traytor advised him to sleep, and in so doing
suddenly should recover health! Nec mora, illabente per poros corporis
& venas veneno, mortem pariter subsecutam esse. But, ere long, the
poyson being dispersed through the pores and veins of his body, death
seizes upon him._
[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 8._]
Concerning the buriall of _A. Ambrosius_, if give credit to _Geffrey
Monmouths_ affirming _A. Ambrosius_ on his death-bed gave command,
and was accordingly buried, in the Sepulchre by him (whilst living)
prepared in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at _Ambresbury_,
then was _A. Ambrosius_ nor _buried_ at _Stoneheng_, nor consequently
this _Antiquity_ erected to his memory. _Geffrey Monmouth_ tels us;
_His death being known, the Bishops, Abbats, and all the Clergy of
that province, assembled together in the City of_ Winchester. _Et
quia vivens adhuc præceperat, ut in cœmeterio prope cœnobium_ Ambrii,
_quod ipse paraverat sepeliretur, tulerunt corpus ejus, eodem atque
cum regalibus exequiis, humaverunt. And with respect to his command,
whilest living, that in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at_
Ambresbury, _prepared by him, he would be buried, they took his body
and with royall solemnities enterred him there_.
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 254._]
Furthermore, at _Ambresbury_, that is, _Ambrose_ his Town, (_Camden_
tels us) _certain ancient Kings, by report of the_ British _story,
lay interred_. Whether _A. Ambrosius_ was one of them, or no, I argue
not; yet the same Author saith, _Ambrose Aurelianus_ gave name unto
the place. And why not, he being buried there, as well, as upon the
translation of the body of _Edmund_ that most Christian King, the Town
of _Edmundsbury_ in _Suffolk_ was so called?
It manifestly hence appears, _Stoneheng_ no Sepulchre, either erected
by _A. Ambrosius_, or by the _British_ Nobility, or to any of their
memories. Some Monument there was, perhaps, anciently set up in honour
of them, at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_. Which, the fury of the
_Saxons_ when victorious, or violence of time, which destroyeth all
things, utterly consuming, might happily be the reason, Historians in
succeeding Ages, finding so notable an _Antiquity_ as _Stoneheng_, not
far from thence, and not apprehending for what use it was first built,
suppos’d no other thing worthy _A. Ambrosius_, or those _Britans_,
then such an extraordinary structure. Whereas, the Monuments in those
ancient times, made for great Princes here in _Britain_, were onely two
Pyramids between which interred, of no extraordinary bignesse erected
to their memory in whate’re Religious places those Princes lay buried.
Moreover, if seriously take notice of the severall sorts of Sepulchres
used by divers Nations, none are found bearing like _Aspect_ with this
work _Stoneheng_, but of other kinde of _Architecture_, far different
in _Form_, _Manner_, and _Composure_. Some, made of one Columne onely;
or, if otherwise, only a vase erected on the place of buriall, as
amongst the _Athenians_: Some, had a Columne whereon the shields used
in War by the deceased, whilst living, were fixt, as in those medals
of silver, which the _Roman_ Senate dedicated to _Vespasian_: Some,
a Columne with a Statue thereon; so the famous Columne of _Trajan_
had a _Colossus_ on the top thereof, as by his medals also appears.
Again, the _Gauls_ on the tops of Mountains, erected _Pyramid’s_ or
_Columnes_, as Monuments to their Princes. The _Saxons_ were buried (as
said before) in huge heaps of earth, to this day visible among us. The
_Keep_ of the now _Castell_ S. _Angelo_ at _Rome_ was the Sepulchre of
the Emperour _Adrian_. (such mighty moles were the Monuments of the
_Romans_) The _Greeks_ erected _Altars_, and instituted Sacrifices to
the memory of their _Chieftains_, as the _Spartans_ to _Lysander_:
The renowned _Carian_ Queen made the _Mausoleum_ for her husband, a
massie bulk of building, 140 foot high: The huge _Pyramid’s_ in _Ægypt_
causing such wonder in the world, were Sepulchres of _Ægyptian_ Kings.
In a word, amongst all Nations, Sepulchres whether little or great,
were always reall and solid piles; not airous, with frequent openings,
and void spaces of ground within, exposed to Sun and wind, neither
uncovered like this _Antiquity_; or in any manner so built, as may
enforce the least presumption, that this our _Stoneheng_ was ever a
Sepulchre.
[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Art. fol. 25._]
I have given you a full relation what concerning _Stoneheng_ hath been
delivered by Writers, in respect of us though ancient, yet in regard
of the great antiquity of this _Work_, indeed but modern, _Geffrey
Monmouth_ living not full five hundred years ago, and _Polydore
Virgill_ long after him, in King _Henry_ the eighths reign: Who, as
they are the principall Authors that write any thing of _Stoneheng_;
so, upon what authority deliver the same, they make not appear.
Insomuch, _Camden_ gives no more credit to their relations in this
very particular, then unto common sayings, (so he cals them) as if
grounded upon _Fame_ only, or invented by themselves. And it may the
rather be so presumed, because, as they lived not in ancient times, and
consequently could not themselves bear testimony of any such things;
so, neither the _Britans_ nor _Saxons_ for a long time after their
first arrivall here, had any Records or Writings to convey whatever
actions, either of their own, or others to posterity. _Ninnius_ a
_British_ Historian, living about one thousand years ago, telling
us, Britannos _doctores nullam peritiam habuisse, &c. The great
Masters and Doctors of_ Britain _had no skill, nor left memoriall of
any thing in writing_: confessing, that himself _gathered whatsoever
he wrote, out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers. Nec_
Saxones _amusi quicquam penè de rebus inter ipsos, &_ Britannos _eo
tempore gestis scriptum posteritati reliquerint_, &c. _Neither did the_
Saxons _being unlearned_ (saith _Leyland_) _leave almost any thing in
writing to posterity, of the actions performed in those times betwixt
themselves and_ Britans: _whatsoever, remembred after Christ taught in
this Island, of the first victories of the_ Saxons, _being both taken
up upon trust from the mouth of the common people, and committed to
writing from vulgar reports only. Neither the_ Britans, _utterly worn
out with so many wars, had_ (as the same Author hath it) _or desire, or
opportunity, had they desired it, to bestow their pains in compiling
any whatever history, that might commend their actions to succeeding
Ages._
But, it maybe objected: If _Polydore Virgill_, and _Geffrey Monmouth_
could neither be eye-witnesses themselves, nor have authority from
other more ancient Authors for what related by them concerning
_Stoneheng_: and that from whatever writings ancient or modern, not any
thing of certainty can be found out concerning the same; from whence
then appear, for what use, or by whom _Stoneheng_ erected? I answer,
though not appear from Histories written either by the _Britans_ or
_Saxons_; yet, as _Gildas_ professing he wrote his History (for the
former reasons) _by relations from beyond Sea_: and, as _Ninnius_ his
_out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers_ as aforesaid:
so, severall other ways a possibility of truth may be gathered, namely,
from the authority of other Nations; from the concurrence of time for
such undertakings; from the customs of forepassed Ages in like works;
from the manner and form of building proper to severall Countries; from
the use to which such buildings applied, and the like. Upon which, as
occasion serves, intending hereafter more largely to insist, I shall
in the mean while set down the judgement our late Writers give of this
_Antiquity_.
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 251._]
_Camden_, a diligent searcher after Antiquities of our Nation, having,
in his _Chorography_ of _Wiltshire_, collected all the aforesaid
opinions, together with his own, gives a summary description of
_Stoneheng_, in words as follow. _Towards the North, about six miles
from_ Salisbury, _in the plain, is to be seen a huge and monstrous
peece of work, such as_ Cicero _termeth_ insanam substructionem.
