History of Brant resumed--Advanced to the chieftaincy of the
Confederacy--Mode of appointing chiefs and sachems--Embarks for
England--Arrives in London--Received with marked consideration--Becomes
acquainted with James Boswell and others--Agrees to espouse the Royal
cause, and returns to America--Steals through the country to
Canada--Curious supposed letter to President Wheelock--Battle of the
Cedars--Cowardice of Major Butterfield--Outrages of the Indians--Story
of Capt. McKinstry, who was saved from the stake by Brant--Indignation
of Washington, the people, and Congress--Resolutions of
retaliation--Mutual complaints of treatment of prisoners--Murder of Gen.
Gordon--Indignation at the outrage--Indian deputation at
Philadelphia--Speech to them--Congress resolves upon the employment of
an Indian force--Schuyler opposed--Review of the incidents of the war
elsewhere--Destitution of the Army--Evacuation of Boston by the
English--Disastrous termination of the Canadian campaign--Deplorable
condition of the army--Humanity of Sir Guy Carleton--Glance at the
South--Declaration of Independence--Spirit of Tryon County--Cherry
Valley--Fortifications at Fort Stanwix--American army moves to
New-York--Arrival of the British fleet and army--Battle of
Long-Island--Washington evacuates New-York--Battle of White
Plains--Retreats across New-Jersey--Followed by Cornwallis--Defeat of
Arnold on Lake Champlain--Fall of Rhode Island--Battle of Trenton.
The progress of events renders it necessary again to introduce the Indian
hero of the war of the Revolution more prominently upon the stage of
action. Thayendanegea had now been advanced to the situation of principal
war-chief of the confederacy [FN-1]--an officer, according to the ancient
usages of the Six Nations, uniformly taken from the Mohawks. [FN-2] How, or
in what manner. Brant arrived at that dignity, history does not inform us.
Hendrick, the last of the Mohawk chiefs who bore the royal title of King,
fell under Sir William Johnson at Lake George twenty years before. He was
succeeded by Little Abraham, whose name has frequently occurred in the
preceding pages, and who has been designated by some writers as the
brother of Hendrick. But whether such was the fact or not, no farther
mention of his name occurs in the history of the war. He was uniformly
friendly to the Colonists; and as he refused to leave the valley with
Thayendanegea and the majority of the nation who accompanied Guy Johnson
in his flight--preferring to remain with the tribe at the Lower Castle--it
is not improbable that Brant assumed the superior chieftaincy from the
force of circumstances. Sir William Johnson informs us, that the sachems
of each tribe of the Six Nations were usually chosen in a public assembly
of the chiefs and warriors, whenever a vacancy happened by death or
otherwise. They were selected from among the oldest warriors for their
sense and bravery, and approved of by all the tribe--after which they were
selected as sachems. Military services were the chief recommendations to
this rank; but in some instances a kind of inheritance in the office was
recognized. [FN-3] We have seen that Thayendanegea was descended from a
family of chiefs, and his birth may have contributed to his elevation.
His family and official connexion with the Johnsons, whose name continued
so potent with the Indians, likewise, without doubt, facilitated his
advancement. But Mr. Stewart, denying that the family of Thayendanegea was
remarkable for any preeminence in their village, represents his influence
to have been acquired by his uncommon talents and address as a counselor
and politician; by which means he subdued all opposition and jealousy, and
at length acquired such an ascendancy that, even in the hour of action and
danger, he was enabled to rule and direct his warriors as absolutely as
if he had been born their General.
* * * * *
[FN-1] I am aware that the dignity of "Principal Chief" has been denied
to Captain Brant by several writers, and expressly by the Rev. Mr.
Stewart, who says he was not a war-chief by birth, and not so often in
command as has been supposed. It will be seen, however, toward the close
of this work, from the speech of a Seneca chief, that Thayendanegea was
the head chief of the confederacy--Mr. S. to the contrary notwithstanding.
[FN-2] David Cusick's sketches of the Ancient History of the Six Nations.
Cusick was himself an Indian of the Tuscarora tribe.
[FN-3] Letters of Sir William Johnson to Arthur Lee--vide London
Philosophical Transactions.
This inquiry, however, is of no great importance. The fact that he had
now become the chief sachem is unquestionable; and from this point of the
present history, Joseph Thayendanegea becomes one of the principal
personages engaged in its progress. He was ordinarily called by his other
name of Joseph Brant, or "Captain Brant"--the title of "Captain" being the
highest military distinction known to the Indians; and that, moreover,
being the military rank actually conferred upon him in the army of the
Crown. In much of his correspondence, when wishing to be formal and
writing to distinguished men, he was accustomed to write his name "Joseph
Brant--_Thayendanegea_;" the latter being his legitimate Indian name.
It has been seen, in a preceding chapter, that Thayendanegea had
accompanied Guy Johnson from the Mohawk Valley, first, westwardly to
Ontario, thence back to Oswego, and thence to Montreal, where his
services, and those of his warriors, were courted by Generals Carleton
and Haldimand, and an agreement was speedily made that they were to take
up the hatchet in the cause of the King. For the prosecution of a border
warfare, the officers of the Crown could scarcely have engaged a more
valuable auxiliary. Distinguished alike for his address, his activity, and
his courage--possessing, in point of stature and symmetry of person, the
advantage of most men even among his own well-formed race--tall, erect,
and majestic, with the air and mien of one born to command,[FN-1]--having,
as it were, been a man of war from his boyhood,[FN-2]--his name was a
tower of strength among the warriors of the wilderness. Still more
extensive was his influence rendered, by the circumstance that he had been
much employed in the civil service of the Indian department, under Sir
William Johnson, by whom he was often deputed upon embassies among the
tribes of the confederacy, and to those yet more distant, upon the great
lakes and rivers of the north-west, by reason of which his knowledge of
the whole country and people was accurate and extensive.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of General P. B. Porter to the author.
[FN-2] He was but thirteen years old when in the battle of Lake George.
Whether, after the compact with Sir Guy Carleton, the chief again visited
the Indian country of the Six Nations during the summer of 1775, is
unknown. Probably not; since, in the autumn of that year or early in the
following winter, he embarked on his first visit to England. What was the
precise object of this visit does not appear. It is very probable,
however, that, notwithstanding the agreement so hastily formed at
Montreal, the sagacious chieftain may have judged it prudent to pause,
before committing himself too far by overt acts of hostility against the
Colonies. The Oneidas were evidently inclining to espouse the Colonial
side of the controversy, if any; the River Indians had already ranged
themselves on the same side; Captain White-Eyes of the Delawares, had
determined upon neutrality; and the Caughnawagas, or at least some of
their leading chiefs, were in the camp with Washington. To all which may
be added the fact, that at that time the American arms were carrying every
thing before them in Canada. These circumstances were certainly enough to
make the chieftain hesitate as to the course dictated by true wisdom. His
predilections, doubtless, from the first, inclined him to espouse the
cause of the King. Nay, he maintained through life, that the ancient
covenants of his people rendered it obligatory upon him so to do. In
addition to which were the strong ties of blood, of association, and of
gratitude, by which he was bound to the family and the interests of the
Johnsons. Still, the brilliant successes with which the Americans had
opened the campaign in Canada presented another view of the case, which
was certainly entitled to grave consideration. Thus situated, the chief
may have found his position so embarrassing as to induce him to visit the
parent country, and go himself into the presence of "The Great King," as
the British monarch was styled by the Indians, before he should finally
determine whether actually to take the field or not. By making the voyage,
he would have the additional advantage of studying the resources and the
power of the parent country, and would thereby be the better able to
determine for himself whether success was likely to crown his Majesty's
arms in the end, or whether, by an over-scrupulous observance of an
ancient stipulation of alliance, he should not, with his people, be
rushing upon certain destruction.
