Expedition against the Mohawk Valley from Oswego--Despondency of the
people in Tryon County--Letter of John Jay--Arrest of several of the
disaffected--Flight of others to Canada--Schuyler's complaints of the
cowardice of the people--Great discouragements--Proclamation of General
Herkimer--Letter from Thomas Spencer--St. Leger's approach--Caution and
plan of his march--Diary of Lieut. Bird--Fort Stanwix invested--Colonel
Gansevoort takes command--Its deplorable condition--Gansevoort joined
by Willett--Story of Captain Gregg--Situation of the garrison--Arrival
of St. Leger--His proclamation--Burgoyne's affairs becoming
critical--Affair of Bennington--General Herkimer, with the Tryon County
militia, advances to the relief of Gansevoort--Battle of
Oriskany--Bloody upon both sides--Unexampled bravery of Captain
Gardenier--Major Watts--Dissatisfaction of the Indians--Sortie and
success of Colonel Willett--Death and character of General Herkimer.
Contemporaneously with the descent of Burgoyne upon Northern New-York,
Colonel Barry St. Leger had been despatched from Montreal, by the way of
the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, to Oswego, there to form a junction
with the Indians and loyalists under Sir John Johnson and Captain Brant.
From Oswego, St. Leger was to penetrate by the way of Oneida Lake and Wood
Creek to the Mohawk river, with a view of forming a junction from that
direction with Burgoyne, on his arrival in Albany. The alarm everywhere
felt on the approach of Burgoyne from the North, was greatly increased
in Tryon County, on receiving intelligence of the contemplated invasion
by the Indians and loyalists from the West, The news of this movement was
first brought to the inhabitants by an Oneida half-breed sachem named
Thomas Spencer, who came therewith direct from Canada, whither he had gone
as a secret emissary to obtain information. Spencer stated that he had
been present at a council held at the Indian castle of Cassassenny, at
which Colonel Claus presided. [FN-1] According to Thomas's relation.
Colonel Claus strongly urged the Indians to join in the expedition into
the Mohawk Valley by the Western approach; boasting of the strength of
the army under Burgoyne, which had gone against Ticonderoga, and the
number of Indians with them, and before whom he assured them Ticonderoga
would fall. "Yes," said Colonel Claus, "Ticonderoga is mine. This is true:
you may depend on it, and not one gun shall be fired." Singularly enough,
though improbable at the time, the prediction, as we have seen, was
literally fulfilled. "The same," added the superintendent, "is true of
Fort Schuyler. I am sure that when I come before that fort, and the
commanding officer shall see me, he also will not fire a shot, but will
surrender the fort to me." The Oneida sachem farther informed the people
that Sir John Johnson and Colonel Claus were then at Oswego with their
families, with seven hundred Indians and four hundred regular troops.
There were also six hundred Tories on one of the islands above Oswegatchie
preparing to join them; and Colonel Butler was to arrive at Oswego on the
14th of July from Niagara, to hold a council with the Six Nations, to all
of whom he would offer the hatchet to join them and strike the
Americans. [FN-2] Thomas thereupon concluded his communication in the
following speech:--
* * * * *
[FN-1] Colonel Daniel Claus, a brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, had
either superseded Guy Johnson as Indian Superintendent in Canada, or
been appointed a Deputy.
[FN-2] Referring, doubtless, to the Grand Council, of which an account is
given in chapter VIII.
"Brothers: Now is your time to awake, and not to sleep longer; or, on the
contrary, it shall go with Fort Schuyler as it went already with
Ticonderoga.
"Brothers: I therefore desire you to be spirited, and to encourage one
another to march on to the assistance of Fort Schuyler. Come up, and show
yourselves as men, to defend and save your country before it is too late.
Despatch yourselves to clear the brush about the fort, and send a party
to cut trees in the Wood Creek to stop up the same.
"Brothers: If you don't come soon, without delay, to assist this place,
we cannot stay much longer on your side; for if you leave this fort
without succor, and the enemy shall get possession thereof, we shall
suffer like you in your settlements, and shall be destroyed with you. We
are suspicious that your enemies have engaged the Indians, and endeavor
daily yet to strike and fight against you; and General Schuyler refuses
always that we shall take up arms in the country's behalf.
"Brothers: I can assure you, that as soon as Butler's speech at Oswego
shall be over, they intend to march down the country immediately to
Albany. You may judge yourselves that if you don't try to resist, we shall
be obliged to join them or fly from our Castles, as we cannot hinder them
alone. We, the good friends of the country, are of opinion, that if more
force appears at Fort Schuyler, the enemy will not move from Oswego to
invade these frontiers. You may depend on it we are willing to help you
if you will do some efforts too."
The counsel of the faithful Oneida was neither early enough, nor was it
seconded with sufficient promptitude on the part of the inhabitants.
Indeed, it must be confessed, that, as the storm of war rolled onward,
gathering at once from different directions, and threatening daily to
break upon them with increasing fury, many of the yeomen who had hitherto
borne themselves nobly, began to falter. A spirit of disaffection had also
been more widely diffused among the settlements than could have been
supposed from the previous patriotic conduct of the people, while treason
lurked in many places where least suspected. Upon this subject, and with
special reference to the popular feeling and conduct in Tryon County,
John Jay, then sitting in the State Convention at Kingston, addressed the
following letter to Gouverneur Morris, a member of the Council of Safety,
who was at that time with General Schuyler in the North:--
"John Jay to Gouverneur Morris.
"_Kingston, July_ 21_st,_ 1777.
"Dear Morris,
"The situation of Tryon County is both shameful and alarming. Such abject
dejection and despondency, as mark the letters we have received from
thence, disgrace human nature. God knows what to do with, or for them.
Were they alone interested in their fate, I should be for leaving their
cart in the slough till they would put their shoulders to the wheel.
"Schuyler has his enemies here, and they use these things to his
disadvantage. Suspicions of his having been privy to the evacuation of
Ticonderoga spread wide; and twenty little circumstances, which perhaps
are false, are trumped up to give color to the conjecture. [FN] We could
wish that your letters might contain paragraphs for the public. We are
silent because we have nothing to say; and the people suspect the worst
because we say nothing. Their curiosity must be constantly gratified, or
they will be uneasy. Indeed, I do not wonder at their impatience, the late
Northern events having been such as to have occasioned alarm and
suspicion. I have not leisure to add any thing more, than that I am, very
sincerely, yours, &c.
"John Jay."
* * * * *
[FN] Reference has already been made, in the text, to the injustice done
toward General Schuyler during this memorable year. There was probably no
officer in the service, the Commander-in-chief alone excepted, who was
considered by the enemy so great an obstacle to the success of their
arms. A narrow sectional prejudice existed against him in New England.
The failure of the Canadian campaign had been most wrongfully attributed
to him in 1776, and with equal injustice the fall of Ticonderoga was now
charged to his remissness by his own countrymen. The enemy were not slow
to avail themselves of these prejudices and groundless imputations, and
through the agency of the Tories, the most artful and insidious means
were employed to destroy the public confidence in his integrity and
capacity. The flame of suspicion was fanned by them until it became
general, and was openly avowed. Committees, towns, and districts,
assembled, and passed resolves expressing their distrust in him, and both
Congress and the Provincial Legislature of New-York were addressed upon
the subject. General Schuyler, than whom there was not a truer patriot,
nor a more earnest or active in the public service, was well aware of
these movements. To a Committee of the Provincial Congress, who had
formally communicated the charges to him, he returned an answer worthy
of a brave and magnanimous soldier. The character of this answer will
be understood from this single sentence:--"We must bear with the caprice,
jealousy, and envy of our misguided friends, and pity them."
As early as the 10th of April, Colonel Robert Van Rensselaer wrote to a
friend, that the Chairman of the County Committee had applied to him for
the assistance of his militia, to quell an insurrection of the loyalists
in Ballston; but such was the condition of his own regiment, that he was
obliged to decline the request. The spirit of disaffection had become so
prevalent among his men, that numbers of them had taken the oath of
secrecy and allegiance to Great Britain. However, he added that seventeen
of the villains had been arrested by the vigilance of the officers, and
were then in confinement; and a hope was indulged of being able to detect
the whole. [FN-1] Early in the following month the residue of the Roman
Catholic Scotch settlers in the neighborhood of Johnstown ran off to
Canada, together with some of the loyalist Germans--all headed by two
men named McDonald, who had been permitted by General Schuyler to visit
their families. The fact that the wives and families of the absconding
loyalists were holding communication with them, and administering to their
subsistence on the outskirts of the settlements, had suggested their
arrest, and removal to a place of safety, to the number of four
hundred--a measure that was approved by General Herkimer and his
officers. [FN-2] Alarming reports of various descriptions were continually
in circulation, and the inhabitants were harassed beyond measure by the
necessity of performing frequent tours of military duty--acting as scouts
and reconnoitering parties; and standing, some of them, as sentinels
around their fields, while others did the labor. No neighborhood felt
secure, and all were apprehensive that the whole country would be ravaged
by the Indians; while parties of the disaffected were continually stealing
away to augment the ranks of the enemy. Thus circumstanced, and at the
very moment when they were called upon to reinforce Fort Schuyler, the
Committees both of Palatine and Schoharie, feeling that they were not
strong enough even for self-defence, were calling upon the Council of
Safety at Albany to send additional forces for their protection. Mr.
Paris wrote repeatedly upon the subject. The Schoharie Committee, on the
17th of July, wrote very frankly, that "the late advantages gained by the
enemy had such an effect, that many who had been counted as friends of
the State were drawing back. Our situation," he added, "is
deplorable--excepting those who have sought protection from the enemy.