_For, within the circuit of a ditch, there are erected in manner of a
Crown, in three ranks or courses one within another, certain mighty
and unwrought stones, whereof some are twenty eight foot high, & seven
foot broad, upon the heads of which others, like overthwart peeces, do
bear and rest cross-wise, with a small tenon and mortaise, so as the
whole frame seemeth to hang; whereof we call it_ Stoneheng, _like as
our old Historians termed it for the greatness the Giants dance. Our
Countrimen reckon this for one of our wonders, and miracles. And much
they marvell, from whence such huge stones were brought, considering
that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be
found any common stone at all for building: as also, by what means they
were set up. For mine own part about these points I am not curiously
to argue and dispute, but rather to lament with much grief, that the
Authors of so notable a Monument are thus buried in oblivion. Yet
some there are, that think them to be no naturall stones hewn out of
the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and
unctuous matter knit and incorporate together, like as those ancient
trophies or monuments of victory which I have seen in_ Yorkshire. _And
what marvell? Read we not I pray you in_ Pliny, _that the sand or dust
of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very
stone, that the cisterns in_ Rome _of sand, digged out of the ground,
and the strongest kind of lime wrought together grow so hard, that they
seem stones indeed? and that statues and images of marble scalings,
and small grit grow together so compact and firm, that they were
deemed entire and solid marble? The common saying is, that_ Ambrosius
Aurelianus, _or his brother_ Uther _did rear them up, by the art of_
Merlin, _&c._ Thus far _Camden_, it being needlesse to repeat more from
him, having already delivered the story from the Authors themselves.
Yet here neverthelesse, as necessarily induced thereunto, I shall take
leave to observe something more remarkable to our purpose in hand, upon
his words.
In the first place then, _Stoneheng_ is by him called _a huge
and monstrous peece of work_, terming it from _Cicero_, _insanam
substructionem_. To which I say, had _Camden_ as well attained other
abilities of an _Architect_, as he was skilfull in _Antiquities_: or
been as conversant in _Antiquities_ abroad, as learned in those of
his own Nation, he would have given a far different judgement hereof.
For, whosoever is acquainted with the ancient ruines yet remaining in
and about _Italy_, may easily perceive this no such huge building,
either for the circuit of the work, or bignesse of the stones,
they being as manageable to the _Roman Architects_, as amongst us
to raise a May-pole, or mast of a Ship. And, if this styled _huge_
and _monstrous_, what may be said of _Diocletians_ baths? the great
_Cirque_? _Marcellus_ his Theater? _Vespasians Temple of Peace_? and
other prodigious works of the _Romans_? the very remainders whereof now
lying in the dust, breed amazement and wonder (not without just reason
too) in whosoever beholds them with attentivenesse and judgement. Nay,
whereas he styles it _insanam substructionem_, it’s demonstrable,
that betwixt this Island of great _Britain_, and _Rome_ it self,
there’s no one structure to be seen, wherein more clearly shines those
harmoniacall proportions, of which only the best times could vaunt,
then in this of _Stoneheng_.
Moreover, _Our Countreymen marvell_ (saith he) _from whence such huge
stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering
thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone for building_.
Upon what trust _Camden_ (his extraordinary judgement otherwise
considered) took this relation, I know not. For there is not onely
common stone thereabouts, for ordinary uses, but stone of extraordinary
proportions likewise, even for greater works (if occasion were) then
_Stoneheng_: the Quarries of _Hasselborough_ and _Chilmark_, both of
them not far from the borders of the plain, having of a long time
furnished all the adjacent parts with common stone for building. And
(to come nearer the matter) it is manifest, that in divers places about
the Plain, the same kinde of Stone whereof this _Antiquity_ consists
may be found, especially about _Aibury_ in North-_Wiltshire_, not many
miles distant from it, where not onely are Quarries of the like stone,
but also stones of far greater dimensions then any at _Stoneheng_, may
be had.
[Sidenote: _Plut. in Marcel._]
[Sidenote: _Herod. lib. 2._]
[Sidenote: _Ptol. lib. 4._]
[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 36._]
[Sidenote: _Dom. Font. lib. 1._]
_They wonder also_ (saith he) _by what means they_ (that, is such
huge stones) _were set up_. What may be effected by that _Mechanicall
Art_, which _Dee_ in his _Mathematicall Preface_ to _Euclyde_, cals
_Menadry_, or _Art of ordering Engines for raising weights_; those (it
seems) of whom _Camden_ speaks took little notice of, when _Archimedes_
during the siege of _Syracuse_, raised out of the Sea, and turned
in the air at pleasure, the Ships and Gallies of the _Romans_, full
fraught as they were with Souldiers, Mariners, and their ordinary
lading: and if King _Hieron_ could have assigned him, a fit place to
firm his engines on, he would have undertaken to remove, even the
terrestriall _Globe_ out of the worlds _center_, so high, perfection
in this _Art_ transported him. What should I say of the _Obelisk_
in Ages so far past, brought from the Mountains of _Armenia_, and
erected in _Babylon_ by _Semiramis_, one hundred & fifty foot high,
and at the base twenty four foot square of one entire stone? _Est in
fano_ Latonæ (saith _Herodotus_ of his own knowledge) _delubrum ex
uno factum lapide, cujus parietes æquali celsitudine ad longitudinem
quadragenum cubitorum, cujus lacunari, pro tecto impositus est alius
lapis quatuor cubitorum per oras crassitudine. In the Temple of_ Latona
(in _Ægypt_) _is a Chappell formed of one stone, whose walls being of
equall height, are in length forty cubits, covered in like manner with
one sole stone four cubits thick_. Those, which made this wonder would
have much more admired, if they could have seen the _Obelisk_ raised
in times of old by King _Ramesis_ at _Heliopolis_, in that part of
_Ægypt_ anciently called _Thebais_, in height one hundred twenty one
Geometrical feet (which of our measure makes one hundred thirty six
feet) of one entire stone: and so little wonder made they of raising
it, that the Architect undertook and did effect it, the Kings own son
being at the same time bound to the top thereof. Amongst the _Romans_,
_Augustus Cæsar_ erected in the great Cirque at _Rome_, an _Obelisk_
of one stone, one hundred and twenty foot, nine inches long: another
also, was set up in _Mars_ field, nine foot higher then it, by the
said Emperour. And it seems also, neither they, nor _Camdens_ self had
ever seen that _Obelisk_, which even in these our days, in the year
one thousand five hundred eighty six, _Sixtus Quintus_ caused to be
erected in the _Piazza_ of S. _Peter_ at _Rome_, one hundred and eight
_Roman_ palms high, and at the base twelve palms square, (according to
our Assise, fourscore and one foot high, and nine foot square) of one
entire stone also: _Dominico Fontana_ being _Architect_. But, there are
more strange things (as Sir _Walter Raleigh_ hath it) in the world,
then betwixt _London_ and _Stanes_. It is want of knowledge in _Arts_
makes such admirers, and _Art_ it self have so many Enemies. Had I
not been thought worthy (by him who then commanded) to have been sole
_Architect_ thereof, I would have made some mention of the great stones
used in the work, and _Portico_ at the West end of S. _Pauls_ Church
_London_, but I forbear; though in greatnesse they were equall to most
in this _Antiquity_, and raised to a far greater height then any there.
What manner of Engines the _Ancients_ used for raising; and what secure
ways they had, for cariage and transportation of their huge weights, is
more proper for another subject.