But whether he thus reasoned or not, it is certain that he sailed for
England toward the close of the year 1775, and reached London early in
1776, accompanied by Captain Tice, an officer of English extraction, born
in America, who had resided in the neighborhood of the Mohawk nation.
Only a very brief account of this, his first visit to England, has been
found. [FN] It has always been said, however, that he was not only well
received, but that his society was courted by gentlemen of rank and
station--statesmen, scholars, and divines. He had little of the savage
ferocity of his people in his countenance; and when, as he ordinarily did,
he wore the European dress, there was nothing besides his color to mark
wherein he differed from other men. Upon his first arrival in the British
Capital, he was conducted to the inn called "_The Swan with two Necks._"
Other lodgings were soon provided for him, more suitable to his rank as
an Indian king; but he said the people of the inn had treated him with so
much kindness and civility, that he preferred remaining there during his
stay in London; and he accordingly did so.
* * * * *
[FN] London Magazine for July, 1776.
Although he was dressed in the European habit, he was not unprovided with
a splendid costume after the manner of his own nation, in which he
appeared at Court, and upon visits of state and ceremony. James Boswell
was at that period in his glory, and an intimacy appears to have been
contracted between him and the Mohawk chief, since the latter sat for his
picture at the request of this most interesting of egotists. He also sat,
during the same visit, to Romney, one of the most distinguished artists of
his day, for the Earl of Warwick. He was, of course, painted in his native
dress, and the picture was greatly prized. [FN] The tomahawk worn by him
in London, was a very beautiful article, polished to the highest degree;
upon which was engraved the first letter of his Christian name, with his
Mohawk appellation, thus:--"_J. Thayendanegea._"
* * * * *
[FN] The frontispiece of the present volume is from the last-mentioned
picture.
{TN} {The aforementioned frontispiece is not included in this scanned
version of the book.}
He did not remain in England many months, but, in company with Captain
Tice, sailed on his return toward the close of March or early in
April, [FN-1] and arrived on the coast near the harbor of New-York after a
very short passage. Having fully determined to fulfill his stipulations
with General Carleton, and take up the hatchet in the cause of the Crown,
he was cautiously and privately landed somewhere in the neighborhood of
New-York, whence he performed a very hazardous journey to Canada--having,
of course, to steal his way through a hostile population, until he could
hide himself in the forests beyond Albany. He had taken the precaution,
however, in England, to provide evidence of the identity of his body in
case of disaster, or of his fall in any of the battles he anticipated, by
procuring a gold finger ring, with his name engraven thereon at
length. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] The London Universal Magazine for July of 1776, states that he
embarked for America in May. But there must have been a mistake in the
date, since Brant, as will soon appear, was in the battle of the Cedars,
above Montreal, in that month.
[FN-2] This ring he wore until his death. It was kept as a precious relic
by his widow for four years, when it was lost. Strange as it may seem,
however, during the last Summer, (1836,) the identical ring was found by
a little girl in a ploughed field near Wellington Square, while the
venerable Indian queen was on a visit to her daughter, the accomplished
lady of Colonel Kerr. The aged widow of the old chief was overjoyed at
once more possessing the memento, after it had been lost six and twenty
years.
What were the particular arguments addressed to the Mohawk in the British
capital, or by what process he became impressed with the idea that the
arms of the King would, in the end, be victorious in the Colonies, is not
known. It is certain, however, that whatever doubts he might have
entertained, were most effectually dispelled; since, on taking leave, it
was understood that he pledged himself heartily to embrace the Royal
cause, and promised to take the field with three thousand warriors of his
race. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It appears that Colonel Guy Johnson must have visited England at the
same time, or nearly the same time, with Brant. Perhaps they went
together, although Johnson did not return so soon. General Washington
announced his arrival at Staten Island, from England, on the 6th of
August, 1776, in a letter written to the President of Congress on the
8th. In Dunlap's History of the American Stage, Guy Johnson's name is
given, in 1778, as one of the managers of the old Theatre Royal,
John-street. The players were all amateurs, officers of the British army;
and the avails of their performances were appropriated for benevolent
purposes. The unfortunate Major Andre was one of the actors and the scene
painter. A drop-curtain, painted by him, was used many years after his
death.
It is no more than justice, however, to allow Captain Brant to speak for
himself, in regard to the principle by which he was governed in his
decision. In a letter written by him to Sir Evan Nepean, the Under
Secretary of State, when in England after the peace of 1783, he
said:--"When I joined the English in the beginning of the war, it was
purely on account of my forefathers' engagements with the King. I always
looked upon these engagements, or covenants between the King and the
Indian nations, as a sacred thing; therefore I was not to be frightened by
the threats of the rebels at that time; I assure you I had no other view
in it, and this was my real case from the beginning."
By "threats" in this letter to the Under Secretary, Brant probably meant
no more than the efforts made by the Americans to prevent his joining the
Royal standard, and to preserve the neutrality of the Indians. In
connexion with these efforts, there is a scrap of unwritten history,
which, whether true or not, is characteristic of the shrewdness and dry
sarcastic humor of the chief. It is related, that during the early part of
the year 1775, while it was yet considered doubtful which side the Mohawks
would espouse, and when it was of course very desirable to ascertain the
views of Brant upon the subject, President Wheelock was applied to as a
medium of communication with his former pupil. The Doctor, according to
the tradition, wrote him a long epistle upon the aspect of the times, and
urged upon Brant those considerations which appeared most likely to win
him over, or rather to secure his neutrality, if not his friendship, to
the Colonists. Brant replied very ingeniously. Among other things, he
referred to his former residence with the Doctor--recalled the happy hours
he had passed under his roof--and referred especially to his prayers and
the family devotions, to which he had listened. He said he could never
forget those prayers; and one passage, in particular, was so often
repeated, that it could never be effaced from his mind. It was, among
other of his good preceptor's petitions, "that they might be able to live
as good _subjects_--to fear God, and honor the King."
If doubt had existed among the Colonists before, as to the direction of
the channel in which ran his inclinations, there was surely none after
the perusal of this letter. But scenes of a more stirring character now
demand the attention.
Toward the close of the memorable Canadian campaign,--so brilliantly
commenced, so successfully prosecuted for many months, and yet so
disastrously terminated,--while the shattered remains of the American
forces were retiring before the troops of Sir Guy Carleton, the former
experienced a sad disaster at "the Cedars," a point of land extending far
into the St. Lawrence, about forty miles above Montreal, which was
occupied by Colonel Bedell with three hundred and ninety Provincial troops
and two field-pieces. General Carleton directed a descent upon this post
from the British station at Oswegatchie, under the command of Captain
Forster, at the head of one company of regular troops and a body of
Indians numbering nearly six hundred. The latter were led by Thayendanegea.