We are entirely open to the Indians and Tories, whom we expect every hour
to come upon us. Part of our militia are at Fort Edward; and of the few
that are here, many are unwilling to take up arms to defend themselves,
as they are unable to stand against so many enemies. Therefore if your
honors do not grant us immediate relief to the amount of about five
hundred men, we must either fall a prey to the enemy, or take protection
also." [FN-3] On the 18th of July, General Schuyler wrote to the Hon.
Pierre Van Courtlandt, from Saratoga, and again on the 21st from Fort
Edward, to the same effect. "I am exceedingly chagrined," he says, "at
the pusillanimous spirit which prevails in the County of Tryon. I
apprehend much of it is to be attributed to the infidelity of the leading
persons of that quarter. If I had one thousand regular troops, in
addition to those now above and on the march, I should venture to keep
only every third man of the militia, and would send them down. The
substance of Colonel Harper's information had been transmitted about a
month ago. In consequence whereof, I sent Colonel Van Schaick into Tryon
County with as many troops as I could collect. After the improper
agreement made by General Herkimer, [FN-4] these troops were marched back;
but as soon as I was informed of the march, I ordered them to remain in
Tryon County, where they are still, and I have sent up Colonel Wesson's
regiment to reinforce them. But if I may be allowed to judge of the temper
of General Herkimer and the Committee of Tryon County, from their letters
to me, nothing will satisfy them unless I march the whole army into that
quarter. With deference to the better judgment of the Council of Safety,
I cannot by any means think it prudent to bring on an open rupture with
the savages at the present time. The inhabitants of Tryon County are
already too much inclined to lay down their arms, and take whatever terms
the enemy may please to afford them. Half the militia from this (Tryon)
County, and the neighboring State of Massachusetts, we have been under the
necessity of dismissing; but the whole should go. I enclose you the
proceedings of a council of General officers, held at this place on the
20th instant. You will perceive that we have been driven to the necessity
of allowing some of the militia to return to their plantations. The
remainder have promised to remain three weeks longer--that is to say,
unless they choose to return sooner, which will doubtless be the case,
and for which they have many reasons." [FN-5]
* * * * *
[FN-1] MS. documents in the Department of State, Albany.
[FN-2] MS. documents in the Department of State, Albany--Letter of Isaac
Paris.
[FN-3] MS. correspondence of the Provincial Congress--Secretary's office,
Albany.
[FN-4] Probably referring to the interview between Herkimer and Brant
at Unadilla.
[FN-5] MS. Cor. Council of Safety--Secretary's office, Albany.
The complaints of General Schuyler were not without just foundation, as
the reader has already seen. Indeed, both regulars and militia in Tryon
County, seemed for the moment to have lost all the high qualities of
soldiers or citizens. Of two hundred militiamen ordered to muster and join
the garrison of Fort Schuyler, only a part obeyed; while two companies of
regular troops, receiving the like orders, entered upon the service with
great reluctance, and not without urging various excuses--complaining that
service in scouting parties had unfitted them for garrison duty. [FN] Under
circumstances of such discouragement, it was a time of peculiar trial to
the officers and Committees of Safety. Tryon County had early espoused
the cause of freedom, and apparently with greater unanimity than any other
county in the State; and the extensive defection, or criminal apathy,
which we have just been contemplating, was altogether unexpected. But a
crisis was approaching, which necessity soon obliged them to meet.
Accordingly, on the 17th of July, General Herkimer issued a patriotic
proclamation to the inhabitants of the county, announcing the gathering
of the enemy at Oswego, "Christians and Savages," to the number of two
thousand strong, with the intention of invading the frontier, and calling
upon the people _en masse,_ to be ready at a moment's warning to repair
to the field, with arms and accoutrements, on the approach of the enemy.
Those in health, from 16 to 60 years of age, were designated for actual
service; while those above 60 years of age, or invalids, were directed to
arm for the defence of the women and children at whatever place they might
be gathered in for safety. Concerning the disaffected, and those who might
refuse to obey the orders, it was directed in the proclamation that they
should be arrested, their arms secured, and themselves placed under guard
to join the main body. All the members of the Committee, and all those
who, by reason of having formerly held commissions, had become exempts
from service, were invited to repair to the rendezvous, and aid in
repulsing the foe; "not doubting that the Almighty Power, upon our humble
prayers, and sincere trust in Him, will then graciously succour our arms
in battle for our just cause, and victory cannot fail on our side."
* * * * *
[FN] Annals of Tryon County.
The Oneida Indians, who were sincerely disposed to favor the cause of the
United States, but who, pursuant to the humane policy of Congress and the
advice of General Schuyler, had determined to preserve their neutrality,
beheld the approaching invasion from Oswego with no small degree of
apprehension. The course they had marked out for themselves, as they were
well aware, was viewed with displeasure by their Mohawk brethren, while
the other members of their confederacy were obviously inclined to side
with their "Uncle." [FN] Living, moreover, in the immediate neighborhood
of Fort Schuyler, where St. Leger's first blow must be struck, they were
not a little troubled in the prospect of what might happen to themselves.
The watchful Thomas Spencer, therefore, despatched the following letter
to the Committee on the 29th of July, which was received on the 30th:--
* * * * *
[FN] In the Six Nations, the Mohawks--the head tribe--were called
"Uncle." The Oneidas were "the elder brother," &c.
"At a meeting of the chiefs, they tell me that there is but four days
remaining of the time set for the king's troops to come to Fort Schuyler,
and they think it likely they will be here sooner.
"The chiefs desire the commanding officers at Fort Schuyler not to make
a Ticonderoga of it; but they hope you will be courageous.
"They desire General Schuyler may have this with speed, and send a good
army here; there is nothing to do at New-York; we think there is men to
be spared--we expect the road is stopped to the inhabitants by a party
through the woods; we shall be surrounded as soon as they come. This may
be our last advice, as these soldiers are part of those that are to hold
a treaty. Send this to the Committee--as soon as they receive it, let
the militia rise up and come to Fort Schuyler.
"To-morrow we are a-going to the Three Rivers [FN] to the treaty. We
expect to meet the warriors, and when we come there and declare we are
for peace, we expect to be used with indifference and sent away."
* * * * *
[FN] The junction of the Oneida, Seneca, and Oswego rivers--not "Three
Rivers" in Canada.
"Let all the troops that come to Fort Schuyler take care on their march,
as there is a party of Indians to stop the road below the fort, about
80 or 100. We hear they are to bring their cannon up Fish Creek. We hear
there is 1000 going to meet the enemy. We advise not--the army is too
large for so few men to defend the Fort--we send a belt of 8 rows to
confirm the truth of what we say.
"It looks likely to me the troops are near--hope all friends to liberty,
and that love their families, will not be backward, but exert themselves;
as one resolute blow would secure the friendship of the Six Nations, and
almost free this part of the country from the incursions of the
enemy." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. letter among the papers of General Gansevoort. Thomas Spencer
was a blacksmith, who had resided among the Cayugas, and was greatly
beloved by the Indians.--_Letter from General Schuyler to Colonel
Dayton--Gansevoort papers._
The certainty that the invaders were thus approaching, the earnestness
of the appeals of the Committee to the patriotism of the people, the
influence of the proclamation of the German General, who was a much
better man than officer, save only in the single attribute of courage;
and, above all, the positive existence of a common danger from which
there was no escape; were circumstances, together, not without their
effect. And although the eleventh hour had arrived, yet the militia, and
all upon whom the call to arms had been made, now began to move with a
degree of alacrity and an exhibition of spirit that went far to atone
for the unpatriotic, if not craven, symptoms already noticed.
Meantime, having completed his organization at Oswego, General St. Leger
commenced his march upon Fort Schuyler, moving by the route already
indicated, though with great circumspection. The name of this place of
rendezvous has already recurred more than once, or twice, in the
preceding pages. Its position was important, and it had been a place of
renown in the earlier wars of the Colony. The river bearing the same
name, which here pours Northwardly into Lake Ontario, is the outlet both
of the Oneida and Seneca rivers, through which, and their tributary
streams, it is connected with the chain of small lakes bearing the names
of Oneida, Cazenovia, Skaneateles, Owasco, Cayuga, Seneca, and
Canandaigua. Its estuary, of course, forms the natural opening into the
rich district of country surrounding those lakes, which, down to the
period of the present history, contained the principal towns of four of
the Five Nations of Indians. During the wars between the French and
Five Nations, Oswego was repeatedly occupied by the armies of the former.
It was here that Count Frontenac landed, on his invasion of the Onondaga
country in 1692, at which time, or subsequently, a considerable military
work was erected on the western side of the river. During the war with
France, which was closed in America by the conquest of Canada, it was
in the occupancy of the Provincials and English. The expedition destined
to descend the St. Lawrence upon Montreal, was assembled at this point
in 1759, after the fall of Niagara, under General Shirley and Sir William
Johnson, The army was encamped here several weeks, and finally broke up
without attempting its main object--owing, as Sir William Johnson
intimates in his private diary, to a want of energy on the part of
Shirley. After the fall of Quebec and Montreal into the hands of the
English, a battalion of the 55th regiment was stationed at Oswego, under
Major Duncan, a brother of the naval hero of Camperdown. A new and far
more formidable work was constructed upon the Eastern or North-eastern
promontory, formed by the embouchure of the river into the lake. The new
position was far better chosen for a fortress than the old; and,
ultimately, before the Britons were dispossessed of it by the Americans,
it became a work of somewhat formidable strength and dimensions. The
situation is one of the most beautiful that can be imagined; and during
the two or three years in which Major Duncan was in command, by the
cultivation of a large garden, the laying out and improving of a
bowling-green, and other pleasure-grounds, it was rendered a little
paradise in the wilderness. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See Mrs. Grant's delightful book--"Memoirs of an American Lady,"
chapters xliv. to xlvii. inclusive.