[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 2. cap. 6._]
_Some there are_ (saith _Camden_) _that think them to be no naturall
stones, hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and
by some glewy and unctuous matter, knit and incorporate together, like
those ancient trophies, or monuments of victory, which I have seen
in_ Yorkshire. As for these Monuments (for my part) I have not seen,
otherwise I would give my sense upon them, and happily they may be
found as far from being artificiall, as those at _Stoneheng_. _And
what marvell?_ (saith he) _read we not, I pray you, in_ Pliny, _that
the sand or dust of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh
forthwith a very stone &c._ He might as well have told us the Rocks
in _Portland_ are artificiall. But it’s true, this sand of _Puteoli_,
was much used by the _Ancients_, and it is such a kind of earth, as
is very famous for its admirable effects in building, being tempered
with the cement of _Cuma_: For, it not onely yeelds strength to all
other buildings, but thereby also, all works made in the Sea under
water, are most firmly consolidated. Yet, doe I not find, that ever the
_Ancients_ made any artificiall stones thereof, or that _Vitruvius_
hath any thing to that purpose, to him the credit given to _Pliny_, and
others, concerning the Earth of _Puteoli_, being only due; posterity
being in the first place beholding unto him for finding out the nature
of that earth, he giving us not only the effects thereof, but the cause
also from whence those effects proceed. _Hoc autem fieri hac ratione
videtur, quòd sub his montibus_ (i.e. _in regionibus_ Baianis, _& in
agris, quæ sunt circa_ Vesuvium _montem) & terræ ferventes sunt, &
fontes crebri, qui non essent, si non in imo haberent, aut de sulphure,
aut alumine, aut bitumine ardentes maximos ignes. Which is_ (saith
he) _by reason in those mountains_ (to wit, _in the regions of_ Baiæ,
_and fields about mount_ Vesuvius) _the grounds are hot, and full
of springs, which heat could not be, but that from the bottome, are
nourished mighty great fires, arising from sulphur, alume, or brimstone
there._ Indeed, according to _Pliny_, the sand upon the side of the
hill of _Puteoli_, being opposed to the Sea, and continually drenched,
and drowned with the water thereof, doth (by the restringent quality,
no doubt, of the salt water) become a stone so compact, and united
together, that scorning all the violence of the surging billows, it
hardeneth every day more and more.
Neverthelesse, whosoever could find out any kind of earth in this
Island, naturally apt, to make artificiall stones of such greatnesse
as these; and, like them so obdurate also, that hardly any tool enter
them: or, that our Auncestors in times of old, did make use of such
a cement, and in what manner composed by them. The benefit thereof
doubtlesse, would amount so ample to this Nation, that Records could
not but render him deservedly famous to all posterity. In the mean
while, as it is most certain those stones at _Stoneheng_ are naturall;
so, am I as clearly of opinion, the very Quarries from whence hewn,
were about _Aibury_ beforementioned: where, no small quantities of
the same kind, are even at this day to be had; vast scantlings, not
only appearing about the Town it self, but throughout the plain and
fields adjoyning, the Quarries lying bare, numbers also numberlesse of
stones, are generally seen. (being no small prejudice to the bordering
inhabitants) As also, not far from the edge of _Wiltshire_, in the
ascent from _Lamborn_ to _Whitehorse hill_, the like stones are daily
discovered. To mention, more places in particular is needlesse, the
Quarries at and about _Aibury_ (without relating to _Lamborn_, or what
ever other) distant but fifteen miles or thereabouts from _Stoneheng_,
being of themselves sufficient to clear the doubt. These, having
through long time, got the very same crustation upon them, are in like
manner coloured, grained, bedded, weighty, and of like difficulty in
working, as those at _Stoneheng_. Some of which, being of a whitish
colour, are intermixt and veined here and there with red: some, of a
lightish blew, glister, as if minerall amongst them: some, for the most
part white, perplexed (as it were) with a ruddy colour: some, dark gray
and russet, differing in kinds as those stones at _Aibury_ do. Some of
them again, of a grayish colour, are speckled or intermixt with dark
green, and white, together with yellow amongst it, resembling after a
sort, that kind of marble which the _Italians_ (from the valley where
the Quarries are found) call _Pozzevera_; nothing, notwithstanding, so
beautifull, though naturally much harder, and being weathered by time,
as in this work; disdain the touch even of the best tempered tool.
Insomuch, that if nothing else, the more then ordinary hardnesse of
them is such, as will in part convince any indifferent judgement in the
nature and quality of stones; those, in this _Antiquity_, are not (as
_Camden_ would have them) artificiall, but naturall.
[Sidenote: _H. Hunting, lib. 1._]
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 241._]
Whatsoever, worthy admiration concerning _Stoneheng_, either in
relation to the greatnesse of the work in generall, the extraordinary
proportion of the stones in particular, the wonder the people make,
from whence brought, by what Arts or Engines raised, and in such order
placed, _Camden_ delivers; certainly, in his judgement he was wholly
opposite to the opinions of the aforesaid _British_ Historians. He
would never else, with so much regret have complained, _The Authors
of so notable a Monument lay buried in oblivion_, had he given any
the least credit, this _Antiquity_ had been built, either by _A.
Ambrosius_, or the _British_ Nobility, or to eternize either of their
names, or actions to succeeding generations. Let _Geffrey Monmouth_
and his followers, say what they please, _Henry Huntingdon_ (his
Contemporary, if not more Ancient) is mine Author, _Nec potest aliquis
excogitare, qua arte tanti lapides adeo in altum elevati sunt, vel
quare ibi constructi sunt. No man knows_ (saith _Huntingdon_) _for what
cause_ Stoneheng _erected, or_ (which is fully answered already) _by
what Art such huge stones were raised to so great a height_. Take with
you also _Draytons_ judgement in his _Poly-olbion_ couched under the
fiction of old _Wansdikes_ depraving _Stoneheng_. (_Wansdike_ being a
huge Ditch in _Wiltshire_ so called, anciently, as _Camden_ opines,
dividing the two Kingdomes of the _Mertians_ and _West Saxons_ asunder)
[Sidenote: _Poly-olbion Cant. 3._]
_Whom for a paltry ditch, when_ Stonendge _pleas’d t’upbraid,
The old man taking heart, thus to that Trophy said;
Dull heap, that thus thy head above the rest doth reare,
Precisely yet not know’st who first did place thee there;
But Traytor basely turn’d to_ Merlins _skill dost flie,
And with his Magicks dost thy Makers truth belie_.
For, as for that ridiculous Fable, of _Merlins_ transporting the stones
out of _Ireland_ by Magick, it’s an idle conceit. As also, that old
wives tale, that for the greatnesse it was in elder times called the
_Giants dance_. The name of the _dance of Giants_ by which it is styled
in _Monmouth_, hath nothing allusive, no not so much as to the _tale he
tels us_, saith a modern Writer in the life of _Nero Cæsar_.