On the appearance of the enemy before the American works, Colonel Bedell
repaired immediately to Montreal for assistance, leaving the Cedars in
charge of Major Butterfield. Colonel (afterward General) Arnold, who was
then in command of Montreal--not yet evacuated by the Americans--forthwith
detached Major Sherburne with one hundred men, to proceed to the Cedars,
and prepared to follow himself with a much larger force. Meantime,
however, Major Butterfield, who, it was believed, might have easily
defended the position, was intimidated by a threat from the enemy, that,
should the siege continue and any of the Indians be slain, in the event of
an eventual surrender it would be impossible for the British commander to
prevent a general massacre, and consented to a capitulation, by which the
whole garrison became prisoners of war. Major Sherburne approached on the
day following, without having received any information of the change of
circumstances until within four miles of the post, where, on the 20th of
May, he was attacked by the Indians, and after a sharp conflict compelled
to surrender at discretion. No sooner had Arnold received information of
these events, than he marched against the foe, then at Vaudreuil, at the
head of seven hundred men, with a view of chastising the enemy and
recovering the prisoners. "When preparing for an engagement, he received
a flag accompanied by Major Sherburne, giving him the most positive
assurances that if he persisted in his design, it would be entirely out
of the power of Captain Forster to prevent his savages from pursuing their
horrid customs, and disencumbering themselves of their prisoners by
putting every man to death. This massacre was already threatened, and
Major Sherburne confirmed the information. Under the influence of this
threat, Arnold desisted from his purpose, and consented to a cartel, by
which the prisoners were delivered up to him; he agreeing, among other
things, not only to deliver as many British soldiers in exchange for
them, but also that they should immediately return to their homes." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington.
This disaster, or, perhaps, more correctly speaking, the conduct of the
officers to whose cowardice it was imputed, was a source of deep
mortification to General Washington, and he gave utterance to his vexation
in several letters written soon afterward. Nor was Butterfield alone
blamed--Colonel Bedell being placed in the same category of
condemnation. [FN] The Commander-in-Chief was likewise incensed at the
conduct of Captain Forster, in resorting to deceptive and very
unjustifiable means, to procure hostages for ratifying a treaty of
exchange.
* * * * *
[FN] "If the accounts of Colonel Bedell's and Major Butterfield's conduct
be true, they have certainly acted a part deserving the most exemplary
notice. I hope you will take proper measures, and have good courts
appointed to bring them, and every other officer, that has been, or shall
be, guilty of misconduct, to trial; that they may be punished according
to their offences. Our misfortunes at the Cedars were occasioned, as it
is said, entirely by their base and cowardly behavior, and cannot be
ascribed to any other cause."--_Letter of Washington to General Schuyler,
June_ 10, 1776.
The name of Captain Brant is not mentioned in any of the books,
in connexion with these transactions at the Cedars. There is positive
evidence, however, that he was not only there, but that he exerted himself
efficiently after the surrender of Major Sherburne, to control the Indians
and prevent the massacre of the prisoners. Among these latter, was Captain
John McKinstry, [FN-1] who commanded a company on that occasion. From his
account of the battle, Major Sherburne fell into an ambuscade, and the
fighting was severe. Captain McKinstry's command was engaged sharply with
a body of Indians, before whom his troops were several times compelled to
retire. Rallying, however, with spirit, the Indians were repeatedly driven
back in turn; and the respective parties were thus successively driven by
each other, back and forth, according to the doubtful and varying fortunes
of the hour, until the Americans were overpowered by numbers, and
compelled to surrender; Captain McKinstry, being wounded, fell by the side
of a tree, and was there taken. He subsequently ascertained that he had
been marked as a victim by the Indians, who had actually made the usual
preparations for putting him to death by the torture of fire; and that he
was rescued by the personal exertions of Captain Brant, who, in connexion
with some humane English officers, made up a purse, and purchased an ox,
which the Indians roasted for their carousal instead of the gallant
prisoner. Captain McKinstry was treated with kindness while a prisoner,
and contracted an intimacy with Brant which continued until the
chieftain's death. Brant never visited the Hudson, after the Revolution,
without spending a few days with Colonel McKinstry at the Manor; [FN-2]
and at the time of his last visit, about the year 1805, in company with
his friend, who, like himself, was a member of the brotherhood, he
attended the Freemason's Lodge in the city of Hudson, where his presence
attracted great attention.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Late Colonel McKinstry, of Livingston's Manor.
[FN-2] Letter to the author, from George McKinstry, Esq. of Claverack.
But to return. The conduct of Major Butterfield at the Cedars was likewise
severely denounced in Congress, and his capitulation pronounced by
resolution "a shameful surrender." Due credit was at the same time awarded
to Major Sherburne, for the bravery displayed by himself and his troops,
who only "surrendered at last on absolute necessity." Notwithstanding,
moreover, the interposition of Captain Brant to prevent a massacre, and
the rescue of Captain McKinstry, such outrages were reported to Congress
as to call forth a series of indignant resolutions upon the subject. In
the preamble to these resolutions, it was stated that, immediately after
the surrender, the prisoners were delivered over to the Indians; their
baggage plundered, their clothes taken from them, and several of their
number killed; and one of them, who had only been wounded, roasted alive.
From the circumstance that Captain McKinstry had been wounded, and
designated for the torture, though rescued, as we have already seen, by
Captain Brant, it is quite probable that Congress was misinformed as to
the actual consummation of such a purpose in the person of any prisoner.
Assuming the fact, however, the enemy's conduct was denounced in the
strongest terms--Congress asserting the right of demanding indemnification
for the wrongs inflicted upon the prisoners in their persons and property;
and in regard to the murder of prisoners by the Indians, requiring that
the authors of those murders be delivered into their hands for condign
punishment, as a condition precedent to an exchange of prisoners. In
regard to the torturing of prisoners, a resolution was also adopted,
denouncing, "as the sole means of stopping the progress of human
butchery," a retaliation of punishment, of the same kind and degree, to
be inflicted upon a like number of prisoners of the enemy, in every case
of outrage thereafter to occur.
These resolutions were, in effect, a refusal to confirm the treaty for
the exchange of prisoners entered into by General Arnold, and were so
considered by the commanding officers in Canada. The consequence was,
the indulgence of much crimination and recrimination, on the part both
of the American and British commanders. Indeed, complaints of the cruel
treatment of the prisoners falling into their hands had been preferred
against the enemy several months before, particularly in the case of
Colonel Ethan Allen and his fellow-captives. Allen had been captured by
General Prescott, by whom, in addition to other indignities, he had been
heavily ironed, and sent like a common felon to England, Prescott was
afterward taken by the Americans and treated with considerable rigor,
in retaliation for the ill-usage of Allen. This produced a remonstrance
from General Howe, who, on being reminded of the case of Allen, disclaimed
any responsibility in regard to that transaction, inasmuch as it was an
occurrence in a district beyond the boundaries of his particular command.