All told, the army of St. Leger consisted of seventeen hundred
men--Indians included. These latter were led by Thayendanegea. The order
of their march, as beautifully drawn and colored, was subsequently taken,
with the escritoire of the commanding General, and will be found on the
subsequent page, accurately copied and engraved. The advance of the main
body, it will be seen, was formed of Indians, marching in five Indian
columns; that is, in single files, at large distances from each other,
and four hundred and sixty paces in front of the line. From these columns
of Indians, files were stretched at a distance often paces from each
other, forming a line of communication with the advanced guard of the
line, which was one hundred paces in front of the column. The right and
left flanks were covered by Indians at one hundred paces, forming
likewise lines of communication with the main body. The King's regiment
moved from the left by Indian file, while the 34th moved in the same
order from the right. The rear-guard was formed of regular troops; while
the advance guard, composed of sixty marksmen, detached from Sir John
Johnson's regiment of Royal Greens, was led by Sir John's brother-in-law,
Captain Watts. Each corps was likewise directed to have ten chosen
marksmen in different parts of its line, in case of attack, to be pushed
forward to any given point as circumstances might require. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. directions found among the captured papers of St. Leger.
[Illustration: St. Leger's Order of March.]
From these extraordinary precautions, it may well be inferred that
General St. Leger, who probably acted much under the advice of Sir John
Johnson and the refugee Provincials, who must have been best acquainted
with the country and the character of the enemy they were going to
encounter, was not a little apprehensive of an attack by surprise while
on his march.
In addition to the arrangements already indicated, a detachment from the
8th regiment, with a few Indians, was sent a day or more in advance,
under the command of Lieutenant Bird. This officer pushed forward with
spirit, but was somewhat annoyed by the insubordination and independent
action of his allies. The following extracts from his private diary [FN]
will not only disclose his own embarrassments, but illustrate the
character of Indian warriors acting in concert with regular troops:--
* * * * *
[FN] MS. Diary of Lt. Henry Bird, captured from Gen. St. Leger by Col.
Gansevoort.
"_Tuesday,_ 28_th July,_ 1777.--After going two miles, and no savages
coming up, waited two hours for them. Sixteen Senecas arriving, proceeded
to the Three Rivers [FN]--waited there two hours--seventy or eighty
Messesaugues coming up, I proposed moving forward. They had stolen two
oxen from the drove of the army, and would not advance, but stayed to
feast. I advanced without Indians seven miles farther--in all nineteen
miles. Posted four sentinels all night from a sergeant's guard of twelve
men--relieved every hour--visited every half hour. All fires put out at
9 o'clock."
* * * * *
[FN] The junction of the Oneida, Seneca, and Oswego rivers.
"_Wednesday_--Set off next morning at six, having waited for the savages
till that time, though none arrived. Ordered the boats to keep seventy
rods behind each other--half the men keeping their arms in their hands,
while the other half rowed. Ordered, on any of the boats being fired
upon, that the men should jump ashore. The rest to support them with all
expedition. Rowed all night. Encamped at Nine Mile Point.
"_Thursday, July_ 30.--With twenty-seven Senecas and nine Messesaugues
joined Mr. Hair's party. [FN] Many savages being with us, proceeded to
Wood Creek, a march of fifteen miles. . . ."
* * * * *
[FN] Lieut. Hair--afterward killed.
"_Friday._--The savages hinted an intention to send parties to Fort
Stanwix, but to proceed in a body no farther. I called a council of the
chiefs--told them I had orders to approach near the fort--that if they
would accompany me, I should be content; but if they would not go, I
should take the white people under my command, and proceed myself. The
Messesaugues said they would go with me. The Senecas said I had promised
to be advised by their chiefs--that it was their way to proceed with
caution. I answered, that I meant only as to fighting in the bush, but
that I had communicated my intentions to them in the former camp, of
preventing them [the Americans meaning] from stopping the creek, [FN] and
investing their fort. But since I had promised to be advised by them, I
would take it so far as to wait till next morning--and would then
certainly march by daybreak. After some counseling, they seemed pleased
with what I had said, and said they would send out large scouts to
prepare the way. Accordingly eight-teen or twenty set off this evening."
* * * * *
[FN] General Schuyler had directed the commanding officer of Fort
Stanwix to obstruct the navigation of Wood Creek by felling trees
therein.
On the 2d of August, however, Bird wrote back to his General that no
savages would advance with him except Henriques, a Mohawk, and one other
of the Six Nations, an old acquaintance of his. The letter
continues:--"Those two, Sir, I hope to have the honor to present to you.
A savage, who goes by the name of Commodore Bradley, was the chief cause
of their not advancing to-day. Twelve Messesaugues came up two or three
hours after my departure. Those, with the scout of fifteen I had the
honor to mention to you in my last, are sufficient to invest Fort
Stanwix, if you favor me so far as not to order to the contrary." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. of the original letter, among the Gansevoort papers.
St. Leger received this letter on the same day, at Nine Mile Point,
whence he immediately despatched the following reply:--
"General St. Leger to Lieut. Bird.
_Nine Mile Point, Aug._ 2, 1777.
"Sir,
"I this instant received your letter containing the account of your
operations since you were detached, which I with great pleasure tell you
have been sensible and spirited; your resolution of investing Fort
Stanwix is perfectly right; and to enable you to do it with greater
effect, I have detached Joseph [Thayendanegea] and his corps of Indians
to reinforce you. You will observe that I will have nothing but an
investiture made; and in case the enemy, observing the discretion and
judgment with which it is made, should offer to capitulate, you are to
tell them that you are sure I am well disposed to listen to them; this is
not to take any honor out of a young soldier's hands, but by the presence
of the troops to prevent the barbarity and carnage which will ever obtain
where Indians make so superior a part of a detachment; I shall move from
hence at eleven o'clock, and be early in the afternoon at the entrance
of the creek.
"I am, Sir, your most obt. and humble ser't.
Barry St. Leger."
"_Lieut. Bird, 8th reg't._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. of the original letter, among the Gansevoort papers,--Vide,
also, Campbell's Annals.
The investment of the fort was made by Lieut. Bird forthwith--Brant
arriving to his assistance at the same time. But the result of the siege
that followed proved that the British commander had grievously
miscalculated the spirit of the garrison of Fort Stanwix, in his
anticipations of a speedy capitulation. Still, his prudential order, the
object of which was to prevent an unnecessary sacrifice of life at the
hands of his Indian allies, calculating, of course, upon an easy victory,
was not the less commendable on that account.
The situation of Fort Stanwix itself--or rather Fort Schuyler, as it must
now be called--next demands attention. At the beginning of the year, as
we have already seen, the post was commanded by Colonel Elmore of the
State service. The term of that officer expiring in April, Colonel Peter
Gansevoort, also of the State troops, was designated as Colonel Elmore's
successor, by an order from General Gates, dated the 26th of that month.
Notwithstanding the labors of Colonel Drayton, in repairing the works,
the preceding year, Colonel Gansevoort found them in such a state of
dilapidation, that they were not only indefensible, but untenable. A
brisk correspondence ensued between that officer and General Schuyler
upon the subject, from which it is manifest that, to say nothing of the
miserable condition of his defences, with the prospect of an invasion
from the West before him, his situation was in other respects
sufficiently deplorable. He had but a small number of men, and many of
those were sick by reason of destitution. [FN-1] Added to all which was
the responsibility of the Indian relations confided to him by special
order of General Schuyler on the 9th of June. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letters among the Gansevoort papers.
[FN-2] "You will keep up a friendly intercourse with the Indians, and
suffer no speeches to be made to them by any person not employed in the
Indian Department; and when you have occasion to speak to them, let your
speech be written, and a copy transmitted to me, that the Commissioners
may be informed of every transaction with those people."--_Schuyler's
letter to Colonel Gansevoort._ Colonel G. lost no time in holding a
council with such of the chiefs and warriors as yet remained friendly,
and he seems to have fully acquired their confidence. He delivered a
sensible speech on the occasion, but it contains nothing requiring
farther note.
Colonel Marinus Willett was soon afterward directed to join the garrison
at Fort Schuyler with his regiment, and most fortunate was the selection
of such an officer as Willett to cooperate with such another as
Gansevoort; since all the skill, and energy, and courage of both were
necessary for the situation. The work itself was originally a square
fort, with four bastions, surrounded by a ditch of considerable width
and depth, with a covert way and glacis around three of its angles; the
other being sufficiently secured by low, marshy ground. In front of the
gate there had been a drawbridge, covered by a salient angle raised in
front of it on the glacis. In the centre of the ditch a row of
perpendicular pickets had been erected, with rows of horizontal pickets
fixed around the ramparts under the embrasures. But since the conclusion
of the French war, the fort had fallen into decay; the ditch was filled
up, and the pickets had rotted and fallen down; [FN-1] nor had any
suitable progress been made in its reparation. Immediate exertions,
energetic and unremitting, were necessary to repair, or rather to renew
and reconstruct, the works, and place them in a posture of defence,
should the long anticipated invasion ensue from that quarter. A more
correct idea of the wretched condition of the post, even down to the
beginning of July, may be found from the annexed letter:--[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Willett's Narrative.
[FN-2] MS. copy, preserved among General Gansevoort's papers.
"Colonel Gansevoort to General Schuyler.
_Fort Schuyler, July_ 4_th,_ 1777.
"Sir,
"Having taken an accurate review of the state of the garrison, I think
it is incumbent on me to inform your Excellency by express of our present
circumstances. Every possible assistance is given to Captain Marquizee,
to enable him to carry on such works as are deemed absolutely necessary
for the defence of the garrison. The soldiers are constantly at
work--even such of them as come off guard are immediately turned out to
fatigue. But I cannot conceal from your Excellency the impossibility of
attending fully to all the great objects pointed out in the orders issued
to the commanding officer on the station, without farther assistance.
