However, inasmuch as the authority with which the society sought to be

invested had reference to public justice, and involved the power to

appear for the defence of the interests of others, and to require the

coöperation of public officials, a law was indispensable, in order to

confer these powers. Such a law was passed August 21, 1875, whose

provisions covered not only the case of the New York society, but

determined the functions of all institutions of a similar nature. On

condition of complying with the prescribed formalities for acquiring a

corporate existence, the law granted to these institutions the right to

make complaints, in any jurisdiction, of violations of the statutes

regarding children; it set forth, formally, the duty of magistrates or

officers of police, to cooperate with the societies acting in the limits

of their several jurisdictions. The boundaries of the ground of

protection were thus defined, but there was still lacking the requisite

legislative authority. Experience showed that, besides the misdemeanors

of common law--attempts upon the morals, murder, assault and battery,

etc.--a multitude of offences against children remained unpunished. The

society, therefore, solicited and obtained from the Legislature, powers

which permitted it to repress acts of cruelty towards children that the

law failed to reach. The first of these measures was the law of 1876,

forbidding the employment of minors under sixteen years as dancers,

beggars, street peddlers, as gymnasts or contortionists, or in indecent

occupations prejudicial to their health or perilous to their life. Then

came the law of June 6, 1877, forbidding the admission of minors under

fourteen years into public places, liquor saloons, balls, concerts,

theatres, unless accompanied by a parent or legal guardian. With these

laws, which it caused to be interpreted in the courts in certain test

cases, the society arrived at the most satisfactory results. There were

no longer seen in New York those juvenile beggars whose miserable

appearance is made an instrument of gain by their worthless masters;

those vagrants who disguise their vagabondage under the pretext of

imaginary professions, collecting cigar stumps and rag picking; those

little girls who sell flowers at the doors of houses of bad repute,

often concealing under this ostensible occupation infamous transactions

with panders who keep them in their pay. A determined warfare was

declared against the Italian padroni, who thrive upon the toil of the

little unfortunates to whom they pretend to teach music, and whom they

utilize as peddlers and chimney-sweepers. The conviction of the too

notorious Ancarola was the signal for the suppression of these shameless

villains; the purchases of children ceased, and the cause of humanity

triumphed, thanks to the combined efforts of the society and of the

Italian consul, after long and earnest conferences. It is not only the

Italians, but the children of all nationalities, who have profited from

this powerful patronage: Hungarian, German, Chinese, Irish, French. One

of our compatriots, a girl of fourteen years, came one day to implore

its aid. Her father was a drunkard, who had reached the lowest round in

the ladder of degradation; her mother had no means of subsistence except

concubinage, nor her two sisters except prostitution. She begged that

they would save her from this life of shame. The society received her,

procured her a position, a good education. Learning that she was heiress

to a considerable property left by a grandfather, the society took

active steps in France to secure to her her rights. Unfortunately, the

agent who had possession of the estate became insolvent after having

squandered the property, and it was impossible to recover it. The

society continued to care for the young girl up to the day of her

marriage to a young man enjoying a regular salary of $1,200, and worthy

of her in all respects.

The strict watch kept upon the liquor saloons contributed equally to

improve the condition of children. Many were in the habit of being sent

by confirmed drunkards to buy the "liquid poison!" They thus promoted

this vice whose hardened subjects would prolong It even beyond the grave

by asking that "a bottle of whiskey may be put in their coffin." The

obedience of the children was rewarded by invitations to drink, which

initiated them in debauchery. It was among women abandoned to drink that

lived Eliza Clark, a child of eleven years, paying for the drinks with

the gains which she realized from dancing or singing; in return, the

women gave her brandy to drink and tobacco to smoke, so that when she

was found she resembled "a beast more than a human creature." They also

suppressed the playing of pool for drinks by minors, instituted by

saloon keepers to induce them to drink liquor, which was the reward of

those whom fortune favored in the game.