The affair of the Cedars excited the strongest feelings of indignation,
not only in Congress and among the people, but in the army. "The inhuman
treatment of the whole, and murder of part, of our people, was certainly
a flagrant violation of that faith, which ought to beheld sacred by all
civilized nations, and was founded in the most savage barbarity." [FN-1]
Soon afterward the account was in part balanced, by a diabolical outrage
committed by an American scouting party in the neighborhood of St. John's.
It was the deliberate assassination, by the lieutenant at the head of the
party, of Brigadier-General Gordon of the British army. General Gordon
was riding alone, and in full uniform, from Laprairie to St. John's. The
lieutenant and his party were in ambush within the British lines, and as
the General passed, the former wantonly and barbarously shot him through
the body. Although the wound was mortal, the General rode on, and speedily
reached St. John's, where he expired. [FN-2] This painful incident aroused
as warm a burst of indignation among the British officers, as the affair
of the Cedars had done among the Americans. General Carleton availed
himself of the occurrence to issue a violent, though artful proclamation,
which was pronounced by Washington, in a letter to the President of
Congress, to be "highly unbecoming the character of a soldier and
gentleman." Although the prisoners were not exchanged, under the
arrangement made with Arnold, yet Carleton set the American captives at
liberty, on condition of their returning to their own homes, there to
remain as prisoners. Each of the prisoners was furnished with a copy of
his insidious proclamation.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of Washington to the President of Congress, July 15, 1776.
[FN-2] Note in vol. iv. of Sparks's Life and Correspondence of
Washington.
It was not supposed that any considerable numbers of the Indians of the
Six Nations participated in the battle of the Cedars, other than the
Mohawks and their kindred tribe, the Caughnawagas, or the Seven Nations
of Canada, as they chose to call themselves. Indeed, the Six Nations were
at that stage of the contest far from being unanimous in opposition to the
Colonies; and at the very time of these occurrences, a deputation from
four of the nations was at Philadelphia, on a peaceable mission to
Congress. The arrival of this deputation was announced to that assembly
on the 24th of May. On the 11th of June they were presented to the House,
preparatory to their departure, and addressed by the President as
follows:--
"Brothers: We hope the friendship that is between you and us will be firm,
and continue as long as the sun shall shine and the waters run, that we
and you may be as one people, and have but one heart, and be kind to one
another as brethren.
"Brothers: The King of Great Britain, hearkening to the evil counsel of
some of his foolish young men, is angry with us, because we will not let
him take away from us our land, and all that we have, and give it to them;
and because we will not do every thing that he bids us; and hath hindered
his people from bringing goods to us, but we have made provision for
getting such a quantity of them, that we hope we shall be able to supply
your wants as formerly.
"Brothers: We shall order all our warriors and young men not to hurt you
or any of your kindred; and we hope you will not suffer any of your young
men to join with our enemies, or to do any wrong to us, that nothing may
happen to make any quarrel between us.
"Brothers: We desire you to accept a few necessaries, which we present
you with, as tokens of our good-will toward you."
The presents having been delivered, the Indian deputies expressed a desire
to give a name to the President of Congress. Permission for that purpose
having been granted, a chief of the Onondagas arose, and saluted the
President by the name of Ka-ran-dua-an, or the _Great Tree_; by which name
John Hancock was afterward known among the Six Nations.
Although it would appear upon the surface of these resolutions, that
Congress was yet persevering in the humane policy of keeping the Indians
in a state of neutrality, yet candor and truth require a different record.
Much as sound moralists had condemned the employment of this species of
force in civilized warfare, and strongly as Congress had exerted its
influence the preceding year to prevent the Indians from taking the field
in behalf of either of the combatants, that policy was abandoned. On the
25th of May, 1776, the Congress resolved "that it was highly expedient to
engage the Indians in the service of the United Colonies;" and they
empowered the Commander-in-Chief to employ, in Canada and elsewhere, a
number not exceeding two thousand, offering them "a reward of one hundred
dollars for every commissioned officer, and thirty dollars for every
private soldier of the King's troops, that they should take prisoner in
the Indian country, or on the frontiers of these Colonies." The Congress
also authorized General Washington to employ the Indians of Penobscot,
St. John's, and Nova Scotia, who had proffered their services, and were
to receive the same pay as the Continental soldiers. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Sparks's Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iv, Appendix. [Mr.
Sparks seems to have fallen into an error as to the immediate motive of
Congress in changing its Indian policy at this time. He leaves his
readers to infer, that the measure was one of retaliation for the conduct
of the British and Indians at the Cedars. But such could not have been
the fact. The battle of the Cedars was fought on the 20th of May, and
these resolutions were passed on the 25th--before the news, in those
days, could possibly have reached Philadelphia.]
Whether any of those Eastern Indians were ever actually engaged in the
American service, is not known. In regard to the employment of the
Northern Indians, Washington forthwith entered into a correspondence with
General Schuyler upon the subject, and pressed him to carry the
resolutions into effect. The latter, however, was averse to the
measure--as much so as at the first. He disliked to employ such a force
under any circumstances, contending that they were too fickle and
uncertain to allow any well-founded reliance to be placed upon them at
the moment of emergency. At that particular conjuncture, especially when
our troops, broken and dispersed, were flying like fugitives from Canada,
he thought the chances of obtaining Indian auxiliaries exceedingly
slender; and as to the number prescribed, (two thousand,) the General
intimated in one of his letters to the Commander-in-Chief, that it would
have been well if Congress had condescended to inform him where so many
Indian warriors, not already in the service of the enemy, were to be
found. In short, General Schuyler's opinion was correct from the
beginning, that the Colonies could expect no essential aid from the
Indians; and whatever aid they might receive, would be sure to cost more
than it would come to. So the event proved. But, although the British
profited most by the employment of the Indians, they are not alone to
blame for using them. So far, certainly, as principle and intention are
concerned, the Americans are equitably entitled to a due share of the
censure. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Sparks.
In recurring to coincident events transpiring in other parts of the
country, it must be remarked, that the Commander-in-Chief was often placed
in circumstances not the most promising. On his first arrival at the camp
before Boston, the preceding year, he had found only "the materials for
a good army"--not the organized army itself. The troops were mostly
undisciplined; and having taken arms to fight for liberty, it was no easy
matter to bring them into those habits of subordination, which necessarily
render a soldier a mere machine to be moved at the will of his commander.
The first object of General Washington, therefore, was to bring the troops
into a state of discipline. But another difficulty presented itself in the
fact, that, owing to the short periods of enlistment, the times of service
of the greater portion of the army were to expire in November and
December. To which was added the embarrassing discovery, that all the
powder at his command was barely sufficient to supply nine rounds of
cartridges per man. There was, moreover, a general want of camp equipage
and clothing, and indeed of every thing necessary alike to the comfort
and the efficiency of an army. But Heaven, in its mercy, seemed to have
devolved the command upon the man of all others best calculated to meet
the emergency and overcome it. His destitution of ammunition was artfully
and effectually concealed from the enemy; and although, on the discharge
of those of his troops who would not re-enlist, at the close of December,
(1775,) he had no more than 9650 men left, he yet contrived to sustain
himself and keep the enemy beleaguered in Boston during the whole winter.