Sending out sufficient parties of observation, felling the timber into
Wood Creek, clearing the road from Fort Dayton, which is so embarrassed,
in many parts, as to be impassable, and prosecuting, at the same time,
the internal business of the garrison, are objects of the greatest
importance, which should, if possible, be immediately considered. But
while no exertions compatible with the circumstances we are in, and
necessary to give your Excellency satisfaction with respect to all these
interesting matters, shall be omitted, I am very sensible it is not in
our power to get over some capital obstructions without a reinforcement.
The enclosed return, and the difficulties arising from the increasing
number of hostile Indians, will show to your Excellency the grounds of
my opinion. One hundred and fifty men would be needed speedily and
effectually to obstruct Wood Creek; an equal number will be necessary to
guard the men at work in felling and hauling of timber. Such a deduction
from our number, together with smaller deductions for scouting parties,
would scarcely leave a man in the garrison, which might therefore be
easily surprised by a contemptible party of the enemy. The number of
inimical Indians increases. On the affair of last week only two made
their appearance. Yesterday a party of at least forty, supposed to be
Butler's emissaries, attacked Ensign Sporr with sixteen privates, who
were out on fatigue, cutting turf about three quarters of a mile from
the fort. One soldier was brought in dead and inhumanly mangled; two were
brought in wounded--one of them slightly and the other mortally. Six
privates and Mr. Sporr are missing. Two parties were immediately sent
to pursue the enemy, but they returned without being able to come up with
them. This success will, no doubt, encourage them to send out a greater
number; and the intelligence they may possibly acquire, will probably
hasten the main body destined to act against us in these parts. Our
provision is greatly diminished by reason of the spoiling of the beef,
and the quantities that must be given from time to time to the Indians.
It will not hold out above six weeks. Your Excellency will perceive, in
looking over Captain Savage's return of the state of the artillery, that
some essential articles are very scarce. As a great number of the
gun-bullets do not suit the fire-locks, some bullet-moulds of different
sizes for casting others, would be of great advantage to us. Our stock
of powder is absolutely too little; a ton, in addition to what we have,
is wanted as the lowest proportion for the shot we have on hand. We will,
notwithstanding every difficulty, exert ourselves to the utmost of our
power; and if your Excellency will be pleased to order a speedy
reinforcement, with a sufficient supply of provision and ammunition to
enable us to hold out a siege, we will, I hope, by the blessing of God,
be able to give a good account of any force that will probably come
against us."
The picture is gloomy enough; and was rendered the more so from the
mistakes of the engineer, a Frenchman, who had been employed by General
Schuyler, and whom it was ultimately found necessary to arrest and send
back to head-quarters. [FN] Colonel Willett had from the first doubted the
capacity of Marquizee, and after his dismissal the work proceeded for the
most part under his own immediate direction.
* * * * *
[FN] Willett's Narrative.
The garrison had likewise other difficulties to encounter. With the
gathering of St. Leger's motley forces at Oswego, preparatory to his
descent upon the Mohawk, the Indians, as has already been seen by
Gansevoort's letter, began to appear in scouting parties in the
circumjacent forests. The utmost caution was therefore necessary on
leaving the fort, even for a short distance. It was during this critical
period that the familiar incident of Captain Gregg and his faithful dog
occurred, of which the following brief account was given by Colonel
Gansevoort:--
"Col. Gansevoort to Gen. Schuyler, (Extract.)
_Fort Schuyler, June_ 26, 1777.
"I am sorry to inform your Honor that Captain Gregg and Corporal Madison,
of my regiment, went out a gunning yesterday morning, contrary to orders.
It seems they went out just after breakfast, and at about 10 o'clock
Corporal Madison was killed and scalped. Captain Gregg was shot through
his back, tomahawked and scalped, and is still alive. He informs me that
the misfortune happened about ten o'clock in the morning. He looked at
his watch after he was scalped. He saw but two Indians. He was about one
mile and a half from the fort, and was not discovered until two o'clock
in the afternoon. I immediately sent out a party and had him brought into
the fort, just after three o'clock; also the corpse of Madison. Gregg is
perfectly in his senses, and speaks strong and hearty, notwithstanding
that his recovery is doubtful." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. of the original draught, among Col. Gansevoort's papers.
There was little of romance in Colonel Gansevoort, and he related the
incident with military brevity. The story, however, has often been told,
with a variety of amplifications, particularly in regard to the wounded
soldier's faithful dog, to whose affectionate sagacity he is said to have
been indebted for his discovery, if not his life. According to the
narrative of President Dwight, it appears that Gregg and his companion
had been seduced into a fatal disobedience of orders, by the clouds of
pigeons appearing in the adjoining woods. Immediately upon their fall,
the Indians rushed upon them for their scalps, which they took--giving
each a simultaneous cut upon the head with their tomahawks. The corporal
had been killed by the shot, but Captain Gregg was only wounded. [FN]
Feigning death, however, he had the presence of mind, and the fortitude,
to submit to the subsequent torture without betraying himself by a groan
or the quivering of a muscle. The Indians departing immediately, Captain
Gregg crawled to his lifeless companion, and pillowed his head upon his
body; while his faithful dog ran to a place at no great distance thence,
where two men were engaged in fishing, and by his imploring looks and
significant actions, induced them to follow him to the spot where lay his
wounded master. Hastening to the fort, the fishermen reported what they
had seen, and a party of soldiers being forthwith despatched to the
place, the bodies of the wounded and the dead were speedily brought into
the garrison, as we have seen from the Colonel's official account.
Captain Gregg was severely wounded, independently of the scalping; and
his case was for a long time critical.
* * * * *
[FN] It has been asserted in history, that St. Leger encouraged these
isolated murders by large bounties for scalps. Twenty dollars is said to
have been the price he paid; but his despatch to Lieut. Bird, before
cited, does not corroborate the charge of such inhumanity. That despatch
was a private document, moreover, not written for the light, or for
effect, and must therefore be received as true. It was found among Col.
Gansevoort's papers.
The friendly Indians, then chiefly, if not exclusively, Oneidas, though
still acting and speaking in the name of the Six Nations, presented an
address of condolence to Colonel Gansevoort on this occasion, to which
the latter made a suitable reply, which alone has been preserved, and
reads as follows:--
"Brother Warriors of the Six Nations: I thank you for your good talk.
"Brothers: You tell us you are sorry for the cruel usage of Captain
Gregg, and the murder of one of our warriors; that you would have
immediately pursued the murderers, had not General Schuyler, General
Gates, and the French General, desired you not to take any part in this
war; and that you have obeyed their orders, and are resolved to do so.
I commend your good inclination and intention.
"Brothers: You say you have sent a runner to the Six Nations, to inform
them of what has happened, and that you expect some of your chiefs will
look into the affair, and try to find out the murderers. You have done
well. I shall be glad to smoke a pipe with your chiefs, and hope they
will do as they speak.
"Brothers: I hope the mischief has been done, not by any of our good
friends of the Oneida nation, but by the Tories, who are enemies to you
as well as to us, and who are ready to murder yourselves, your wives, and
children, if you will not be as wicked as themselves.
"Brothers: When your chiefs shall convince me that Indians of the Six
Nations have had no hand in this wicked thing, and shall use means to
find out the murderers and bring them to justice, you may be assured that
we will strengthen the chain of friendship, and embrace you as our good
brothers. I will not suffer any of our warriors to hurt you."
The address contained two or three additional paragraphs in reference to
other subjects. Captain Gregg recovered, and resumed his duties; and
having served to the end of the war, lived many years afterward.
Another tragic incident occurred at nearly the same time. About noon, on
the 3d of July, the day being perfectly clear. Colonel Willet was
startled from his siesta by the report of musketry. Hastening to the
parapet of the glacis, he saw a little girl running with a basket in her
hand, while the blood was trickling down her bosom. On investigating the
facts, it appeared that the girl, with two others, was picking berries,
not two hundred yards from the fort, when they were fired upon by a party
of Indians, and two of the number killed. Happily, she who only was left
to tell the tale, was but slightly wounded. One of the girls killed, was
the daughter of an invalid, who had served many years in the British
artillery. He was entitled to a situation in Chelsea Hospital, but had
preferred rather to remain in the cultivation of a small piece of ground
at Fort Stanwix, than again to cross the ocean. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Willett's Narrative.
By the middle of July, the Indians hovering about the fort became so
numerous, and so bold, as to occasion great annoyance. Large parties of
soldiers could only venture abroad on the most pressing emergencies; and
even one of these was attacked, several of its numbers killed and
wounded, and the officer in command taken prisoner. The force of the
garrison, at this time, consisted of about five hundred and fifty
men--ill-supplied, as we have already seen, both with provisions and
munitions of war. Fortunately, however, on the 2d of August, the very
day of the investiture of the fort by the advance of St. Leger's army
under Thayendanegea and Bird, Lieutenant Colonel Mellon, of Colonel
Weston's regiment, arrived with two hundred men, and two batteaux of
provisions and military stores. Not a moment was lost in conveying these
opportune supplies into the fort. Delay would, indeed, have been
dangerous; for at the instant the last loads arrived at the fort, the
enemy appeared on the skirt of the forest, so near to the boats, that
the captain who commanded them became their prisoner. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Willett's Narrative.
The command of Colonel Gansevoort now consisted of seven hundred and
fifty men, all told; and upon examination it was ascertained that they
had provisions for six weeks--with fixed ammunition enough for the small
arms. But for the cannon they were lamentably deficient--having barely
enough for nine rounds per diem during the period specified. A besieging
army was before the fort, and its garrison was without a flag! But as
necessity is the mother of invention, they were not long thus destitute.
Stripes of white were cut from ammunition shirts; blue from a camblet
cloak captured from the enemy; while the red was supplied from such odds
and ends of clothes of that hue as were at hand. [FN] And, thus furnished,
commenced the celebrated defence of Fort Schuyler.
* * * * *
[FN] Idem.