[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 58. in 4ᵒ._]
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 194._ _Speed lib. 7._]
Furthermore, our modern Historians _Stow_ and _Speed_, tell us, in
severall parts of the Plain adjoyning, have been by digging found,
peeces of ancient fashioned armour, and the bones of men, insinuating
this as an argument, for upholding the opinions of the _British_
Writers. To which, if they would have those to be the bones of the
slaughtered _Britans_, how came those Armours to be found with them,
they coming to the Treaty unarmed, and without weapons? Howsoever, what
is done in the Plains abroad, concerns not _Stoneheng_, Neither can
any man think it strange, that in a place, where _Fame_ hath rendred,
so many memorable and fierce battels, fought in times of old, rusty
armour, and mens bones should be digged up. It is usuall throughout
the world in all such places, and (if I mistake not) _Sands_ in his
Travels, relates, that even in the Plains of _Pharsalia_, such like
bones and Armour, have lately been discovered: and Sir _Henry Blunt_
in that notable relation of his voyage into the _Levant_, speaks with
much judgement of those _Pharsalian_ fields. Likewise, the aforesaid
Writers, might well have remembred, some of themselves deliver, that at
_Kambulan_, or _Cambula_ in _Cornwall_, such habiliments of War have
been digged up, in tillage of the ground, witnessing either the fatall
field, sometimes there fought, where _Mordred_ was slain by _Arthur_,
and _Arthur_ himself received his deaths wound: or else, the reliques
of that battel betwixt the _Britans_ and _Saxons_, in the year eight
hundred and twenty. ’Tis true, the relation conduces much towards
confirming, that ancient custome of the _Saxons_, formerly recited out
of _Leyland_, considering especially, not far from this _Antiquity_,
lie certain hillocks, at this day commonly called the _seven Burrows_,
where it may be presumed, some _Princes_, or _Nobles_ of the _Saxon_
Nation lie interred. But, that _Stoneheng_ should therefore be a place
of buriall, the aforesaid relation to maintain the same is nothing
worth.
They adde moreover, the stones yet remaining are not to be numbred,
according as our Noble _Sydney_ in his Sonnet of the wonders of
_England_.
_Near_ Wilton _sweet, huge heaps of stone are found,
But so confus’d, that neither any eye
Can count them just, nor reason reason try,
What force brought them to so unlikely ground_.
This, though it scarcely merits an answer, yet, to satisfie those
which in this point may be curious, let them but observe the orders
of the Circles, as they now appear, and not passe from one to another
confusedly (noting neverthelesse where they begin) and they’ll find the
just number easie to be taken.
Now, though whether in order to the Place it self where this
_Antiquity_ stands, or _Persons_, by whom _Stoneheng_ pretended to be
built, enough laid, to wave the reports upon fancy, or common Fame,
formerly delivered: to the state of _Time_ neverthelesse, wherein the
_British_ Histories would have it erected, because nothing by me hath
yet been spoken, I will therefore adde, ’tis not probable such a work
as _Stoneheng_ could be then built. For, although our _Britans_, in
ancient time possessed, together with the _Roman_ civility, all good
_Arts_, it is evident during the reign of _A. Ambrosius_ (about the
first coming in of the _Saxons_ here, and towards the later end of
the fifth Century, as Historians and Chronologists compute it) in the
last declining of the _Roman_ Empire, the _Arts_ of _Design_, of which
_Architecture_ chief, were utterly lost even in _Rome_ it self, much
more in _Britain_, being then but a Tempest-beaten _Province_, and
utterly abandoned by the _Romans_. _Britain_, therefore, being over-run
with enemies, and the knowledge of _Arts_ then lost amongst them:
none, questionlesse, can reasonably apprehend so notable a work as
_Stoneheng_ could in such times be built.
[Sidenote: _Serl. lib. 3._]
That, amongst the _Romans_ and _Britans_ both, _A. Ambrosius_ governing
here, all Sciences were utterly perished, is evidently manifest. For,
the _Goths_ had then invaded _Italy_; and that vast Empire drooping
with extreme Age, by the fatall irruption of strange Nations, was not
only torn in peeces, but _Barbarisme_ having trod learning under
foot, and the sword bearing more sway then letters, or learned men,
all Sciences were neglected; and particularly that of _Building_ fell
into such decay, that till of late about the year one thousand five
hundred and ten, it lay swallowed up, and (as I may so say) buried
in oblivion. When one _Bramante_ of the Dutchy of _Urbin_, attaining
admirable perfection in _Architecture_, restored to the world again,
the true rules of building, according to those Orders, by the ancient
_Romans_ in their most flourishing times observed. Furthermore, not
onely liberall Sciences and _Architecture_, but _Art_ military also,
about the time of _A. Ambrosius_, was so far lost amongst the _Romans_,
that they were ignorant, yea, in the very rudiments of War. Insomuch,
(as _Procopius_ in his second Book of the _Gothick_ Wars relate)
_Barbarism_ had bereft them of the skill, even in what manner to sound
a retreat.
[Sidenote: _W. Malmes. fol. 8._ _Camden fo. 87._]
With us here also, the _Saxons_ domineer’d over all, and _A. Ambrosius_
with the _Britans_ had enough to do, in endeavouring the recovery
of their lost Countrey from a mighty prevailing Enemy, that in few
years afterwards (maugre all the ways which force or policy could
invent) conquered the whole Nation. Among other calamities attending
that miserable Age, _Camden_ (from _William_ of _Malmsbury_) directly
to the purpose in hand tels us. _Cum Tyranni nullum in agris præter
semibarbaros, nullum in urbibus præter ventri deditos reliquissent_:
Britannia _omni patrocinio juvenilis vigoris viduata, omni Artium
exercitio exinanita, conterminarum gentium inhiationi diu obnoxia fuit.
When the Tyrants_ (to wit, the _Romans_) _had left none in the Countrey
but half Barbarians, none in the Cities and Towns, but such as wholly
gave themselves to belly-cheer_; Britain, _destitute of all protection,
by her vigorous young men, bereaved of_ all exercise, and practice of
good Arts, _became exposed for a long time to the greedy, and gaping
jaws of Nations confining upon her_.
[Sidenote: _Gildas._]
Here you have it from an Author, more ancient then _G. Monmouth_ a
little, though both lived in one age, the times about _A. Ambrosius_
government, whether before, during his reign, or after, were so full
of miseries, that he complains, none then employed, or exercised in
any whatever works belonging to _Art_. They had somthing else (as
appears by divers Writers) to think upon, all their abilities being
insufficient to defend their Countrey from forein servitude, their
Cities and Towns from ruine, and destruction, and their habitations
from rage of cruell and insolent enemies, robbing, spoiling, burning,
wasting, all before them: to which, plague, pestilence, and famine
being joyned, the inland part of the _Island_, even to the Western
_Ocean_ was welnear totally consumed.
Besides, the Countrey was so oppress’d, what with outward hostile
miseries, what with intestine tumults and troubles: that, had they
not lost the _practice of all Arts_ (as the former Historian saith
they had) so far were they from erecting any work of this kind, that
they were compelled to abandon their Towns, and houses, built in times
foregoing by their Auncestors, and betake themselves to mountains,
caves, and woods for shelter. Now, if the calamities of those times
hung over the _Britans_ heads, in so generall manner, that not one
amongst them had leisure to put pen to paper, (as from _Leyland_ before
remembred) much lesse able were they, without all peradventure, to
undertake so great a work as _Stoneheng_, wherein, as all rationall men
must grant, numbers of men employed, and many years taken up, before
brought to its absolute perfection.
[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 228._]
But, nothing can better expresse the ignorance of that Age, then the
barbarous manner of inscription upon the Tomb of the _British Hector_
King _Arthur_, nephew to _A. Ambrosius_, found long since in the
Churchyard of the Abbey at _Glastenbury_, the letters whereof, being
exactly represented to our view by _Camden_, do, as by demonstration,
fully discover to us the Barbarism of those times. As, barbarous in
those characters, so were they ignorant in, and had lost the use of all
other _Arts_. _Nor exercise nor practice of good Arts, was then amongst
them_, saith the Historiographer of _Malmsbury_. And well he might so
deliver himself, not withstanding _Matthew Westminster_ tels us, _A.