"It is not in the pages of history, perhaps," he wrote to Congress, "to
furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the
enemy for six months together, without _amunition_, and at the same time
to disband one army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty
odd British regiments, is more, probably, than was ever attempted." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Holmes's Annals.
The Continental Congress had been induced by the influence of the
Commander-in-chief to resolve upon the raising of an army of 75,000 men,
to be enlisted for the term of three years, or during the war. It was not
until January, however, that they could be induced to offer bounties for
enlistments; and even then the ranks were not rapidly filled. At the
close of February, the whole effective force of the Americans was no more
than 14,000 men, exclusive of 6000 of the Massachusetts militia. An
assault upon Boston had been meditated in February by General Washington;
but the opinion of his principal officers, as expressed in a council of
war, being strongly against such a movement, the enterprize was
reluctantly abandoned. Wearied by inaction, the next project of the
American commander was to take possession of Dorchester Heights--a
position commanding the town of Boston, the occupation of which would
compel General Howe either to attempt its dispossession by the Americans,
or to evacuate the town. The enterprize was so well planned, as to be
executed by General Thomas with complete and brilliant success, on the
night of the 4th of March. Having diverted the attention of the enemy by
a bombardment of his lines in another direction, the movement was
unperceived. The weather being mild, the American troops were enabled to
labor with energy in throwing up defences, which, on the following
morning, struck the General of the British army with astonishment, from
their sudden appearance and their magnitude. A heavy atmosphere
contributed to magnify the height of the works, and increase the wonder
of the foe. Sir William Howe made immediate preparations to drive the
Americans from their new, and, to him, dangerous position; for which
purpose two thousand choice troops were embarked to cross over the same
evening; but a severe tempest frustrated his design. On the following
morning General Howe convened a council of war, at which it was resolved
to evacuate the town as soon as possible. This determination was carried
into execution on the 17th, by the embarkation of the whole British army,
and the sailing of the fleet--first to Halifax--but ultimately, as the
event proved, for New-York. On the same day General Washington entered
Boston in triumph, and was hailed by the universal acclaim of the people
as their deliverer. Thus was the town which first raised the standard of
rebellion, the first to rejoice at the final retreat of its oppressors.
Nor was it the fortune of the invaders ever to set foot there again.
In the North, the operations of the Provincial army had been far less
propitious. The conquest of Canada was a favorite project with Congress,
and every possible effort within the slender means of the Colonies was
made to that end. But the fall of Montgomery had thrown a gloom over the
enterprise which was never dissipated. Colonel, now General Arnold, had
maintained himself before Quebec during the winter, and until late in the
spring, with but a handful of men--numbering, at one time, not more than
five hundred effectives. But the reinforcements were slow in arriving;
the Canadians, from a variety of causes--the principal of which, beyond
doubt, was bad treatment from an undisciplined soldiery--became less
friendly to the Americans than at first, notwithstanding the mission of
Messrs. Franklin, Chase, and Carroll, accompanied by a Catholic priest,
to conciliate them; and on the arrival of General Wooster at his quarters,
about the 1st of April, Arnold obtained leave of absence, and took the
command at Montreal. General Thomas, who had been assigned to the command
of the army in Canada, after the exploit of Gloucester Heights, arrived
before Quebec on the 1st of May, where he found an army of nineteen
hundred men, less than one thousand of whom were effective, and three
hundred of these, being entitled to their discharge, refused to perform
duty. They had but one hundred and fifty barrels of powder, and six days'
provisions. Well knowing that with the opening of the navigation. Sir
Guy Carleton's expected reinforcements would arrive, the circumstances
in which he was placed were altogether so unpromising, that General
Thomas, with the concurrence of a council of war, determined to raise the
siege on the 5th of May, and assume a more eligible position farther up
the river. It was the intention of the American commander to remove the
sick to Three Rivers; but on the 6th, before the arrangements for
retreating were all concerted, a British fleet, with reinforcements,
arrived. General Carleton immediately made a sortie at the head of one
thousand men; to oppose whom, General Thomas had not more than three
hundred available troops. No other course remained, therefore, but a
precipitate retreat for all who could get away--leaving the sick and the
military stores to the enemy. General Thomas led his little band back to
the mouth of the Sorel, where he was seized with the small-pox, and died.
Large reinforcements joined the fugitive army at that place, under General
Sullivan. Before General Carleton moved from Quebec, an expedition was
undertaken from Sorel to the Three Rivers, against General Frasier, under
the direction of General Thompson and Colonel St. Clair. It was
unsuccessful; from which time disaster followed disaster, until, owing
to the combined causes of defeat, sickness, and insubordination, the
Americans found themselves, on the 18th of June, driven entirely out of
Canada; the British army following so closely upon their heels, as
immediately to occupy the different posts as they were successively
evacuated.
The Americans, however, still retained the control of Lake Champlain, and
occupied the fortifications upon its shores, the command of which had now
been assigned by Congress to General Gates, with great and manifest
injustice toward General Schuyler, [FN-1] Gates at first established his
head-quarters at Crown Point, but soon afterward withdrew his forces from
that post, and fell back upon Ticonderoga. This step was taken by the
advice and concurrence of a board of general officers, but contrary to the
wishes of the field officers. The Commander-in-chief was exceedingly
dissatisfied with this movement of Gates, believing that the
relinquishment of that post, in its consequences, would be equivalent to
an abandonment of Lakes George and Champlain, and all the advantages to
be derived therefrom. [FN-2] In reply to the concern that had been
expressed by Washington on the occasion. General Gates contended that
Crown Point was untenable with the forces then under his command, nor
could it be successfully defended even with the aid of the expected
reinforcements. These reinforcements, moreover, the General added, could
not be allowed to approach nearer to Crown Point than Skenesborough,
since "it would be only heaping one hospital upon another." [FN-3] The
annals of disastrous war scarce present a more deplorable picture than
that exhibited by the Americans escaping from Canada. In addition to the
small pox, the army had been afflicted by other diseases, generated by
exposure, destitution, and laxity of discipline. Fleets of boats came up
the lake, freighted with the sick and dying; and even those reported from
day to day fit for duty, presented but the appearance of a haggard
skeleton of an army. "Every thing about this army," said General Gates
in the letter already cited, "is infected with the pestilence; the
clothes, the blankets, the air, and the ground they walk upon. To put
this evil from us, a general hospital is established at Fort George, [FN-4]
where there are now between two and three thousand sick, and where every
infected person is immediately sent. But this care and caution have not
effectually destroyed the disease here; it is, notwithstanding,
continually breaking out." [FN-5]
* * * * *
[FN-1] The appointment of Gates to the command of this department, was
from the first unacceptable to the officers of New-York, nor was his own
course very conciliatory toward them. In the course of the present
Summer, it was reported to Lieutenant-Colonel Gansevoort, a brave and
deservedly popular officer, belonging to the regiment of Colonel Van
Schaick, and then in command of Fort George at the head of the lake of
that name, that the General had spoken disrespectfully of that regiment,
and also of the regiments of Colonels Wynkoop and Fisher. His letters to
Col. Gansevoort were unnecessarily harsh and pragmatical, so much so as
justly to give offence. Irritated by such treatment, Gansevoort wrote a
spirited letter to Gates, referring to several matters in which he had
been aggrieved by the letters and conversation of that officer. He
requested a Court of Inquiry, and avowed his determination, with the
leave of Gen. Schuyler, to relinquish the command of the post.--_MS.
letters of Gates and Col. Gansevoort in the author's possession._
[FN-2] Letter of Washington to Gen. Gates, July 19, 1776.