Such was the condition of Fort Schuyler at the commencement of the
memorable siege of 1777--an event, with its attending circumstances,
forming an important feature in the Northern border warfare of the
Revolution, Colonel St. Leger [FN-1] himself arrived before the fort on
the 3d of August, with his whole force--a motley collection of British
regulars, Hessian auxiliaries, New-York loyalists, usually denominated
"Johnson's Greens," together with numbers of the Canadians, and the
Indians under Thayendanegea. Sir John Johnson, and Colonels Claus and
Butler, [FN-2] were also engaged with him in the expedition. A flag was
sent into the fort on the morning of that day, with a copy of a rather
pompous proclamation from St. Leger, which, it was probably supposed,
from its vaunting threats and lavish promises, might produce a strong
impression upon the garrison. "The forces intrusted to my command are
designed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, with the
numerous armies and fleets which already display, in every quarter of
America, the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy
of the King." So commenced the proclamation. After denouncing "the
unnatural rebellion" as having already been made the "foundation for the
completest system of tyranny that ever God in his displeasure suffered
for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation," and
charging that "arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property,
persecution and torture, unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Roman
church, were among the palpable enormities that verified the
affirmation"--and after denouncing "the profanation of religion," and
other "shocking proceedings" of the civil authorities and committees in
rebellion, the proclamation proceeded--"animated by these considerations;
at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline, and
valor; determined to strike where necessary, and anxious to spare when
possible, I, by these presents, invite and exhort all persons in all
places where the progress of this army may point, and by the blessing of
God I will extend it far, to maintain such a conduct as may justify me
in protecting their lands, habitations, and families." The object of his
address was to hold forth security, and not depredation; he offered
employment to those who would join his standard; security to the infirm
and industrious; and payment in coin for all the supplies the people
would bring to his camp. In conclusion, he said--"If, notwithstanding
these endeavors, and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of
hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of
God and men, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the State
against the willful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath
await them in the field; and devastation, famine, and every concomitant
horror that a reluctant, but indispensable prosecution of military duty
must occasion, will bar the way to their return." [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] It is difficult, from the books, to determine what was at that
time the precise rank of St. Leger. He has usually been called a
Brigadier General. By some contemporary writers he was called Colonel
St. Leger. But in General Burgoyne's despatches to Lord George Germaine,
of August 20, 1777, he is repeatedly denominated Lieutenant-Colonel St.
Leger. He is also called Colonel St. Leger by Bissett. But he,
nevertheless, signed his name as a Brigadier-General in a letter to
Col. Gansevoort, on the 9th of August.
[FN-2] At the breaking out of the war, John Butler was
Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment of the Tryon County militia, of which
Guy Johnson was the Colonel and Jelles Fonda the Major. Sir John had
been commissioned a General after the decease of his father.
[FN-3] For the proclamation, entire, see Appendix No. III. It is a copy,
or nearly so, of the proclamation almost simultaneously issued by
General Burgoyne, announcing his approach from Lake Champlain.
This manifesto, however, produced no effect, then or afterward. The siege
had been anticipated, and the brave garrison, officers and men, had
counted the cost and determined to defend the fortress to the last.
Accordingly, hostilities commenced actively on the morning of the
following day. The Indians, concealing themselves behind clumps of
shrubbery and stumps of trees, annoyed the men who were employed in
raising the parapets not a little with their rifles. Several were
wounded; and it was found necessary immediately to station sharpshooters
at suitable points, to watch opportunities, and fire in return. The 5th
was spent in much the same manner, with the addition of the throwing of
a few shells by the enemy--several of which fell within the fort, and
some in the barracks. "On the evening of this day, soon after it was
dark, the Indians, who were at least one thousand in number, spread
themselves through the woods, completely encircling the fort, and
commenced a terrible yelling, which was continued at intervals the
greater part of the night." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Willett's Narrative.
Having thus commenced his operations, Colonel St. Leger found means of
conveying the intelligence to General Burgoyne--not for a moment
anticipating the distressing circumstances in which the Northern
Commander-in-chief already found himself involved, though but mid-way
in the career of victory. Harassed incessantly by the foes he had
vanquished; unable to obtain supplies, except by sending back for them
to Fort George, in which service his troops were already greatly
fatigued; not one third of his horses arrived from Canada; the roads
excessively bad, and rendered all but impassable by a deluge of rain;
with only four days of provisions on hand; the vaunting General, who had
boasted in the British capital that, with ten thousand men, he could
march through the whole rebel country at pleasure, already found himself
in an unenviable situation. But on learning the advance of General St.
Leger, he instantly and justly considered that a rapid movement forward,
at this critical juncture, would be of the utmost importance. If the
retreating Americans should proceed up the Mohawk with a view of
relieving Fort Schuyler, in the event of St. Leger's success against that
place they would place themselves between two fires; or perhaps Burgoyne
supposed that were such a movement to be made on the part of the
Americans, he might yet throw his army between them and Albany, and thus
compel them either to stand a general engagement or to strike off to the
right, and by recrossing the Hudson higher up, secure a retreat into New
England. If, on the other hand, the Americans should abandon Fort
Schuyler to its fate, and themselves fall back upon Albany, he argued
that the Mohawk country would of course be entirely laid open to him;
his junction with St. Leger established, and the combined army be at
liberty to select its future line of operation. [FN] But his supplies were
inadequate to such an extensive operation, and his army was too weak to
allow him to keep up such a chain of posts as would enable him to bring
them up daily from the _depot_ at Lake George. With a view, therefore,
of obtaining immediate relief, and of opening a new source of supply,
especially of cattle, from the upper settlements of New England, the
expedition to Bennington, the place of deposite of provisions for the
Provincial forces, was planned, and committed to a detachment of the
Hessian troops, under Colonel Baum, for execution. The signal failure
of this expedition was calculated still farther both to embarrass and
depress the invaders; while the brilliant success of the militia under
General Starke on that occasion, proving, as it had done, that neither
English nor German troops were invincible, revived the drooping spirits
of the disheartened; re-inspired the people with confidence of ultimate
success; and was the source of universal exultation.
* * * * *
[FN] London Universal Magazine.
The progress of events brings us back to the lower Valley of the Mohawk.
No sooner was the advance of St. Leger upon Fort Schuyler known to the
Committee and officers of Tryon County, than General Herkimer, in
conformity with the proclamation heretofore cited, summoned the militia
of his command to the field, for the purpose of marching to the succor
of the garrison. Notwithstanding the despondency that had prevailed in
the early part of the Summer, the call was nobly responded to, not only
by the militia, but by the gentlemen of the County, and most of the
members of the Committee, who entered the field either as officers or
private volunteers. The fears so generally and so recently indulged
seemed all to have vanished with the arrival of the invader, and the
General soon found himself at the head of between eight hundred and a
thousand men, all eager for action and impatient of delay. Their place
of rendezvous was at Fort Dayton, (German Flats,) in the upper section
of the Mohawk Valley--and the most beautiful. The regiments were those
of Colonels Klock, Visscher, Cox, and one or two others, augmented by
volunteers and volunteer officers, who were pushing forward as though
determined at all hazards to redeem the character of the county. Indeed,
their proceedings were by far too impetuous, since they hurried forward
in their march without order or precaution, without adequate flanking
parties, and without reconnoitering the ground over which they were to
pass. They moved from Fort Dayton on the 4th, and on the 5th reached the
neighborhood of Oriskany, [FN-1] where they encamped. From this point an
express [FN-2] was sent forward by General Herkimer to apprise Colonel
Gansevoort of his approach, and to concert measures of co-operation. The
arrival of the express at the fort was to be announced by three
successive discharges of cannon, the report of which, it was supposed,
would be distinctly heard at Oriskany--only eight miles distant. Delays,
however, intervened, so that the messengers did not reach the fort until
ten or eleven o'clock on the following morning; previous to which the
camp of the enemy being uncommonly silent, a portion of their troops had
been observed by the garrison to be moving along the edge of the woods
down the river, in the direction of the Oriskany Creek. [FN-3] The
concerted signals were immediately fired; [FN-4] and as the proposition
of Herkimer was to force a passage to the fort, arrangements were
immediately made by Colonel Gansevoort to effect a diversion of the
enemy's attention, by making a sally from the fort upon the hostile
camp, for which purpose two hundred men were detailed, consisting one
half of Gansevoort's, and one half of the Massachusetts troops, and one
field-piece--an iron three pounder. The execution of the enterprise was
entrusted to Colonel Willett. [FN-5]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Probably the site of Whitestown. One of the MS. narratives in
the author's possession says they crossed the river at old Fort Schuyler
(now Utica.)
[FN-2] Adam Hehner accompanied by two other men.
[FN-3] Letter of Colonel Willett to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut.
[FN-4] MS. of Captain Henry Seeber, in the author's possession. See,
also, Willett's Narrative.
[FN-5] Willett's letter to Governor Trumbull. The officers serving in
this detachment were Captain Van Benschoten and Lieutenant Stockwell,
who led the advance guard; Captains Allen, (of Massachusetts,) Bleecker,
Johnson, and Swartwout; Lieutenants Diefendorf, Conyne, Bogardus,
McClenner, and Ball; Ensigns Chase, Bailey, Lewis, Denniston, Magee,
and Arnent. The rear-guard was commanded by Major Badlam.
It appears that on the morning of that day, which was the 6th of August,
General Herkimer had misgivings as to the propriety of advancing any
farther without first receiving reinforcements. His officers, however,
were eager to press forward. A consultation was held, in which some of
the officers manifested much impatience at any delay, while the General
still urged them to remain where they were until reinforcements could
come up, or at least until the signal of a sortie should be received from
the fort. High words ensued, during which Colonels Cox and Paris, and
many others, denounced their commander to his face as a Tory and coward.