Ambrosius_ repaired _Churches_, which the rage of _Saxons_, enemies
to _Christian Religion_, spoiled. For, besides, the vast difference
betwixt such works as _Stoneheng_, where _Art_ overmasters the common
skill of man, and making up the decaies of ruinated buildings, is
apprehensive even to the meanest capacities: _Gildas_ and _Bede_ (whose
Antiquity and learning the greater it is, the more is their authority
acceptable) affirm, the _Britans_ in those times knew not in what
manner to bring up bare wals of stone. When, the _Roman_ Legion sent
to aid the _Britans_ by _Valentinian_ the third, under the conduct of
_Gallio_ of _Ravenna_, was remanded hence, for defence of _France_;
before departing, they exhorted the _Britans_ to make a wall overthwart
the _Island_, to secure themselves from the _Barbarians_, _Picts_, and
_Scots_: which wall, _Bede_ tels us, _was made not so much with stone,
as turffes, considering they had no workmen to bring up such works
of stone; and so_, (saith the venerable Historian) _they did set up
one, good for nothing. ’Twas made by the rude, and unskilfull common
multitude, not so much of stone, as turffes_ (saith _Gildas_ also)
_none being found able to give direction for building works of stone_.
This was about thirty six years preceding _A. Ambrosius_ government.
In which time, the _Romans_ abandoning _Britain_, _Vortigern_ usurped;
call’d in the _Saxons_ to his aid; was deposed by his Nobility; and
_Vortimer_ his son set up. Whom _Rowena_ having made away; _Vortigern_
was re-enthronis’d. Him _A. Ambrosius_ invades, and having burnt him,
together with _Rowena_ in _Wales_, assumes the Crown as his; holding
continuall war with the _Saxons_, untill poysoned by _Pascentius_ as
aforesaid.
It being thus, that nothing but universall confusion, and destructive
broyls of war, appeared then in all parts; more ancient, and far
more propitious times, must be sought out for designing a structure,
so exquisite in the composure as this: even such a flourishing Age,
as when _Architecture_ in rare perfection, and such _People_ lookt
upon, as by continuall successe, attaining unto the sole power over
_Arts_, as well as _Empires_, commanded all. I say, such _Times_, and
_Persons_, because those things, which accord not with the course of
time, which by a generall consent of Authors agree not; which by the
approved customes of ancient Ages, and votes of learned men, are not
received and allowed, and consequently no ways probable; I easily admit
not of.
Another fiction there is concerning _Stoneheng_, not to be past over;
and though the cause upon which it’s grounded, be far more ancient
then the government of _Ambrosius_, or aforesaid slaughter of the
_Britains_: neverthelesse, in respect it is a new conceit, not thirty
years being past since hatch’t, I suppose this the most proper place
to discourse thereof, having ended with _Geffrey Monmouth_, _Polydore
Virgill_, and their followers.
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 181._]
The Author thereof is _Anonymus_, unlesse known in being Translator
of _Lucius Florus_. His opinion, (in his _Nero Cæsar_) _Stoneheng_
the Tomb of _Boadicia_ (formerly remembred) Queen of the _Iceni_.
His reasons, first, because that memorable battell betwixt her, and
_Suetonius Paulinus_ fought upon a Plain. Secondly, in respect the
_Britans_ buried her magnificently. For confirming this, he tels
us, _Had the pretieus volumes of the_ Cornelian _Annals, and_ Dio
Cassius, _and_ John Xiphiline _been within the spheare of_ Geffrey
Monmouths _studies, not_ Aurelus Ambrosius, _nor those four hundred
and sixty Noblemen of_ Britain, _murthered in_ Vortigerns _reign,
should have carried away with him the fame of this materiall wonder,
but magnanimous_ Boadicia. It seems, he would not be behinde-hand with
_Monmouth_; for, as the one finding no story more famous then of _A.
Ambrosius_ and the slaughtered _Britans_, fathered _Stoneheng_ upon
them: so, to make the inventive faculty, as apparently predominant in
himself; this other, respecting _Boadicia’s_ heroicall actions, would
as willingly make the world beleeve this _Antiquity_ her Monument.
His principall argument I delivered before; to wit, the battell betwixt
Her and the _Romans_, wherein _Boadicia_ utterly overthrown too, being
fought upon a Plain. Was there in old time (did he think) no Plain
in _Britain_ to fight a battell on but _Salisbury_ Plain? How came
_Boadicia_ and her Army thither? I find indeed, _Boadicia_ leading
one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men out of the _Icenian_
Countries, and like a terrible tempest, falling upon _Camalodunum_,
that famous _Roman_ Colony of old, (where the first fury of the War was
felt) she surprised it and razed it to the ground; _Suetonius Paulinus_
then in _Anglesey_: Intercepting _Petilius Cerealis_, who advanced
with the ninth legion to relieve that Colony, she cut all his Infantry
in peeces: Putting to the sword all those, which imbecillity of sex,
tediousnesse of age, or pleasure of the place detained from following
_Suetonius_ in his march from _London_: And taking _Verulamium_,
sackt and burnt it down to ashes. But, how she marcht from thence to
_Salisbury_ Plain is neither apparent nor probable; not the least
inkling being left in the world, what hostile acts she committed, which
way she moved, or what done by her, after the ruine of _Verulam_, till
utterly overthrown.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
[Sidenote: _Dion. Cas. lib. 62._]
Can it be imagined, she that destroyed so great a Colony, together
with a free-borough of the _Romans_, slain seventy or eighty thousand
persons in such horrid manner as scarce credible; reserving not
one Prisoner alive, but killing, hanging, crucifying, and burning
whatsoever _Romane_, or to that party enclined: that was yet
victorious, and her Army encreasing daily; can it be imagined, I say,
she marcht to _Salisbury_ Plain with so huge an Army invisibly? or
stole from _Verulam_ thither by night, lest notice should be taken of
her proceedings? _Anonymus_ self cannot think so unworthily of his
_Boadicia_, yet certainly after such manner she went, if ever went
thither at all: Otherwise, _Boadicia_ marching in the height of glory,
and bearing down all before her till rancountred by _Suetonius_. Those
faithfull Historians _Tacitus_, and _Dion_, (both so sedulous in
delivering her Fame to posterity) would never have omitted so notable a
march, through such a large tract of enemies Countrey, as of necessity
she was to make from _Verulam_, to _Salisbury_ Plain; but would have
prosecuted her War, by recording the spoyls, rapines, burnings, and
devastations made therein; as particularly, as from the first fomenting
the rebellion, till her advance to _Verulam_, they have done.