The police of the theatres performed their duty conscientiously, and the

statutes were obeyed. The necessity of being accompanied by an adult was

felt to be a strange restraint by these gamins eager for the theatre,

whose attractions led them to abandon school, work, and family, and to

procure the money for their admission by stealing it from their parents,

or at a pinch from strangers; and where they would mingle, between the

acts, with pick-pockets and low characters who encouraged them in the

ways of vice. And for a stronger reason, the child was more carefully

protected against the perils of the stage than against those of the

auditory. Juvenile performances were forbidden, and the youthful

performers were excluded successively from the Columbia Opera House or

Theatre des Folies, from the Italian Opera, from the Gem Theatre, from

Parker's American Theatre, and from the Juvenile Opera. Permissions for

individual performances were peremptorily refused even to parents who

were actors. Here the work of the society encountered serious obstacles,

and it is necessary to quote from Mr. Elbridge T. Gerry in order to

appreciate the motives by which the society was actuated in combating

with vigorous purpose the opposition which it met with: "The Press,

which is influenced to a considerable extent by the representations of

theatrical managers, often criticises severely any attempt to deprive

the public of what it is pleased to call its legitimate amusements, by

the suppression of such entertainments. And many pronounced patrons of

the dramatic art even maintain that such exhibitions are indispensable

to the proper development of a dramatic education, and that when the

necessities of the parents require it, charity should encourage the

children to procure this means of obtaining a livelihood. But let us

examine the other side of the question. When the curtain rises in the

theatre, a draught of warm air rushes from the audience on to the stage,

and often paralyzes for some moments the vocal chords of the actors.

When the curtain falls, the cold air comes down from the flies, and the

children, who have become over heated by their physical exertions,

shiver to the marrow before they are able to accustom themselves to this

sudden change of temperature. Every night these things are renewed.

During the day the children sleep as best they can. Their nervous system

is rapidly undermined; their digestion becomes impaired. It is rare that

one can point to instances of children arriving early at positions of

eminence in the dramatic art. It is true that there are a few who shine

as stars in the theatrical profession, and who entered upon their

dramatic career in early childhood; but these are rare exceptions."

It is not only on the stage that the morals of the children have been

protected; the keepers of low resorts have been prosecuted by the

society.

It has shut up the den of the too celebrated Owney Geoghegan, who long

defied the law and the police, encouraging the efforts of prostitutes to

debauch young girls. Women of notorious reputation, who enticed away the

children of respectable mechanics to sell them for money, have been

severely punished. In short, not content with bringing to justice these

outrageous offenders with a firmness which has made it the terror of

these oppressors of childhood, the society has been the instrument of

checking acts even of carelessness or imprudence. It no longer permits

the drunkard to keep his children in a cellar where the rats bite their

feet; or the mercenary father to allow his son to engage in a wager,

dangerous to his health, to make a hundred miles in twenty-four hours;

or a man to ride a bicycle bearing on his shoulders his five-year-old

daughter.

So great a work demanded accommodations of corresponding magnitude. In

1881, and at the price of $43,000, the society purchased a large

building situated at the corner of 23rd street and 4th avenue, one of

the most important thoroughfares of New York. Not far from the offices,

in the main part of the building, is found a collection of all the

instruments of cruelty seized in the legal proceedings,--rods of iron,

whips, firebars (_barres de poeles_), pokers, cudgels (_gourdins_), and

other instruments. These furnish convincing proofs of the sufferings of

the children,--for example those of Maggie Scully, when she said: "I do

all the work at my aunt's house, and if you do not believe that I have

been beaten, look at me, for my aunt has beaten me this morning with a

poker." Adjoining the offices are the rooms for the officers and the

archives of the institution, containing the papers in each case setting

forth the facts and the evidence. On the upper floor is a dormitory,

where the children are kept until final disposition is made of them,

that is to say, generally during one night. In fact, the work is going

on without interruption at all hours of the day and night. If at night a

call by telephone is received from the police-station, an officer of the

society responds immediately to this appeal.

As is most frequently the case, he finds a drunken woman in the street,

with three or four ragged children gathered about her, covered with

vermin, without fire or lodging, having been abandoned by the father.

The mother is detained at the station, but the children are taken to the

society, where they are washed, fed, and for the first time in their

lives, perhaps, put to sleep in a bed. On the following day, the

children are taken to court. If the parents or guardians are worthy,

they are returned to them; if not, the justice commits them to some

charitable institution. Some of these have a religious character, and

others a secular one; the American judge, in rendering his decision, is

influenced by interests of family, of nationality, of race, or of

religion of the child, as well as by the requirements of the law. Sick

children and nursing infants are sent to the hospital on Randall's

Island, the Ladies' Deborah Nursery, and the Child's Hospital. Each of

the charitable institutions receives a per capita allowance for children

during the time that they remain in their care.