The brave old man calmly replied that he considered himself placed over
them as a father, and that it was not his wish to lead them into any
difficulty from which he could not extricate them. Burning, as they now
seemed, to meet the enemy, he told them roundly that they would run at
his first appearance. [FN-1] But his remonstrances were unavailing. Their
clamor increased, and their reproaches were repeated, until, stung by
imputations of cowardice and a want of fidelity to the cause, [FN-2] and
somewhat irritated withal, the General immediately gave the order--"March
on!" [FN-3] The words were no sooner heard than the troops gave a shout,
and moved, or rather rushed forward. They marched in files of two deep,
preceded by an advanced guard and keeping flanks upon each side. [FN-4]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Travels of President Dwight, vol. iii. p. 192.
[FN-2] MS. statement of George Walter, in possession of the author; also
of Henry Seeber.
[FN-3] Statement of Adam Miller, in possession of the author.
[FN-4] It has been charged by most writers that even these ordinary
precautions were not observed. Miller and Walter, however, both assert
the fact.
Having, by 10 o'clock, proceeded rapidly forward to the distance of only
two or three miles, [FN-1] the guards, both front and flanks, were
suddenly shot down, the forest rang with the war-whoops of a savage foe,
and in an instant the greater part of the division found itself in the
midst of a formidable ambuscade. Colonel St. Leger, it appeared, having
heard of the advance of General Herkimer, in order to prevent an attack
in his intrenchments, had detached a division of Sir John Johnson's
regiment of Greens, under Sir John's brother-in-law, Major Watts, Colonel
Butler with his Rangers, and Joseph Brant with a strong body of Indians,
to intercept his approach. [FN-2] With true Indian sagacity, Thayendanegea
had selected a position admirably fitted for his purpose, which was, to
draw the Americans, whom he well knew to be approaching in no very good
military array, into an ambuscade. The locality favored his design. There
was a deep ravine crossing the path which Herkimer with his undisciplined
array was traversing, "sweeping toward the East in a semi-circular form,
and bearing a Northern and Southern direction. The bottom of this ravine
was marshy, and the road crossed it by means of a causeway. The ground,
thus partly enclosed by the ravine, was elevated and level. The ambuscade
was laid upon the high ground west of the ravine." [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] The battle ground is about two miles west of Oriskany, and six
from Whitesborough.
[FN-2] In every account of this battle which has fallen under the
author's observation, excepting that of Colonel Willett, Sir John
Johnson is made the British commander at this battle. He was not in it
at all, as will appear a few pages forward. Even the cautious and
inquisitive President Dwight falls into the error, and carries it
through his whole account.
[FN-3] Campbell's Annals.
The enemy had disposed himself adroitly, in a circle, leaving only a
narrow segment open for the admission of the ill-starred Provincials on
their approach. The stratagem was successful. Unconscious of the presence
of the foe, Herkimer, with his whole army excepting the rear-guard,
composed of Colonel Visscher's regiment, found himself encompassed at
the first fire--the enemy closing up the gap at the instant of making
himself known. By thus early completing the circle, the baggage and
ammunition wagons, which had just descended into the ravine, were cut
off and separated from the main body, as also was the regiment of Colonel
Visscher, yet on the Eastern side of the ravine; which, as their general
had predicted, instantly and ingloriously fled, leaving their companions
to their fate. They were pursued, however, by a portion of the Indians,
and suffered more severely, probably, than they would have done, had they
stood by their fellows in the hour of need, either to conquer or to fall.
Being thrown into irretrievable disorder by the suddenness of the
surprise and the destructiveness of the fire, which was close and brisk
from every side, the division was for a time threatened with
annihilation. At every opportunity the savages, concealed behind the
trunks of trees, darted forward with knife and tomahawk to ensure the
destruction of those who fell; and many and fierce were the conflicts
that ensued hand to hand. The veteran Herkimer fell, wounded, in the
early part of the action--a musket ball having passed through and killed
his horse, and shattered his own leg just below the knee. [FN-1] The
General was placed upon his saddle, however, against the trunk of a tree
for his support, and thus continued to order the battle. Colonel Cox,
and Captains Davis and Van Sluyck, were severally killed near the
commencement of the engagement; and the slaughter of their broken ranks,
from the rifles of the Tories and the spears and tomahawks of the
Indians, was dreadful. But even in this deplorable situation the wounded
General, his men dropping like leaves around him, and the forest
resounding with the horrid yells of the savages, ringing high and wild
over the din of battle, behaved with the most perfect firmness and
composure. The action had lasted about forty-five minutes in great
disorder, before the Provincials formed themselves into circles in order
to repel the attacks of the enemy, who were concentrating, and closing
in upon them from all sides. [FN-2] From this moment the resistance of
the Provincials was more effective, and the enemy attempted to charge
with the bayonet. The firing ceased for a time, excepting the scattering
discharges of musquetry from the Indians; and as the bayonets crossed,
the contest became a death struggle, hand to hand and foot to foot.
Never, however, did brave men stand a charge with more dauntless courage,
and the enemy for the moment seemed to recoil--just at the instant when
the work of death was arrested by a heavy shower of rain, which suddenly
broke upon the combatants with great fury. The storm raged for upward of
an hour, during which time the enemy sought such shelter as might be
found among the trees at a respectful distance; for they had already
suffered severely, notwithstanding the advantages in their favor.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Walton's MS. account.
[FN-2] The first movement of this kind was made by Jacob Seeber, without
orders, according to the narrative of Henry Seeber.
During this suspension of the battle, both parties had time to look
about, and make such new dispositions as they pleased for attack and
defence, on renewing the murderous conflict. The Provincials, under the
direction of their General, were so fortunate as to take possession of
an advantageous piece of ground, upon which his men formed themselves
into a circle, and as the shower broke away, awaited the movements of
the enemy. In the early part of the battle, the Indians, whenever they
saw a gun fired by a militia-man from behind a tree, rushed upon and
tomahawked him before he could re-load. In order to counteract this mode
of warfare, two men were stationed behind a single tree, one only to fire
at a time--the other reserving his fire until the Indians ran up as
before. [FN-1] The fight was presently renewed, and by the new
arrangement, and the cool execution done by the fire of the militia
forming the main circle, the Indians were made to suffer severely; so
much so, that they began to give way, when Major Watts [FN-2] came up
with a reinforcement, consisting of another detachment of Johnson's
Greens. [FN-3] These men were mostly loyalists, who had fled from Tryon
County, now returned in arms against their former neighbors. As no
quarrels are so bitter as those of families, so no wars are so cruel and
passionate as those called civil. Many of the Provincials and Greens were
known to each other; and as they advanced so near as to afford
opportunities of mutual recognition, the contest became, if possible,
more of a death struggle than before. Mutual resentments, and feelings
of hate and revenge, raged in their bosoms. The Provincials fired upon
them as they advanced, and then springing like chafed tigers from their
covers, attacked them with their bayonets and the butts of their muskets,
or both parties in closer contact throttled each other and drew their
knives; stabbing, and sometimes literally dying in one another's embrace.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Campbell's Annals.
[FN-2] Brother of the late venerable John Watts, of New-York.
[FN-3] Campbell. The enemy, as on the march from Oswego, had posted a
line of sentinels at short distances from each other, extending from
St. Leger's intrenchments to the scene of action; so that communications
could be interchanged rapidly, and at pleasure.
At length a firing was heard in the distance from the fort, a sound as
welcome to the Provincials as it was astounding to the enemy. Availing
themselves of the hint, however, a _ruse-de-guerre_ was attempted by
Colonel Butler, which had well-nigh proved fatal. It was the sending,
suddenly, from the direction of the fort, a detachment of the Greens
disguised as American troops, in the expectation that they might be
received as a timely reinforcement from the garrison. Lieutenant Jacob
Sammons was the first to descry their approach, in the direction of a
body of men commanded by Captain Jacob Gardenier--an officer who, during
that memorable day, performed prodigies of valor. Perceiving that their
hats were American, Sammons informed Captain Gardenier that succors from
the fort were coming up. The quick eye of the Captain detected the ruse,
and he replied--"Not so; they are enemies; don't you see their green
coats!" [FN-1] They continued to advance until hailed by Gardenier, at
which moment one of his own soldiers, observing an acquaintance, and
supposing him a friend, ran to meet him, and presented his hand. It was
grasped, but with no friendly gripe, as the credulous fellow was dragged
into the opposing line, and informed that he was a prisoner. He did not
yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watching the action and
the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from his spear leveled the
captor to the dust and liberated his man. [FN-2] Others of the foe
instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and wounded a third.
Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and one of his spurs
becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the ground. Still
contending, however, with almost super-human strength, both of his thighs
were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two of his assailants,
while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as if to thrust him
through. Seizing this bayonet with his left hand, by a sudden wrench he
brought its owner down upon himself, where he held him as a shield
against the arms of the others, until one of his own men, Adam
Miller, [FN-3] observing the struggle, flew to his rescue. As the
assailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his seat;
and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the bayonet
which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying by his side,
and quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side of the
assailant with whom he had been clenched. The man fell and
expired--proving to be Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalist officers
from Tryon County. All this transpired in far less time than is
necessarily occupied by the relation. While engaged in the struggle, some
of his own men called out to Gardenier--"for God's sake, Captain, you are
killing your own men." He replied--"they are not our men--they are the
enemy--fire away!" A deadly fire from the Provincials ensued, during
which about thirty of the Greens fell slain, and many Indian warriors.
The parties once more rushed upon each other with bayonet and spear,
grappling and fighting with terrible fury; while the shattering of shafts
and the clashing of steel mingled with every dread sound of war and death,
and the savage yells, more hideous than all, presented a scene which can
be more easily imagined than described. [FN-4] The unparalleled fortitude
and bravery of Captain Gardenier infused fresh spirits into his men, some
of whom enacted wonders of valor likewise. It happened during the _melee,_
in which the contending parties were mingled in great confusion, that
three of Johnson's Greens rushed within the circle of the Provincials,
and attempted to make prisoner of a Captain Dillenback. This officer had
declared he would never be taken alive, and he was not. One of his three
assailants seized his gun, but he suddenly wrenched it from him, and
felled him with the butt. He shot the second dead, and thrust the third
through with his bayonet. [FN-5] But in the moment of his triumph at an
exploit of which even the mighty Hector, or either of the sons of Zeruiah
might have been proud, a ball laid this brave man low in the dust.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Manuscript narrative of William Gardenier, in the possession of
the author.