[FN-3] Letter of Gen. Gates to Washington in reply, July 28. The small
pox, which had been so fatal to the troops in Canada, had now broken out
at Crown Point and Ticonderoga--the pestilence having been purposely
introduced by a villain calling himself Doctor Barker. This fact is
stated in a letter from the Adjutant-General of the Northern Department
to Colonel Gansevoort, dated from Ticonderoga, July 24. "The villain,"
says the letter, "by private inoculations in the army, has caused, in
a great degree, the misery to which we are reduced by that infectious
disorder." Barker was arrested, and sent to Albany.--_MS. letter of
Colonel Trumbull to Col. Gansevoort._
[FN-4] At the head of Lake George.
[FN-5] Sparks.
Such was the deplorable condition in which an army, so recently
victorious, had been driven back from what was in fact a conquered
country, lost entirely through mismanagement, and the want of an army upon
the basis of permanent enlistment. Added to which, was another difficulty
lying beneath the surface. Many prisoners had fallen into the hands of the
enemy at Quebec and during the subsequent retreat. Toward all these, the
conduct of Sir Guy Carleton had been most politic. They had been treated
with the greatest care and humanity, and so much of the subtle poison
of flattery, mingled with kindness, had been poured into their ears, that
their return on parole, which was presently allowed by the British
commander, was regarded with apprehension. [FN-1] On one occasion, a large
number of prisoners arriving at Crown Point from St. John's, in a vessel
provided by Sir Guy Carleton, were visited, before landing, by Colonel
John Trumbull, the Adjutant-General for the Northern Department. From the
feelings they manifested, and the tenor of their conversation, Colonel
Trumbull saw at once that it would not be prudent to allow them to land,
or hold the least intercourse with the suffering troops of the garrison.
He immediately reported the fact to the General, and advised that the said
prisoners should be sent directly forward to Skenesborough, and despatched
to their respective homes, without allowing them to mingle with the
troops at that place. The suggestion was adopted. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] "Although General Carleton had acquiesced in the harsh treatment
of Ethan Allen, yet the prisoners who fell into his hands met with usage
in every respect as good as that of the British soldiers, except in the
necessary restraints of confinement. This was declared in a letter to
Washington from Major Meigs, when he returned on his parole the Summer
following. The soldiers were confined in the Jesuits' College, and the
officers in the Seminary. The latter, after the siege was raised, had
permission to walk in a large garden adjoining their quarters. Major
Meigs left three hundred prisoners in Quebec about the middle of May.
When they were released for exchange, General Carleton supplied them with
articles of clothing, in which they were deficient. It was said, that
when some of his officers spoke to him of this act, as an unusual degree
of lenity toward prisoners of war, he replied,--'Since we have tried in
vain to make them acknowledge us as brothers, let us at least send them
away disposed to regard us as first cousins.' Having been informed that
many persons suffering from wounds and various disorders were concealed
in the woods and obscure places, fearing that if they appeared openly
they would be seized as prisoners and severely treated; he issued a
proclamation commanding the militia officers to search for such persons,
bring them to the general hospital, and procure for them all necessary
relief at the public charge. He also invited all such persons to come
forward voluntarily, and receive the assistance they needed; assuring
them, 'that as soon as their health should be restored, they should have
free liberty to return to their respective provinces.'"--_Sparks,_
[FN-2] Conversations of the author with the venerable Colonel Trumbull,
while these pages were under revision.
Nor were the difficulties enumerated, all which the officers had to
encounter. The spirit of disaffection was far more extensive than those
who are left to contemplate the scenes through which their fathers passed,
and the discouragements against which they were compelled to struggle,
have been wont to suppose. The burden of many of General Schuyler's
letters, and also the letters of other officers, during the whole of this
season, was the frequency of desertions to the ranks of the enemy.
Glancing for a moment at the situation of affairs at the south, the gloom
of the picture is somewhat relieved. The expedition of General Clinton
and Sir Peter Parker, for the reduction of Charleston, had signally
failed. The defence of the fort bearing his own name, by Colonel Moultrie,
was one of the most gallant exploits of the whole contest, and served to
lighten the despondency that had been produced by the disasters we have
been sketching at the north. It was at this place that the celebrated
Sergeant Jasper signalized himself, when the flag-staff was shot away, by
leaping from the parapet of the fort upon the beach, seizing the flag,
and, amid the incessant firing of the fleet, mounting, and again placing
it on the rampart. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Garden's Anecdotes of the American Revolution.
But the grand event of the year, the transactions of which are now under
review, was the Declaration of Independence, a motion for which was
submitted in Congress by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, on the 7th of
June, and the Declaration itself solemnly adopted on the 4th of July.
This measure at once cut off all hope of reconciliation with the parent
country, and all prospect of a termination of the war, unless by the
complete triumph in arms of one party or the other. Such a declaration
was an event not originally anticipated, even if desired, by the mass of
the people; although it had unquestionably, and from the first, entered
into the calculations of the daring master spirits of the movement in
Boston. It had furthermore been greatly accelerated by the conduct of the
British government itself, during the preceding session of Parliament,
by act of which the Americans had been declared out of the Royal
protection; so widely mistaken had been the Congress of the preceding
year, which had adjourned with strong hopes that the differences between
the two countries would soon be adjusted to their mutual satisfaction. [FN]
At the same time the parent government was putting forth its utmost
energies to crush the Colonies at a blow. For this purpose, 25,000 British
troops were to be employed, in addition to 17,000 German mercenaries
_purchased_ from the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, and
the Count of Hanaa. These troops, together with the Canadian recruits,
the American loyalists, and the Indians, it was intended should constitute
an invading force of 55,000 men. With such preparations in prospect
against them, it was no time for inactivity on the part of the Colonists;
and having by the Declaration thrown away the scabbard of the sword that
had been drawn fifteen months before, there was no alternative but
resistance to the end.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. i, Chap. iv.