The society does not abandon them, and if a complaint arises of improper

treatment, it causes legal proceedings to be instituted against those

who are responsible therefor.

A recent case of this kind was that of the "Old Gentlemen's Home."

It will be readily seen that the cases which come before the society

must be very numerous: during the nine years of its existence it has

investigated 13,077 complaints, involving 52,308 children, prosecuted

4,035 cases, convicted 3,637 offenders, rescued and placed in homes or

institutions 7,555 children. In the last three years it has temporarily

sheltered and clothed 1,092 children and furnished them with 9,309

meals. These figures acquire a singular force when one reads in the

annual reports the curious history of these cases setting forth the

facts in detail. In 1882 the magistrates of the city issued 1,267

warrants. On the information furnished, 834 children were held in

custody, 1,040 released. The city of New York is compelled to pay for

the support of children thus committed to custody. A saving of $108,160

has therefore been realized to the benefit of the tax-payers of New

York. In 1883 they received 2,966 complaints; there were 1,176

prosecutions and 1,128 convictions; 2,008 children were placed in

institutions of charity. Of 2,341 children arrested 1,078 were held,

1,263 released.

The resources of the society are derived exclusively from the liberality

of the public. It receives no aid either from the State or city. On the

contrary, it pay taxes even on the water used in the care of the

children in its charge. The account of receipts and expenditures amounts

to about $17,000. Of the $43,000 which its building cost, $25,000 remain

on mortgage. The field in which the society employs its activity is

already large, and is rapidly extending. It endeavors to obtain from the

legislature laws which will defeat the aims of those too numerous

enterprises which, under color of charity, utilize young children, for

example, the baby farms and those establishments (called _hospitaliers_)

which have neither the means nor the facilities necessary to their

proper conduct. It requires that children shall not be employed in

manual labor before the age of fourteen years, and only after their

physical capability has been certified to by a physician. It insists on

the prohibition of all dangerous occupations. The former articles in

this Bulletin on the abuses which exist in the industrial employment of

children in New York show how justifiable is this action of the society.

"Thousands of children," says Mr. Gerry, "die of diseases contracted in

these injurious employments; in this respect our nation is far behind

Europe in its means of affording protection to children. In France,

severe laws have been in operation since 1841. England has promptly

followed this example, and like the English legislation, that of France

expressly forbids the employment of children in the manufacture of

dangerous substances, of a nature poisonous or explosive. You have only

to visit our hospitals to see the little creatures with hand or fingers

mutilated, from being employed at too early an age in the operation of

machinery. Our negligence makes manifest the wisdom of the French law,

whose lesson is so necessary with us." This needed progress will

without doubt be made, and the society will continue with increased zeal

its charitable work. It gives to the legislator the benefit of a

practical experience in the work, to the child its powerful advocacy in

the courts, to justice the impartiality of prudent investigations, to

public opinion the assurance of the proper conduct of charitable

institutions and an impulse in the direction of improvement. It is thus

that in this land of enterprise, whose customs are adverse to permitting

affairs even of the gravest importance, like the prosecution of crimes

or the direction of works of benevolence, to be concentrated in the

hands of public officials, the consequences of _self-government_ have

been happily corrected in points where they would otherwise become

extreme, in regard to children. The New York society is therefore well

described by its worthy president, Mr. Elbridge T. Gerry, as "the Hand

of Protection." And this hand is too charitable for us to forbear to

give it a cordial pressure across the vast expanse of the Atlantic.

* * * * *

THE MIDDLESEX CANAL.

BY LORIN L. DAME, A.M.

The curious traveller may still trace with little difficulty the line of

the old Middlesex canal, with here and there a break, from the basin at

Charlestown to its junction with the Merrimac at Middlesex village. Like

an accusing ghost, it never strays far from the Boston & Lowell

Railroad, to which it owes its untimely end.

At Medford, the Woburn sewer runs along one portion of its bed, the Spot

pond water-pipes another. The tow-path, at one point, marks the course

of the defunct Mystic Valley Railroad; at others, it has been

metamorphosed into sections of the highway; at others, it survives as a

cow-path or woodland lane; at Wilmington, the stone sides of a lock have

become the lateral walls of a dwelling-house cellar.