Upon which Town, and the aforementioned places only, the aforesaid
Historians directly tell us the whole burden of the War fell. _Ad
Septuaginta millia civium & sociorum iis quæ memoravi locis occidisse
constitit_, saith _Tacitus_. _It was manifest, there were slain in
the places, I have remembred, the number of seventy thousand Citizens
and Allies._ Bunduica _duas urbes_ (saith _Xiphilines Dion_ also)
_populi_ Romani _expugnavit atque diripuit, in iísque cædem infinitam,
ut supradixi, fecit._ Bunduica _took and razed to the ground two Towns
of the_ Romans, _and in them made that infinite slaughter, I have
mentioned before, of fourscore thousand persons_. At _Verulam_ then, it
fully appears, the course of her Victories stopt, the inhumane butchery
of the _Romans_, and their confederates, ended with the massacre in
that Town; which could not possibly have hapned, if with such a firm
resolution to extirpate the _Roman_ name in _Britain_, and such a
numerous Army to effect it, she had gone on victoriously unfought with,
so far as where this _Antiquity_ stands. And therefore the Plain of
_Salisbury_ could not be the place of battell, as _Anonymus_ would fain
enforce it. Who having so largely, and with so good advice, discoursed
the motions, and actions of this rebellion, with all the circumstances
thereof, from the first rise, till she destroyed _Verulam_, should
either have found some warrantable authority for _Boadicia’s_ so great
an undertaking afterwards, else never engaged her so far within the
_Roman_ Province; otherwise, some may imagine, he framed it, only
out of ambition for a meer pretence, rather, then stated it, from a
reall endeavour, to make discovery for what cause _Stoneheng_ at first
erected.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
[Sidenote: _Dion. Cass. lib. 62._]
Furthermore, _Suetonius Paulinus_ was too well skilled in the
discipline of war, to make the seat thereof in a Countrey so absolutely
_Roman_, as betwixt the _British_ Ocean and the River _Thames_. He
had it’s true (being return’d from _Anglesey_) abandoned _London_,
no colony. But upon what result? finding his accesse of strength
disproportionable to the War in hand, and therefore _determined with
the losse of one Town to preserve the rest whole_, (whether _London_
or _Camalodunum_ is not to the purpose) and, by attending the motions
of the enemy, wait all fair occasions to give _Boadicia_ battell,
_being unwilling to try his fortune too suddenly, multitude and
successe making the_ Britans _outrageously daring_. In the interim
neverthelesse, raising what forces, the exigency of so important
affairs would permit.
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 105._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 154._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 155._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 166._]
Which way _Suetonius_ marched from _London_ is altogether omitted,
yet if lawfull to conjecture, why not? to draw off the Forces of
_Catus Decianus_ Procurator, (not long before fled into _Gaul_, for
fear of this War) together with the remains of _Petilius Cerealis_
troops; quartered, as _Anonymus_ confesseth, in those very camps yet
appearing about _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_ in _Northamptonshire_,
then, confining the _Icenian_ Dominion to the Westward. Which Troops
therefore, lay doubtlesse, in very great danger if not timely relieved;
especially in case _Boadicia_ should conduct her Army that way; as, ere
long afterwards she did so far as _Verulam_; this course being taken
by her, not improbably, in pursuit of _Suetonius_. Neither was it very
dangerous for the _Roman_ Generall to lead his Forces that way, the
Enemies main strength lying about _Camalodunum_. Howsoever, whether he
marched up to them or no, concluded it is, he made his retreat towards
_Pœnius Posthumus_ encamped with the _second Legion_ in the borders
of the _Silures_, (now _Herefordshire_, _Radnorshire_ &c.) for which
_Legion_, _Suetonius_ sending to have it brought up to his Rendezvouz,
his commands being slighted, that strength failed him. _The way which_
Suetonius _took, after his departure, was in mine opinion_ (saith
_Anonymus_) _towards_ Severn, _where_ Pœnius Posthumus _encamped with
the second Legion among the_ Silures. So also _Spencer_ our famous
_English_ Poet finds it. Whereby it appears, _Suetonius_ retreat was
not Westward to _Salisbury_ Plains, but Northerly towards that _second
Legion_. In this retreat, I may not omit, _Anonymus_ conducts him
over the _Thames_ at _London_; which if granted, and, _that he kept
the river upon his right hand still_, untill engaging _Boadicia_, as
_Anonymus_ saith he did: then was _Suetonius_ march _far away_ indeed
from _Salisbury_ Plain. The course of that River winding, as we all
know, through _Barkshire_ out of _Oxfordshire_, where _Tame_ from the
County _Buckingham_, and _Isis_ from the edge of _Glocester_ Province,
make their conjunction a little beneath _Dorchester_. And, if keeping
this course _still_ by the Rivers side, _Suetonius_ marcht alongst the
banks of _Cherwell_ also, then must _Anonymus_, whether he will or no,
bring him up close to _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_, as aforesaid; and
thereby (for it is admitted _Cerealis_ horse-troops were at the fight)
reconciling all opinions, upon his direct way towards the _second
Legion_.
How far on, neverthelesse, toward _Pœnius Posthumus_ Camp _Suetonius_
advanced is uncertain; but, that the battell might be fought in some
Plain about _Verulam_, or upon that rode, is not altogether improbable.
(Especially considering part of _Suetonius_ strength consisted of
_Londoners_, who, as _Auxiliaries_ followed him in this War, and would
not stay behind). For, the _Roman_ Generall when marshalling his Army
for fight, had with him (saith _Tacitus_) _the aids of the places
adjoyning_. What places were these? the last _place_ named by him was
_Verulam_, the next place before it _London_; and, if the Historian
intends either of these two, by the _places adjoyning_ to the field,
where the battell fought; then, may _Anonymus_ prove the desarts in
_Africa_, as soon as the Plains of _Salisbury_, to be the place of
Battell.
[Sidenote: _Cant. 10._]
_Spencer_ saith, the battell was fought near _Severn_:
_Which seeing stout_ Bunduca _up arose,
And taking arms, the_ Britons _to her drew;
With whom she marched straight against her foes,
And them vnwares besides the_ Seuerne _did enclose_.
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 179._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 178._]
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 161._]
_Suetonius_, when resolving for fight, _deligit locum artis faucibus,
& à tergo silvâ clausum, satis cognito, nihil hostium nisi in fronte,
& apertam planitiem esse sine metu insidiarum. Choosed a place with a
narrow entrance, enclosed behind with a wood, being well assured, he
had no enemies but before him, and the Plain being open was without
fear of Ambush._ Thus _Tacitus_ describes the field, the _Roman_ Army
consisting of scarce ten thousand armed men. In what part of _Britan_
soever this Plain lay, it was, for certain, of no great extent, being
hardly able to contain the vast multitudes of _Boadicia’s_ Army;
computed two hundred and thirty thousand fighting men, by _Dion_,
and therefore could not possibly be _Salisbury_ Plain. For, the
_Britans_ placing their carts and wagons _supra extremum ambitium
campi, in the utmost borders of the field_, had so environed their
Army therewith, that upon the rout given, they could hardly flee away,
_quia circumjecta vehicula sepserant abitus, by reason the carts_
(saith _Tacitus_) _hedged in the passages on every side_, and (to use
_Anonymus_ own words) _were like a wall against evasion_. Now, if the
_Britans_ had so surrounded the utmost borders of _Salisbury_ Plain,
and in such manner barricado’d up all the passages thereof, their
numbers should rather have been millions then thousands, as every man
knowing those Plains must needs confesse. Besides, _Anonymus_ self tels
us, _after the_ Britans _in the head of their battel began to shrink
and turn, that alone was a blow to all behind, who being many score
of thousands, remain’d untoucht, during the fight, because they could
never come up to handy-strokes, for_ want of room _in the narrowings of
the field_. He told us even now there was scope enough. _Whereabout in
these parts of_ Britain, (saith he) _that very place was, unlesse it
were upon_ Salisbury _Plain, where there is a black heath, and_ scope
enough, _is not for me to imagine_. Now, on the contrary, when coming
to the issue, he tels us the Plain was narrow, and they _wanted room_.