[FN-2] Idem.
[FN-3] The same whose private narrative has already been cited.
[FN-4] MS. of William Gardenier. It was in reference to these individual
deeds of prowess, that the eloquent Gouveneur Morris thus spoke in his
address before the New-York Historical Society:--"Let me recall,
gentlemen, to your recollection, that bloody field in which Herkimer
fell. There was found the Indian and the white man born on the banks of
the Mohawk, their left hand clenched in each other's hair, the right
grasping in a gripe of death, the knife plunged in each other's bosom;
thus they lay frowning."
[FN-5] George Walter relates this incident, in his narrative, in the
possession of the author. Walter was himself a witness of the fact,
while lying wounded with two balls, by the side of General Herkimer.
Such a conflict as this could not be continued long; and the Indians,
perceiving with what ardor the Provincials maintained the fight, and
finding their own numbers sadly diminished, now raised the retreating cry
of _"Oonah!"_ and fled in every direction, under the shouts and hurrahs
of the surviving Provincials and, a shower of bullets. Finding, moreover,
from the firing at the fort, that, their presence was necessary elsewhere,
the Greens and Rangers now retreated precipitately, leaving the victorious
militia of Tryon County masters of the field. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It is an extraordinary fact, that every historian who has written
of the battle of Oriskany, has recorded it as a defeat of the
Provincials, from Marshall and Ramsay down, to say nothing of the British
chroniclers. Such was also the author's impression until he undertook the
present investigation. Captain Brant himself, in conversation with Samuel
Woodruff, Esq. admitted that they were the victors; and all the written
statements which the author has been able to procure from the survivors
of that battle, bear the same testimony.
Thus ended one of the severest, and, for the numbers engaged, one of the
most bloody battles of the Revolutionary war. Though victorious, the loss
of the Provincials was very heavy; and Tryon County long had reason to
mourn that day. Colonel Paris was taken prisoner by the enemy, and
afterward murdered by the Indians. Several other prisoners were also
killed by the savages, after they had been brought into Colonel Butler's
quarters; and, as it was said, by the Colonel's own tacit consent, if not
permission in terms. But the general character of that officer forbids the
imputation. [FN-1] Major John Frey, of Colonel Klock's regiment, was
likewise wounded and taken; and to show the more than savage fury burning
in the bosoms of the men brought into conflict on this occasion, the
disgraceful fact may be added, that his own brother, who was in the
British service, attempted to take his life after he had arrived in
Butler's camp. The Major saw his brother approaching in a menacing manner,
and called out--"Brother, do not kill me! Do you not know me?" But the
infuriated brother rushed forward, and the Major was only saved by the
interposition of others. [FN-2] The whole number of the Provincial militia
killed was two hundred, exclusive of wounded and lost as prisoners. Such,
at least, was the American report. The British statements claimed that
four hundred of the Americans were killed, and two hundred taken
prisoners. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] The late Doctor Moses Younglove, of Hudson, Columbia County, was
the surgeon of General Herkimer's brigade. He was taken prisoner in this
battle by a sergeant of Sir John Johnson's regiment. After his release he
made a deposition setting forth many grievous barbarities committed, both
by the Indians and Tories, upon the prisoners who fell into their hands
that day. They were cruelly tortured, several of them murdered; and, as
the Doctor had reason to believe, some of them were subsequently taken to
an island in Lake Ontario, and eaten. This is scarcely to be believed.
See Deposition of Dr. Younglove, Appendix No. IV.
[FN-2] MS. statement of Jacob Timmerman, in the author's possession.
[FN-3] "On the 5th I learned, from discovering parties on the Mohawk
river, that a body of one thousand militia were on their march to raise
the siege. On the confirmation of this news, I moved a large body of
Indians, with some troops, the same night, to lay in ambuscade for them
on their march. They fell into it. The completest victory was obtained.
Above four hundred lay dead on the field, amongst the number of whom were
almost all the principal movers of rebellion in that country."--_Letter
of Colonel St. Leger lo General Burgoyne, Aug,_ 11, 1777.
Retaining possession of the field, the survivors immediately set
themselves at work in constructing rude litters, upon which to bear off
the wounded. Between forty and fifty of these, among whom was the
commanding General, were removed in this manner. The brave old man,
notwithstanding the imprudence of the morning--imprudence in allowing a
premature movement at the dictation of his subordinates--had nobly
vindicated his character for courage during the day. Though wounded, as we
have seen, in the onset, he had borne himself during the six hours of
conflict, under the most trying circumstances, with a degree of fortitude
and composure worthy of all admiration. Nor was his example without effect
in sustaining his troops amid the perils by which they were environed. At
one time during the battle, while sitting upon his saddle raised upon a
little hillock, being advised to select a less exposed situation, he
replied--"I will face the enemy." Thus, "surrounded by a few men, he
continued to issue his orders with firmness. In this situation, and in the
heat of the onslaught, he deliberately took his tinder-box from his
pocket, lit his pipe, and smoked with great composure." [FN-1] At the
moment the soldiers were placing him on the litter, while adjusting the
blankets to the poles, three Indians approached, and were instantly shot
down by the unerring rifles of three of the militia. These were the last
shots fired in that battle. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Campbell. An officer, who was in the general staff at the battle
of Leipzig, has related to the author a very similar incident in the
conduct of old Blucher. He was not wounded; but he sat upon a hillock,
issuing his orders and smoking his pipe, while the cannon balls were
ploughing up the earth about him.
[FN-2] Narrative of Jacob Sammons, MS. The officers of the Tryon County
militia killed or wounded in this battle were as follows:--In Colonel
Frederick Visscher's regiment, Captains John Davis and Samuel Pettingill,
killed; Major Blauvelt and Lieut. Groat taken prisoners and never heard
of afterward; Captain Jacob Gardenier and Lieut. Samuel Gardenier
wounded. In Colonel Jacob Klock's regiment, Major John Eisenlord, and
Major Van Sluyck, and Captain Andrew Dillenback, killed; Captains
Christopher Fox and John Breadbeg, wounded; Brigade Major John Frey,
wounded and taken prisoner. In Colonel Peter Bellinger's regiment, Major
Enos Klepsattle, Captain Frederick Helmer, and Lieut. Petrie, were
killed. Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Bellinger and Henry Walradt were
taken prisoners. In Colonel Ebenezer Cox's regiment, Colonel Cox and
Lieut. Col. Hunt were killed; Captains Henry Diefendorf, and Robert
Crouse, and Jacob Bowman, killed. Captain Jacob Seeber and Lieut.
William Seeber mortally wounded. The surgeon, Moses Younglove, was taken
prisoner. Among the volunteers not belonging to the militia, who were
killed, were Isaac Paris, (then a member of the Legislature,) Samuel
Billington, John Dygert, and Jacob Snell, members of the Committee of
Safety. There was likewise a Captain Graves who fell, but to which
regiment he belonged the author has not ascertained.
The loss of the enemy in this engagement was equally, if not more severe,
than that of the Americans. The Greens and Rangers of Sir John Johnson and
Colonel Butler must have suffered badly, although no returns were given in
the contemporaneous accounts. Major Watts was severely wounded and left on
the field, as was supposed, among the slain. His death was reported by
Colonel Willett, in his letter to Governor Trumbull, and by other
authorities. But such was not the fact. Reviving from faintness produced
by loss of blood, some hours after the action, he succeeded in crawling to
a brook, where, by slaking his thirst, he was preserved from speedy death,
and in the course of two or three days was found by some Indian scouts,
and brought into St. Leger's camp. [FN-1] But the Indians were the most
roughly handled, they having lost nearly one hundred warriors, several of
whom were sachems in great favor. Frederick Sammons, who had been detached
upon a distant scout previous to the battle, returning some days
afterward, crossed the battle-field, where, he says--"I beheld the most
shocking sight I had ever witnessed. The Indians and white men were
mingled with one another, just as they had been left when death had first
completed his work. Many bodies had also been torn to pieces by wild
beasts." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] This statement respecting Major Watts was derived from the late
Mr. John Watts, of New-York, his brother. As mentioned in the text, St.
Leger, in his official report, did not state the number of his own killed
and wounded. Colonel Butler, however, wrote to Sir Guy Carleton--"Of the
New-Yorkers, Captain McDonald was killed, Captain Watts dangerously
wounded, and one subaltern. Of the Rangers, Captains Wilson and Hare
killed, and one private wounded. The Indians suffered much, having
thirty-three killed and twenty-nine wounded; the Senecas lost seventeen,
among whom were several of their chief warriors, and had sixteen wounded.
During the whole action the Indians showed the greatest zeal for his
Majesty's cause; and had they not been a little too precipitate, scarcely
a rebel of the party would have escaped. Most of the leading rebels are
cut off in the action, so that any farther attempts from that quarter
are not to be expected. Captain Watts, of the Royal New-Yorkers, whose
many amiable qualities deserved a better fate, lay wounded in three
places upon the field two days before he was found."--_Parliamentary
Register._
[FN-2] MS. narrative of Frederick Sammons, in the author's possession.