Judging the canal by the pecuniary recompense it brought its projectors,

it must be admitted a dismal failure; yet its inception was none the

less a comprehensive, far-reaching scheme, which seemed to assure a

future of ample profits and great public usefulness. Inconsiderable as

this work may appear compared with the modern achievements of

engineering, it was, for the times, a gigantic undertaking, beset with

difficulties scarcely conceivable to-day. Boston was a small town of

about twenty thousand inhabitants; Medford, Woburn, and Chelmsford were

insignificant villages; and Lowell was as yet unborn, while the valley

of the Merrimac, northward into New Hampshire, supported a sparse

agricultural population. But the outlook was encouraging. It was a

period of rapid growth and marked improvements. The subject of closer

communication with the interior early became a vital question.

Turnpikes, controlled by corporations, were the principal avenues over

which country produce, lumber, firewood, and building-stone found their

way to the little metropolis. The cost of entertainment at the various

country inns, the frequent tolls, and the inevitable wear and tear of

teaming, enhanced very materially the price of all these articles. The

Middlesex canal was the first step towards the solution of the problem

of cheap transportation. The plan originated with the Hon. James

Sullivan, who was for six years a judge of the Supreme Court of

Massachusetts, attorney-general from 1790 to 1807, and governor in 1807

and 1808, dying while holding the latter office.

A brief glance at the map of the New England States will bring out in

bold relief the full significance of Sullivan's scheme. It will be seen

that the Merrimac river, after pursuing a southerly course as far as

Middlesex village, turns abruptly to the north-east. A canal from

Charlestown mill-pond to this bend of the river, a distance of 27-1/4

miles, would open a continuous water-route of eighty miles to Concord,

N.H. From this point, taking advantage of Lake Sunapee, a canal could

easily be run in a north-westerly direction to the Connecticut at

Windsor, Vt.; and thence, making use of intermediate streams,

communication could be opened with the St. Lawrence. The speculative

mind of Sullivan dwelt upon the pregnant results that must follow the

connection of Boston with New Hampshire and possibly Vermont and Canada.

He consulted his friend, Col. Baldwin, sheriff of Middlesex, who had a

natural taste for engineering, and they came to the conclusion that the

plan was feasible. Should the undertaking succeed between Concord and

Boston, the gradual increase in population and traffic would in time

warrant the completion of the programme. Even should communication never

be established beyond Concord, the commercial advantages of opening to

the market the undeveloped resources of upper New Hampshire would be a

sufficient justification. Accordingly, James Sullivan, Loammi Baldwin,

Jonathan Porter, Samuel Swan, and five members of the Hall family at

Medford, petitioned the General Court for an act of incorporation. A

charter was granted, bearing date of June 22, 1793, "incorporating James

Sullivan, Esq., and others, by the name of the Proprietors of the

Middlesex Canal," and on the same day was signed by His Excellency John

Hancock, Governor of the Commonwealth. By this charter the proprietors

were authorized to lay such assessments from time to time as might be

required for the construction of the canal.

At their first meeting the proprietors intrusted the management of the

corporation to a board of thirteen members, who were to choose a

president and vice-presidents from their own number, the entire board

subject to annual election. Boston capitalists subscribed freely, and

Russell, Gore, Barrell, Craigie, and Brooks appear among the earliest

directors. This board organized on the 11th of October by the choice of

James Sullivan as president, and Col. Baldwin and John Brooks

(afterwards Gov. Brooks) as vice-presidents. The first step was to make

the necessary surveys between the Charlestown basin and the Merrimac at

Chelmsford; but the science of engineering was in its infancy, and it

was difficult to find a competent person to undertake the task. At

length Samuel Thompson, of Woburn, was engaged to make a preliminary

survey; but the directors, not wholly satisfied with his report,

afterwards secured the services of Samuel Weston, an eminent English

engineer, then employed in Pennsylvania on the Potomac canals. His

report, made Aug. 2, 1794, was favorable; and it is interesting to

compare his figures with those of Mr. Thompson. As calculated by

Thompson, the ascent from Medford bridge to the Concord river, at

Billerica, was found to be 68-1/2 ft.; the actual difference in level,

as found by Weston, was 104 ft. By Thompson's survey there was a further

ascent of 16-1/2 ft. to the Merrimac; when, in fact, the water at

Billerica bridge is almost 25 ft. above the Merrimac at Chelmsford.