Recurring, for a brief space, to the history proper of the Mohawk Valley,
it may be assumed, in behalf of its patriotic population, that the new
attitude of the country was neither unexpected nor unwelcome. On the
contrary, having been among the earliest to propose a separation, the
great act of the 4th of July was nowhere more cordially received than by
the Whigs of Tryon County. Nor did they falter in their purposes of
sustaining the cause in which the country had embarked, amid all the
disasters of the early part of the season or those that followed. In
their own section of country, however, the flight of Sir John Johnson and
his retainers was the only important incident occurring during that
memorable year. Still, there was no relaxation of vigilance, or of
preparation for the worst, should the storm of war, so long muttering in
the distance, actually break upon those settlements. The frontiers were
at all times liable to the sudden irruptions of savages, and it was
necessary to keep scouting parties continually upon the alert. Cherry
Valley being the principal settlement south of the Mohawk, and lying
directly in the line of communication between the Mohawk Castles and the
Indian post at Oghkwaga, [FN-1] was particularly exposed. Early in the
present Summer, therefore, a company of rangers was organized under the
command of Captain Robert McKean. The public service requiring the
Captain and his little corps elsewhere, the inhabitants strongly
remonstrated with the Committee of Safety against the removal of that
corps, but without effect. They next addressed themselves to the
Provincial Congress of New-York, and by a forcible and eloquent appeal,
obtained another company of rangers to be stationed among them under the
command of Captain Winn. [FN-2] These papers were written with ability,
and with the energy of men in earnest. They had even then received,
through their missionaries, intimations that Sir John Johnson and Colonel
John Butler were instigating the Indians to make a descent upon them; and
already were the scattered settlers in other and newer locations coming
in to Cherry Valley for protection. Apprehending, also, sudden irruptions
of scalping parties, the aged, and such as from other causes were exempt
from military service, now organized themselves into a company for the
protection of the settlement.
* * * * *
[FN-1] As with most other Indian names, there is difficulty respecting
the correct orthography of this place. It is spelt _Oquaga, Oghquaga,_
and sometimes _Oneaquaga._ Brant and John Norton, however, were wont to
spell it _Oghkwaga._ I have adopted the latter method, as supported by
the best authorities.--_Author._
[FN-2] The names of the Cherry Valley Committee who took the lead in
these matters, were, John Moore, Samuel Clyde, Samuel Campbell, Samuel
Dunlop, James Scott, Robert Wells, James Richey, and James Moore.
In the course of the season General Schuyler was directed by Congress to
cause Fort Stanwix to be strengthened, and other fortifications to be
erected at proper places along the Mohawk river. Colonels Van Schaick
and Dayton had previously been stationed in Tryon County with detachments
of regular troops--the former at Johnstown and the latter at German
Flats. Upon Colonel Dayton was imposed the duty of carrying forward the
works at Fort Stanwix, for which purpose the Tryon County militia were
ordered to his assistance. The site of that military defence had early
been improved, as one of the most important inland posts of the Colonies.
It was originally built early in 1758, during the French war of 1755--61,
by General Stanwix, for the purpose of commanding the carrying-place
between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, leading into the Oneida Lake,
and thence into Lake Ontario, by the Oswego river. [FN-1] There were
several other fortifications at different points of the narrow strip of
land between the two streams already mentioned, such as Fort Bull and
Fort Newport; the former commanding the Creek, about three miles distant.
These were strong redoubts; but Fort Stanwix was comparatively a
formidable work, having its bomb-proofs, its sallyport, and a covered way
to the spring brook. Altogether these works formed an ample defence of the
key from Upper Canada to the Mohawk Valley, and were likewise of signal
service for the protection they afforded to the Indian trade. But,
although the principal fortress had been erected at the great
expense--enormous in those times--of 266,400 dollars, yet the commencement
of the war of the Revolution found the whole in ruins. Colonel Dayton
appears to have made but little progress in re-building the fort, since
it will be found that other officers had the works in charge early in the
following year, and they were far from complete when subsequently invested
by the motley forces of General St. Leger. Colonel Dayton, however,
thought proper to change its name in honor of the General commanding the
Northern department, and it was subsequently known as Fort Schuyler during
the residue of the war. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] The reconstruction of this work was early pointed out, and
strongly urged upon General Schuyler, by Washington.
[FN-2] There was another Fort Schuyler, built on the present site of
Utica during the old French war, and named thus in honor of Colonel
Schuyler, an uncle of General Philip Schuyler of the Revolution. The two
are often confounded in history, and the change in the name of Fort
Stanwix was alike unnecessary and unwise.
A rapid glance at the other warlike events of the season will close the
history of the year. Anticipating, on the evacuation of Boston by General
Howe, that his next point of attack would be New-York, General Lee was
detached by the Commander-in-chief with a portion of the army, to put
Long Island and the harbor of New-York in a posture of defence. Washington
followed soon afterward himself, and established his head-quarters in the
city. Having been joined by his brother, Lord Howe, as commander of the
fleet at Halifax, General, afterward Sir William Howe, with his
reinforcements, arrived off Sandy Hook--the latter on the 25th of June
and the former on the 12th of July. General Clinton arriving at about the
same time from the unsuccessful enterprise against Charleston, with
Admiral Hotham, the combined forces of the enemy now amounted to about
24,000 men, including the Hessians.
Lord and Sir William Howe were clothed with powers, as Commissioners, to
treat with the Colonies for a reconciliation. Their pacific errand was
proclaimed before hostilities were recommenced, and promises of pardon
were proffered to all who would avail themselves of the Royal clemency,
and return to their allegiance and duty. Their proposals, however, were
considered too exceptionable, both in matter and form, to receive the
least attention.
On the 22d of August the British army was landed upon Long Island, at
Gravesend. The American army at this time consisting of 15,000 men, under
General Sullivan, was encamped in the neighborhood of Brooklyn. The battle
of Long Island, which was severely, though ineffectually, contested by
the American forces under Sullivan and Lord Stirling, was fought on the
27th of August. In this action, the loss of the enemy was differently
reported at from 300 to 450. The loss of the Americans was far more
considerable. General Washington admitted it to be 1000, but is believed
only to have referred to the loss of the regular troops. General Howe
claimed 1097 prisoners, among whom were Generals Sullivan, Stirling,
and Woodhull. On the 30th, the Americans effected a masterly retreat
across the East river to New-York. [FN-1] The enemy made immediate
dispositions for attacking New-York; and so prompt and skillful were his
movements, that, in a council of general officers, an evacuation forthwith
was deemed the only means of saving the army. The British fleet was
divided into two squadrons, one of which entered the East and the other
the North river. Under cover of the former, Sir Henry Clinton crossed from
Long Island, and landed at Kipp's Bay, with such celerity that the
Americans fled in disorder. Indeed, the evacuation resembled rather a
flight than a retreat; all the heavy artillery, military stores, baggage,
and provisions, falling into the hands of the enemy. A large portion of
the American forces, at that time, consisted of militia, the conduct of
which was scandalous beyond endurance. They deserted, not only in small
numbers, but in companies and squadrons, whenever they could; and their
conduct in the face of the enemy, or rather when running from the faces
of the enemy, was most cowardly. So disorderly was their demeanor, and so
like poltroons did they behave when flying from Sir Henry Clinton, that
even Washington himself lost his patience, and was excited to a degree of
hot exasperation. In writing from Harlem Heights to a friend. General
Greene said that two brigades of militia ran away from about fifty men,
leaving the Commander-in-chief on the ground within eighty yards of the
enemy, so vexed with the conduct of his troops, that he sought death
rather than life. [FN-2] His attempts to stop them were fruitless. He drew
his sword, and threatened to run them through, and cocked and snapped his
pistols. [FN-3] But all his exertions were to no purpose. In a letter upon
the subject of this infamous conduct of the militia, to the President of
Congress, the Commander-in-chief declared that, were he called to give
his opinion upon oath, he should say that the militia did more injury to
the service than good.