Did the _Britans_ want room in the field, and were on _Salisbury_
Plain? Surely, in the heat of his describing the Battel _Anonymus_
forgot his own invention; the fury of the _Romans_, in beating down the
_British_ squadrons, therewith dasht the main force of his conceit to
peeces. Suspicious and jealous men had need of good memories. Upon the
aforesaid situation he might rather have observed, the great experience
of the _Romane Generall_ in martiall affairs, then from thence
suggested, the _Britans_ in point of honour erected _Stoneheng_ to
the memory of _Boadicia_, _Suetonius_ not onely choosing to make good
a straight enclosed behinde with a wood, for securing his own small
Troops, but such a straight also, where the Plain, or field before it,
was not of sufficient extent for _Boadicia_ to marshall her great Army
in. Furthermore, _Anonymus_ determining (it seems) to parcell out his
ground proportionable to the numbers, undertakes to give posterity an
exact survey of this Plain, telling us, it _was a Plain of five or
six miles over_: This makes it more apparent ’twas not _Salisbury_
Plain, which far and wide so expatiates it self through the middle of
_Wiltshire_, that it is not onely _five or six miles_, but (as I may
say) five times six miles over. This famous battell then, being struck
upon a Plain hardly capable of _Boadicia’s_ Army, was not fought upon
_Salisbury_ Plain; but, on some other, which _Suetonius Paulinus_ found
best for his own advantage, and therefore _Stoneheng_ (as _Anonymus_
would fain have it) could not be the Sepulchre of _Boadicia_.
[Sidenote: _Dion. Cass. lib. 62._]
Concerning _Boadicia’s_ magnificent obsequies; a mighty Prince may be
buried with great solemnity, yet no materiall Monument dedicated to
his memory. Examples of this kinde are so frequent, there needs no
mention of them. _Humaverunt magnificè_, (they are _Dions_ words) the
_Britans_ laid her into the earth magnificently, with as much pomp,
happily, and honour, attending her to the grave, as their barbarous
customs for their glorious Chieftain would admit; but, that they raised
any Monument, or erected whatsoever kinde of Sepulchre for her, much
lesse so notable a structure as _Stoneheng_, he no where tels us. Which
had the _Britans_ done, the Historian could not avoid, taking more
knowledge thereof, then of her bare enterment, and would undoubtedly
have recorded it. Again, grant _Salisbury_ Plain the place of Battell,
yet, _Dion_ saith not, they buried her magnificently where the battell
fought, only, _Humaverunt magnificè_: adding withall, those, that
escaped the field, prepared to re-enforce themselves for a new triall,
in the mean while a disease seizing on _Bunduica_, she died. Now
then, after so terrible an overthrow, wherein ’tis reported she lost
fourscore thousand _Britans_; _Boadicia_, in all likelihood, endevoured
to recover the _Icenian_ Countreys, her principall strength; having in
her speech before the Battell insinuated the fenny parts thereof, as a
refuge if the worst should happen. In what Countreys else could they
recruit? where falling sick she died, (whether by violent or naturall
death is not materiall) and as ever observed among all Nations, was, no
doubt, buried in her own territories, among the graves of her renowned
Ancestors.
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 117._]
[Sidenote: _Sueton. in Ner._]
[Sidenote: _Dion. Cas. lib. 62._]
That the _Britans_, untill _Julius Agricolas_ time, had learned
nothing (as _Anonymus_ takes speciall notice) but _to fight, and were
no handicraftsmen_, whereby they might be capable of erecting such
works as _Stoneheng_, being already fully proved from _Tacitus_, I
will adde, the ringleaders or heads of commotions against Empires and
Commonwealths were anciently, (in many Countreys at this day) not
only themselves punishable by the Laws with death, but their whole
families and kindred though guiltlesse, suffered in like manner;
their very houses also, being razed to the ground, lest any knowledge
of such pernicious undertakings should remain visible to posterity:
and a capitall crime it was, in whomsoever that restor’d them. How
comes it then, _Boadicia_ the principall promoter, and Head of an
insurrection so fatall, as accounted by _Suetonius Tranquillus_, among
the infortunate losses of the _Roman_ Empire, and the more ignominious
by a womans conduct, should be permitted by the conquering _Romans_, a
monument to eternize her fame to succeeding Ages? _Boadicia_, that ript
up the bellies of the _Roman_ Legionaries, and cutting out their bowels
impal’d their bodies upon burning stakes; that hanged up the most noble
and honourable _Roman Dames_ naked, and slicing off their paps, sowed
them to their mouths, as in act of eating them; that in scalding water
boiled the _Roman_ infants, and young children to death; their Parents,
Husbands, and Commanders unable to relieve them, but enforced to give
way, and happy in so saving themselves from the cruell inhumanities
of the _Conqueresse_. _We fought for to live_, saith _Tacitus_. Yet,
when ere long afterwards, victoriously recovering _Britain_ to _Cæsar_,
by so memorable a battell as compared to their victories of old,
should the _Romans_ suffer the enthralled _Britans_ to erect a Trophy
to her memory, whose purpose was absolutely to root out all that was
_Roman_ here? what greater infamy to the _Roman_ name, except the
permission of it? They, who rased and broke in peeces whatever titles
and inscriptions, bearing the names of their _Cæsars_; pulled down and
demolished the royall _Ensigns_, _Trophies_, _Statues_, _Temples_, or
whatever else sacred, to their own Emperors, when actively administring
to the prejudice of the _Romane_ State; would they permit any publick
monuments be erected to the memory of a conquered Prince, of an Enemy
so barbarously cruell as _Boadicia_? That she lives in History, they
could not prevent; so live their worst of Emperors. Moreover, publick
Monuments were in all ages set up in honour of the Vanquishers, not
vanquished; respecting which, _Anonymus_ should also, either have made
_Boadicia_ Victresse, or never supposed _Stoneheng_ her Sepulchre.
[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 182._]
[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]
The time assigned by _Anonymus_, for erecting these _orderly irregular,
and formlesse uniform heaps of massive marble_, (as he cals them) _to
the everlasting remembrance of Boadicia_, is much above fifteen hundred
years since: _Petronius Turpilianus_ succeeding _Suetonius Paulinus_ in
the Leivtenancy of _Britain_; who by his idle and lazy life, making the
world beleeve there was peace here: _Anonymus_ will have it a proper
time, for permitting _such an office to the Britans_, in _Boadicia’s_
honour. Times of peace, ’tis confest, when _Arts_ flourish under
nobly minded Governours, are chiefly proper for erecting magnificent
buildings. The Government under _Petronius_ was guilty of none of
these. As for the State of _Britain_ in generall, _Tacitus_ in the life
of _Agricola_ tels us, _Petronius_ had composed the former troubles;
but in what sort, the fourteenth book of his _Annals_ declares; _non
irritato hoste, neque lacessitus, neither the Enemy, incensed him;
nor he, provoked the Enemy_: otherwise _Petronius_ durst not do. And,
if peace setled, why doth the Historian call them Enemies? Concerning
his own person in particular, _Petronius_ gave himself over to an
unprofitable life, disguising it under the honourable name of peace.