Col. Baldwin, who superintended the construction of the canal, removed

the first turf, Sept. 10, 1794. The progress was slow and attended with

many embarrassments. The purchase of land from more than one hundred

proprietors demanded skilful diplomacy. Most of the lands used for the

canal were acquired by voluntary sale, and conveyed in fee-simple to the

corporation. Sixteen lots were taken under authority of the Court of

Sessions; while for thirteen neither deed nor record could be found when

the corporation came to an end. Some of the land was never paid for, as

the owner refused to accept the sum awarded. The compensation ranged

from about $150 an acre in Medford to $25 in Billerica. The numerous

conveyances are all in Sullivan's handwriting.

Labor was not easily procured, probably from the scarcity of laborers,

as the wages paid, $10 a month and board, were presumably as much as

could be earned in manual labor elsewhere. "An order was sent to England

for a levelling instrument made by S. & W. Jones, of London, and this

was the only instrument used for engineering purposes after the first

survey by Weston." Two routes were considered; the rejected route was

forty years later selected for the Lowell Railroad. The canal, 30 ft.

wide, 4 ft. deep, with 20 locks, 7 aqueducts, and crossed by 50 bridges,

was, in 1802, sufficiently completed for the admission of water, and the

following year was opened to public navigation from the Merrimac to the

Charles. Its cost, about $500,000, of which one-third was for land

damages, was but little more than the estimate. Commencing at

Charlestown mill-pond, it passed through Medford, crossing the Mystic by

a wooden aqueduct of 100 ft., to Horn pond in Woburn. Traversing Woburn

and Wilmington it crossed the Shawshine by an aqueduct of 137 ft., and

struck the Concord, from which it receives its water, at Billerica

Mills. Entering the Concord by a stone guard-lock, it crossed, with a

floating tow-path, and passed out on the northern side through another

stone guard-lock; thence it descended 27 ft., in a course of 5-1/4

miles, through Chelmsford to the Merrimac, making its entire length

27-1/4 m.

The proprietors made Charlestown bridge the eastern terminus for their

boats, but ultimately communication was opened with the markets and

wharves upon the harbor, through Mill Creek, over a section of which

Blackstone street now extends.

As the enterprise had the confidence of the business community, money

for prosecuting the work had been procured with comparative ease. The

stock was divided into 800 shares, and among the original stockholders

appear the names of Ebenezer and Dudley Hall, Oliver Wendall, John Adams

of Quincy, Peter C. Brooks of Medford, and Andrew Craigie of Cambridge.

The stock had steadily advanced from $25 a share in the autumn of 1794

to $473 in 1803, the year the canal was opened, touching $500 in 1804.

Then a decline set in, a few dollars at a time, till 1816, when its

market value was $300 with few takers, although the canal was in

successful operation, and, in 1814, the obstructions in the Merrimac had

been surmounted, so that canal boats, locking into the river at

Chelmsford, had been poled up stream as far as Concord.

Firewood and lumber always formed a very considerable item in the

business of the canal. The navy-yard at Charlestown and the shipyards on

the Mystic form any years relied upon the canal for the greater part of

the timber used in shipbuilding; and work was sometimes seriously

retarded by low water in the Merrimac, which interfered with

transportation. The supply of oak and pine about Lake Winnipiseogee, and

along the Merrimac and its tributaries, was thought to be practically

inexhaustible. In the opinion of Daniel Webster, the value of this

timber had been increased $5,000,000 by the canal. Granite from

Tyngsborough, and agricultural products from a great extent of fertile

country, found their way along this channel to Boston; while the return

boats supplied taverns and country stores with their annual stock of

goods. The receipts from tolls, rents, etc. were steadily increasing,

amounting,

in 1812 to $12,600,

" 1813 " 16,800,

" 1814 " 25,700,

" 1815 " 29,200,

" 1816 " 32,600,

The Bay State Monthly — Volume 2, No. 2, November, 1884 · 第 4 / 7 段