* * * * *
[FN-1] During the operations upon Long Island and New-York, Captain
Brant contrived to pass from Canada and join the King's forces. He was
with Governor Tryon at Flatbush. The late Mr. John Watts, a
brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, used to speak of taking a walk with
Gov. Tryon, Colonel Asgill, and Brant, through an orchard in that
village. During their stroll, Brant plucked a crude crab-apple from a
tree, which, on tasting it, he threw away--screwing his face, and
exclaiming;--"It's as bitter as a Presbyterian!"
[FN-2] Sparks.
[FN-3] Gordon.
General Greene had strongly urged the destruction of the city by fire--a
measure afterward so effectively adopted by Count Rostopchin, Governor of
the ancient capital of Muscovy, to arrest the career of Napoleon--that
the enemy might be deprived of the advantage of establishing their
winter-quarters therein. His reasons for this measure were sound, and it
ought, doubtless, to have been adopted. Washington was believed to be of
the same opinion, especially as two thirds of the property which it was
proposed to destroy, belonged to undisguised loyalists. But Congress would
not allow the sacrifice; [FN-1] and, on the 15th of September, the city was
in full possession of the enemy--General Washington having retired with
the army to Kingsbridge. From the superiority in numbers and discipline
of the British and German troops, the Americans were unable to meet them
in the field, and the policy of evacuating and retreating was adopted. A
succession of movements, manoeuvres, and engagements, followed in
Westchester, terminating, for the moment, in the drawn battle of White
Plains on the 18th of October. [FN-2] Washington then divided his army,
and crossed into New Jersey with a portion, leaving 7500 troops at North
Castle, under General Lee. The next disaster to the American arms was the
fall of Fort Washington, on the 16th of November, after a brave defence
by Colonel Magaw, notwithstanding the refusal of a portion of his troops
to man the lines. [FN-3] That fortress was attacked with great gallantry
at four points, led by Generals Knyphausen, Matthews, Cornwallis, and Lord
Percy. The regiment of Colonel Rawlings, on that occasion, behaved with
great spirit; nor would Colonel Magaw have given up the post but for the
conduct of the disaffected. [FN-4] After the fall of Fort Washington, Lord
Cornwallis crossed into New Jersey with 6000 men, for the purpose of
attacking Fort Lee, of which General Lee was then in command. But the
means of this skillful officer were not adequate to the defence of the
post against a force of such unequal strength; the people of New Jersey
were at that time intent rather to make terms with the enemy, than to
afford efficient assistance; [FN-5] and the garrison was saved by an
evacuation. General Washington had taken post at Newark; but the fall of
Forts Washington and Lee, together with the diminution of his own strength
by the expiration of the term of service of his men, obliged him to
retreat rapidly across New Jersey to the other side of the Delaware,
followed so closely by Lord Cornwallis, that the van of the pursuers was
often engaged with the rear of the pursued.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Washington's letter to the President of Congress, and also a
letter from Gen. Greene.--Vide Sparks.
[FN-2] The Stockbridge Indians were engaged with the Americans in this
battle. They fought bravely, and suffered severely.
[FN-3] Letter of Washington to his brother, John Augustine Washington,
dated from Hackensack, Nov. 19, 1776.
[FN-4] Idem.
[FN-5] "The conduct of the Jerseys has been most infamous. Instead of
turning out to defend their country and affording aid to our army, they
are making their submissions as fast as they can. If the Jerseys had
given us any support, we might have made a stand at Hackensack, and after
that at Brunswick; but the few militia that were in arms disbanded
themselves, and left the poor remains of an army to make the best we
could of it."--_Letter of Washington to his brother, John Augustine
Washington, Nov. 18, 1776._
In addition to this succession of disasters, Sir Guy Carleton had appeared
upon Lake Champlain with a flotilla, superior to that of the Americans
under General Arnold, and which seemed to have been called into existence
as if by enchantment. Two naval engagements followed, on the 11th and
13th of October, contested with undaunted bravery, [FN-1] but resulting
in the defeat of Arnold, the annihilation of his flotilla, and the
possession of the Lake and Crown Point by the foe. Early in December
Rhode Island also fell into his hands. The forces of the
Commander-in-chief at the same time numbered only from two to three
thousand men; and scarcely a new recruit supplied the places of those
whose terms of service were expiring. And even those recruits that were
furnished, were so badly supplied with officers, as almost to extinguish
the hope of forming an army from which any efficient services were to be
expected. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Gen. Gates wrote to Col. Ten Eyck, from Ticonderoga, on the 13th
of October--"The engagement began on the 11th, and continues to this day.
The enemy's fleet is much superior to ours, and we maintain a running
fight. All our officers behave with the greatest spirit."--_MS. letter
in the author's possession._
[FN-2] "The different States, without regard to the qualifications of
an officer, quarreling about the appointments, and nominating such as
are not fit to be shoe-blacks, from the local attachments of this or
that member of Assembly."--_Letter from Washington to his brother, 19th
November, 1776._
Worse than all, a spirit of disaffection was rife in the States of
New-York and New Jersey, which not only thwarted the purposes of the
Commander-in-chief, but threatened the most lamentable consequences to
the cause. Although there were many stanch Whigs in Albany and its
vicinity, there were many vigilant loyalists in that region, who
continued to keep in correspondence with the enemy during nearly the
whole contest. In the Summer of this year. General Schuyler had detected
a dangerous plot in the neighborhood of Albany, and apprehended some of
the ringleaders. During the operations of the army in the Autumn, in
New-York and its neighborhood, it was only with the utmost difficulty
that large portions of the fluctuating army could be kept in the line of
duty, while other large portions either went off in masses, or proved
unfaithful while they remained. The conduct of the militia at Fort
Washington, has been noted. General Greene wrote on the 5th of November,
that the New-York militia, under Colonel Hawkes Hay, actually refused to
do duty. They said General Howe had promised them peace, liberty, and
safety; and that was all they wanted. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Sparks--Life and Cor. of Washington.
These are but a few of the discouragements under which the
Commander-in-chief was laboring. To borrow his own expressive language
in the private letter to his brother cited in a preceding note, "You
can form no idea of the perplexity of my situation. No man, I believe,
ever had a greater choice of difficulties, and less means to extricate
himself from them." Nevertheless, the last sun of that year did not sink
behind so deep a cloud of gloom as had been anticipated. In the north,
General Carleton, who had occupied Crown Point after the defeat of
Arnold's flotilla, had returned to Canada without attempting any thing
farther; and before the close of the year the Commander-in-chief had the
satisfaction to announce, that instead of imitating the bad example of
others, the Continental regiments from the Eastern States had agreed to
remain six weeks beyond the term of their enlistment. [FN-1] In addition
to which were the bold return of Washington upon Trenton, and his
brilliant victory over the Hessian forces at that place, on the morning
of the 26th of December. "This well-judged and successful enterprise
revived the depressed spirits of the Colonists, and produced an immediate
and happy effect in recruiting the American army." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter from Washington to the commander at Morristown, Dec. 30.
[FN-2] Holmes's Annals.