It has been affirmed that the Indians were persuaded to join in this
battle only with great difficulty, and not until they had been induced to
sacrifice their reason to their appetites. It was very manifest that
during the action many of them were intoxicated. The consequence was, that
they suffered more severely than ever before. [FN-1] According to the
narrative of Mary Jemison, the Indians, (at least the Senecas,) were
deceived into the campaign. "They were sent for to see the British whip
the rebels. They were told that they were not wanted to fight, but merely
to sit down, smoke their pipes, and look on. The Senecas went to a man;
but, contrary to their expectation, instead of smoking and looking on,
they were obliged to fight for their lives; and in the end of the battle
were completely beaten, with a great loss of killed and wounded." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Journal of General Lincoln.
[FN-2] Life of Mary Jemison.
The whole Indian force was led by Thayendanegea in person--"the great
Captain of the Six Nations," as he was then called--and as the Cayugas had
now likewise joined the Mohawks in alliance with the arms of England--the
Onondagas adopting a doubtful policy, but always, in fact, acting against
the Provincials--he must have had a large force in the field. Of the
Senecas alone thirty-six were killed and a great number wounded. Captain
Brant was accustomed, long years afterward, to speak of the sufferings of
his "poor Mohawks" in that battle. Indeed, the severity with which they
were handled on that occasion, rendered them morose and intractable during
the remainder of the campaign; and the unhappy prisoners were the first to
minister with their blood to their resentment. [FN] "Our town," says Mary
Jemison, "exhibited a scene of real sorrow and distress when our warriors
returned and recounted their misfortunes, and stated the real loss they
had sustained in the engagement. The mourning was excessive, and was
expressed by the most doleful yells, shrieks, and howlings, and by
inimitable gesticulations."
* * * * *
[FN] In Mr. Samuel Woodruff's memoranda of his conversations with Brant,
referred to in the introduction, it is noted as the admission of the
latter, that "he and his Mohawks were compelled to flee in a dispersed
condition through the woods, all suffering from fatigue and hunger before
they arrived at a place of safety. Their retreat began at nightfall. They
were pursued by a body of Oneidas, who fought with General Herkimer. The
night was dark and lowery. Exhausted by the labors of the day, and
fearful he might be overtaken by the pursuing Oneidas, Brant ascended a
branching tree, and planting himself in the crotch of it, waited somewhat
impatiently for daylight." There is evidently somewhat of error in this
statement. The field of battle was not more than five miles from St.
Leger's entrenchments, and the battle was ended at 2 o'clock P. M. Judge
W. probably confounded this battle with another--perhaps that of the
Chemung.
It was unfortunate that General Herkimer formed his line of march with so
little judgment that, when attacked, his men were in no situation to
support each other; and more unfortunate still, that he marched at all,
so long before he could expect to hear the concerted signal for the
diversion to be made in his favor by the sortie of Colonel Willett. The
heavy rainstorm, moreover, which caused a suspension of the battle, had
likewise the effect of delaying the sally for nearly an hour. It was made,
however, as soon as it was practicable, and was not only completely
successful, but was conducted with such ability and spirit by the gallant
officer to whom it was confided, as to win for him the applause of the foe
himself. [FN-1] In addition to the two hundred men detailed for this
service, under Colonel Willett's command, as before stated, fifty more
were added to guard the light iron three pounder already mentioned. With
these troops, and this his only piece of mounted ordnance, Colonel Willett
lost not a moment, after the cessation of the rain, in making the sally.
The enemy's sentinels being directly in sight of the fort, the most rapid
movements were necessary. The sentinels were driven in, and his advanced
guard attacked, before he had time to form his troops. Sir John Johnson,
whose regiment was not more than two hundred yards distant from the
advanced guard, it being very warm, was in his tent, divested of his coat
at the moment, and had not time to put it on before his camp was assailed.
Such, moreover, were the celerity of Willett's movement and the
impetuosity of the attack, that Sir John could not bring his troops into
order, and their only resource was in flight. The Indian encampment was
next to that of Sir John, and in turn was carried with equal rapidity. The
larger portion of the Indians, and a detachment from the regiment of Sir
John, were, at the very moment of this unexpected assault upon their
quarters, engaged in the battle of Oriskany. Those who were left behind
now betook themselves,--Sir John and his men to the river,--and the
Indians to their natural shelter, the woods--the troops of Colonel Willett
firing briskly upon them in their flight. The amount of spoil found in the
enemy's camp was so great, that Willett was obliged to send hastily to the
fort for wagons to convey it away. Seven of these vehicles were three
times loaded and discharged in the fort, while the brave little Provincial
band held possession of the encampments. Among the spoils thus captured,
consisting of camp equipage, clothing, blankets, stores, &c. were five
British standards, the baggage of Sir John Johnson, with all his papers,
the baggage of a number of other officers, with memoranda, journals, and
orderly books, containing all the information desirable on the part of the
besieged. [FN-2] While Colonel Willett was returning to the fort, Colonel
St. Leger, who was on the opposite side of the river, attempted a movement
to intercept him. Willett's position, however, enabled him to form his
troops so as to give the enemy a full fire in front, while at the same
time he was enfiladed by the fire of a small field-piece. The distance was
not more than sixty yards between them; and although St. Leger was not
backward in returning the fire, his aim was nevertheless so wild as to be
entirely without effect. The assailants returned into the fortress in
triumph, without having lost a man--the British flags were hoisted on the
flag-staff under the American--and the men, ascending the parapets, gave
three as hearty cheers as were ever shouted by the same number of voices.
Among the prisoners brought off by the victors, was Lieutenant Singleton,
of Sir John Johnson's regiment. Several Indians were found dead in their
camp, and others were killed in crossing the river. The loss to the enemy,
particularly in stores and baggage, was great; while the affair itself was
of still more importance, from the new spirit of patriotic enthusiasm with
which it inspired the little garrison. [FN-3] For this chivalrous exploit
Congress passed a resolution of thanks, and directed the Commissary
General of military stores to procure an elegant sword, and present the
same to Colonel Willett in the name of the United States.
* * * * *
[FN-1] London Universal Magazine, 1782.
[FN-2] "Among other things taken from the enemy, were several bundles
of papers, and a parcel of letters belonging to our garrison, which they
had taken from our militia, but not yet opened. Here I found one letter
for myself; there were likewise papers belonging to Sir John Johnson,
and several others of the enemy's officers, with letters to and from
General St. Leger, the commander. These letters have been of some
service to us."--_Colonel Willett's letter to Governor Trumbull._
[FN-3] In this account of the sortie, the author has adopted almost the
very language of the brave Colonel himself, in his Narrative. As he led
the affair, and was of course the best qualified to describe it, the
author could do no better than take his own words. In tracing the
progress of the siege, it will be often necessary to draw from the same
indisputable source.
General Herkimer did not long survive the battle. He was conveyed to his
own house [FN-1] near the Mohawk river, a few miles below the Little Falls;
where his leg, which had been shattered five or six inches below the knee,
was amputated about ten days after the battle, by a young French surgeon
in the army of General Arnold, and contrary to the advice of the General's
own medical adviser, the late Doctor Petrie. But the operation was
unskillfully performed, [FN-2] and it was found impossible by his
attendants to stanch the blood. Colonel Willett called to see the General
soon after the operation. He was sitting up in his bed, with a pipe in his
mouth, smoking, and talking in excellent spirits. He died the night
following that visit. His friend, Colonel John Roff, was present at the
amputation, and affirmed that he bore the operation with uncommon
fortitude. He was likewise with him at the time of his death. The blood
continuing to flow--there being no physician in immediate attendance--and
being himself satisfied that the time of his departure was nigh, the
veteran directed the Holy Bible to be brought to him. He then opened it
and read, in the presence of those who surrounded his bed, with all the
composure which it was possible for any man to exhibit, the thirty-eighth
psalm--applying it to his own situation. [FN-3] He soon afterward expired;
and it may well be questioned whether the annals of man furnish a more
striking example of Christian heroism--calm, deliberate, and firm in the
hour of death--than is presented in this remarkable instance. Of the early
history of General Herkimer but little is known. It has been already
stated that his family was one of the first of the Germans who planted
themselves in the Mohawk Valley. And the massive stone mansion, yet
standing at German Flats, bespeaks its early opulence. He was an
uneducated man--with, if possible, less skill in letters, even than
General Putnam, which is saying much. But he was, nevertheless, a man of
strong and vigorous understanding--destitute of some of the essential
requisites of generalship, but of the most cool and dauntless courage.
These traits were all strikingly disclosed in the brief and bloody
expedition to Oriskany. But he must have been well acquainted with that
most important of all books--The Bible. Nor could the most learned
biblical scholar, lay or clerical, have selected a portion of the Sacred
Scriptures more exactly appropriate to the situation of the dying soldier,
than that to which he himself spontaneously turned. If Socrates died like
a philosopher, and Rousseau like an unbelieving sentimentalist. General
Herkimer died like a Christian Hero. Congress passed a resolution
requesting the Governor and Council of New-York to erect a monument, at
the expense of the United States, to the memory of this brave man, of the
value of five hundred dollars. This resolution was transmitted to the
Governor of New-York, George Clinton, in a letter from which the following
passage is quoted:--"Every mark of distinction shown to the memory of
such illustrious men as offer up their lives for the liberty and happiness
of their country, reflects real honor on those who pay the tribute; and
by holding up to others the prospect of fame and immortality, will animate
them to tread in the same path." Governor Clinton thus wrote to the
Committee of Tryon County on the occasion:--"Enclosed you have a letter
and resolves of Congress, for erecting a monument to the memory of your
late gallant General. While with you I lament the cause, I am impressed
with a due sense of the great and justly merited honor the Continent has,
in this instance, paid to the memory of that brave man." Such were the
feelings of respect for the services and memory of the deceased
entertained by the great men of that day. Sixty years have since rolled
away, and the journal of Congress is the only monument, and the
resolution itself the only inscription, which as yet testify the gratitude
of the republic to General Nicholas Herkimer.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Yet standing, 1837.
[FN-2] Col. Roff's statement--MS. in possession of the author.
[FN-3] Statement of Colonel Roff, in possession of the author.