_Honestum pacis nomen segni otio imposuit_, saith _Tacitus_. And, the
_Britans_ (as said before) were not then civilized, nor friends to
such Arts as either nourish or are nourished by peace, therefore such
a work of wonder as this _Antiquity_ famed, not to be expected from
them. For, as through the malignities of the Age, wherein _Aurelius
Ambrosius_ lived, the _Britans_ had utterly lost the practice of all
those _Sciences_, in times foregoing, learned by their Auncestors from
the _Romans_: so, through the neglect of civil policy in the preceding
_Roman_ Governours, in this Leivtenancy of _Petronius_, the _Britans_
had not attained the knowledge of any those _Arts_, not many years
afterwards, taught their posterity by the _Romans_. Whole imperiall
Eagles took not wing in _Britain_ with such lofty speed, as over other
Countreys; _The_ Britans _being a fierce Nation, slowly giving ear to
any peace_, the _Romans_ had work enough in subduing them. _Julius
Cæsar_ rather shewed the Island to his successors, then left them
possession of it: _Augustus_ and _Tiberius_ held it policy to neglect
it: _Caligula_ intending to invade _Britain_, was diverted by his Wars
in _Germany_: _Claudius_ first prosecuting the conquest with effect,
established the colony at _Camalodunum_, and his Leivtenants _Aulus
Plautius_, _Flavius Vespasianus_, _Ostorius Scapula_, and _Didius
Gallus_ by little and little, after much contest, and various successe,
subdued certain Countries; and reducing the nearest part of the Island
to the form of a Province, built also, or rather cast up some few
fortifications further within the land: _Nero’s_ Generals had much to
do in keeping, what their predecessors gained; _Suetonius Paulinus_
(under him) struck that fortunate battell with _Boadicia_, else the
_Romans_ beaten out of all. So that, in the time of _Petronius_, the
_Romans_ having obtained no such assured dominion over the _Britans_,
as might make them, themselves confident to undertake great and
stately buildings here, for their own either publick, or private
accommodations; (the ruine of _Camalodunum_ being too fresh in memory)
occasion was not offered, nor the time yet come, to let the _Britans_
know by what _Arts_ all civill Nations of the world, did erect their
excessive, rather then not magnificent structures, for eternizing their
names to succeeding generations. And therefore, the Leivtenancy of
_Petronius Turpilianus_, not proper for building this _stony marvell_,
as _Anonymus_ suspects. For, beside what’s delivered, whensoever
_Stoneheng_ built, the preparation only of materials for the work,
and bringing them to the place, what _Engines_ or _Arts_ soever used,
necessarily, spent more time, then _Petronius_ consumed in the whole
continuance of his government here. What tumults succeeded him, let
others declare.
[Sidenote: _Suet. in Vespas._]
Furthermore, _if those_ times of _Petronius_ would not, _yet_ (saith
_Anonymus_) _other ensuing seasons might permit such an office to the_
Britans, _her name for ever glorious among them_. The hainousnesse of
her Rebellion, horridnesse of her cruelties, and inveterate hatred
_Boadicia_ bore to the _Romans_, whereby _her name for ever infamous
among them_, clearly manifest all other _ensuing seasons_, equally
improper for those ancient inhabitants of this Island, to erect
_Stoneheng_. If the _Britans_, once attaining the _Romane_ manner of
_Architecture_, in any succeeding times had expelled the _Romans_,
and been triumphant; some probable reason, at least, _Anonymus_ might
have alledged, towards advancing his opinion. But _Boadicia_ and her
_Complices_ overthrown, the _Roman_ Power in this Island encreasing
dayly, and the liberty of the _Britans_ as fast declining, no following
_season_ could be opportunely favourable, for undertaking such a
work by them; the erecting whereof, yea the sole endeavouring to
commemorate by such publick means, so mortall an enemy to the _Romans_
as _Boadicia_: nothing but the dearest lives of the bold attempters,
could, certainly, expiate. The _Temple_ upon Mount _Cœlius_ at _Rome_,
begun to _Claudius_ sacred memory by _Agrippina_, was destroyed to the
very foundations by _Nero_. If then, insulting _Agrippina_ might not
erect a memorable structure, to the glory of her deceased _Cæsar_; whom
the _Senate_ and _People_ of _Rome_, in all solemne manner deified:
What oppressed _Britan_, durst undertake the raising a publick Monument
to the honour of vanquished _Boadicia_, whom the State (in all reason)
for ever declared enemy to the _Roman_ Empire? And though, after a long
succession of years, the _Romans_ abandoned this Island, yet, when
departed, the _Britans_ were left in such deplorable condition, (at
large declared before) that, albeit _her name_ never so glorious among
them, they had much more to do, in saving their own miserable lives
from plague, famine, and the sword, then any opportunity, or ability
to erect whatever Monument to the glory of _Boadicia_. But, of this
enough; the invalidity of _Anonymus_ opinion especially respected.
The discovering the originall foundation of an _Antiquity_ so famous,
being not to be enforced by jealous suspicions, raised upon bare and
groundlesse conjectures.
• • • • •
This _Antiquity_ (call’d by _Henry Huntingdon, The second_: by
_Poly-olbion_
——_First wonder of the land_)
because the _Architraves_ are set upon the heads of the upright stones,
and hang (as it were) in the air, is generally known by the name of
_Stone-heng_. It is sited upon the Plain in the County of _Wiltshire_
in _England_, not far from _Ambresbury_ (the foundations of whose
ancient buildings, frequently digged up, render it to have been in
times past a _Town_ of no small fame) six miles at least from new
_Salisbury_ northwards.
The whole work, in generall, being of a circular form, is one
hundred and ten foot diameter, double winged about without a roof,
anciently environed with a deep Trench, still appearing about thirty
foot broad. So that, betwixt it, and the work it self, a large and
void space of ground being left, it had, from the Plain, three open
entrances, the most conspicuous thereof lying North-east. At each
of which, was raised, on the outside of the Trench aforesaid, two
huge stones gate-wise, parallel whereunto, on the inside two others
of lesse proportion. The inner part of the work, consisting of an
_Exagonall_ figure, was raised, by due symmetry, upon the bases of four
equilaterall triangles, (which formed the whole structure) this inner
part likewise was double, having, within it also, another _Exagon_
raised, and all that part within the Trench sited upon a commanding
ground, eminent, and higher by much, then any of the Plain lying
without, and, in the midst thereof, upon a foundation of hard chalk,
the work it self was placed. Insomuch, from what part soever they came
unto it, they rose by an easie ascending hill.
Which, that it may be the more clearly demonstrated, (being by me,
with no little pains, and charge measured, and the foundations thereof
diligently searched) I have reduced into _Design_, not onely as the
ruine thereof now appears, but as (in my judgement) it was in its
pristine perfection. And that the groundplot, with the uprights, and
profyle of the whole work may the more distinctly be understood, I have
purposely countersigned each _Design_ of them with _Numbers_, and the
particular parts thereof with _Letters_.
Nu. 1
Signifies the Plant of the whole work in generall, with the Trench
round about it, drawn by a small scale, that it may be seen all at one
view.
_A_
The Trench.
_B_
The Intervall betwixt the Trench and Work.
_C_
[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2._]
The Work it self; in the inmost part whereof, there is a stone
appearing not much above the surface of the earth, (and lying towards
the East) four foot broad, and sixteen foot in length. Which, whether
it might be an _Altar_ or no, I leave to the judgement of others,
because so overwhelmed with the ruines of the Work, that I could make
no search after it, but even with much difficulty, took the aforesaid
proportion thereof. Yet for my part, I can apprehend no valid reason
to the contrary, except that the whole constructure being circular in
form, the Altar should rather have been placed upon the center of the
Circle, then enclining to the circumference. Neverthelesse it cannot be
denied, but being so sited, the _Cell_ (as I may call it) was thereby
left more free, for the due performance of those severall superstitious
rites, which their Idolatry led them to. Besides, though the _Altare_
amongst the _Ancients_ was exalted and raised somwhat high above the
earth; yet, their _Ara_ was made quadrangular, not very high, and as
some will have it close to the ground, being consecrated as well to the
supernall as infernall Deities: and therefore in respect of the form,
it may hold well enough it was anciently an Altar.
_D_
The supposed Altar.
_E_
The great stones which made the entrances from the outside of the
Trench, seven foot broad, three foot thick, and twenty foot high.
_F_
The parallel stones, on the inside of the Trench, four foot broad, and
three foot thick; but they lie so broken, and ruined by time, that
their proportion in height cannot be distinguisht, much lesse exactly
measured.
_G_
The scale of fifty foot.
• • • • •
The _Design_ follows.
[Illustration]