CHAPTER VI.

CORRESPONDENCE.

_Art. 1. Letter, Wilkinson's Instructions to Pike._[VI-1]

ST. LOUIS, June 24th, 1806.

SIR: You are to proceed without delay to the cantonment on the

Missouri [at Belle Fontaine], where you are to embark the late Osage

captives and the deputation recently returned from Washington, with

their presents and baggage, and are to transport the whole up the

Missouri and Osage rivers to the town of the Grand Osage.

The safe delivery of this charge at the point of destination

constitutes the primary object of your expedition; therefore you are

to move with such caution as may prevent surprise from any hostile

band, and are to repel with your utmost force any outrage which may be

attempted.

Having safely deposited your passengers and their property, you are to

turn your attention to the accomplishment of a permanent peace between

the Kanses and Osage nations; for which purpose you must effect a

meeting between the head chiefs of those nations, and are to employ

such arguments, deduced from their own obvious interests, as well as

the inclinations, desires, and commands of the president of the

United States, as may facilitate your purpose and accomplish the end.

A third object of considerable magnitude will then claim your

consideration. It is to effect an interview and establish a good

understanding with the Yanctons, Tetaus, or Camanches.

For this purpose you must interest White Hair, of the Grand Osage,

with whom and a suitable deputation you will visit the Panis republic,

where you may find interpreters, and inform yourself of the most

feasible plan by which to bring the Camanches to a conference. Should

you succeed in this attempt--and no pains must be spared to effect

it--you will endeavor to make peace between that distant powerful

nation and the nations which inhabit the country between us and them,

particularly the Osage; finally, you will endeavor to induce eight or

ten of their distinguished chiefs to make a visit to the seat of

government next September, and you may attach to this deputation four

or five Panis and the same number of Kanses chiefs.

As your interview with the Camanches will probably lead you to the

head branches of the Arkansaw and Red rivers, you may find yourself

approximated to the settlements of New Mexico. There it will be

necessary you should move with great circumspection, to keep clear of

any hunting or reconnoitering parties from that province, and to

prevent alarm or offense; because the affairs of Spain and the United

States appear to be on the point of amicable adjustment, and moreover

it is the desire of the president to cultivate the friendship and

harmonious intercourse of all the nations of the earth, particularly

our near neighbors the Spaniards.[VI-2]

In the course of your tour, you are to remark particularly upon the

geographical structure, the natural history, and population of the

country through which you may pass, taking particular care to collect

and preserve specimens of everything curious in the mineral or

botanical worlds, which can be preserved and are portable. Let your

courses be regulated by your compass, and your distances by your

watch, to be noted in a field-book; and I would advise you, when

circumstances permit, to protract and lay down in a separate book the

march of the day at every evening's halt.

The instruments which I have furnished you will enable you to

ascertain the variation of the magnetic needle and the latitude with

exactitude; and at every remarkable point I wish you to employ your

telescope in observing the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, having

previously regulated and adjusted your watch by your quadrant, taking

care to note with great nicety the periods of immersions and emersions

of the eclipsed satellites. These observations may enable us, after

your return, by application to the appropriate tables, which I cannot

now furnish you, to ascertain the longitude.

It is an object of much interest with the executive to ascertain the

direction, extent, and navigation of the Arkansaw and Red rivers; as

far, therefore, as may be compatible with these instructions and

practicable to the means you may command, I wish you to carry your

views to those subjects; and should circumstances conspire to favor

the enterprise, that you may detach a party with a few Osage to

descend the Arkansaw under the orders of Lieutenant Wilkinson, or

Sergeant Ballinger, properly instructed and equipped to take the

courses and distances, to remark on the soil, timber, etc., and to

note the tributary streams. This party will, after reaching our post

on the Arkansaw, descend to Fort Adams and there await further orders;

and you yourself may descend the Red river, accompanied by a party of

the most respectable Camanches, to the post of Nachitoches, and there

receive further orders.

To disburse your necessary expenses and to aid your negotiations, you

are herewith furnished six hundred dollars' worth of goods, for the

appropriation of which you are to render a strict account, vouched by

documents to be attested by one of your party.

Wishing you a safe and successful expedition,

I am, Sir,

With much respect and esteem,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 2. Letter, Wilkinson's Additional Instructions to Pike._

CANTONMENT [BELLE FONTAINE], MISSOURI,

July 12th, 1806.

SIR:

The health of the Osages being now generally restored, and all hopes

of the speedy recovery of their prisoners from the hands of the

Potowatomies being at an end, they have become desirous to commence

their journey for their villages; you are therefore to proceed

to-morrow.

In addition to the instructions given you on the 24th ultimo, I must

request you to have the talks under cover delivered to White Hair and

Grand Peste, the chief of the Osage band which is settled on the

waters of the Arkansaw, together with the belts which accompany them.

You will also receive herewith a small belt for the Panis and a large

one for the Tetaus or Camanches.

Should you find it necessary, you are to give orders to Maugraine, the

resident interpreter at the Grand Osage, to attend you.

I beg you to take measures for the security and safe return of your

boats from the Grand Osage to this place.

Dr. Robinson will accompany you as a volunteer. He will be furnished

medicines, and for the accommodations which you give him he is bound

to attend your sick.

Should you discover any unlicensed traders in your route, or any

person from this territory, or from the United States, without a

proper license or passport, you are to arrest such person or persons

and dispose of their property as the law directs.

My confidence in your caution and discretion has prevented my urging

you to be vigilant in guarding against the strategy and treachery of

the Indians; holding yourself above alarm or surprise, the composition

of your party, though it be small, will secure to you the respect of a

host of untutored savages.

You are to communicate, from the Grand Osage and from every other

practicable point, directly to the secretary of war, transmitting your

letters to this place under cover, to the commanding officer, or by

any more convenient route.

I wish you health and a successful and honorable enterprise, and am,

Yours with friendship,

[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 3.[VI-3] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 3, pp. 32, 33.)-

ST. CHARLES, July 17th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

We arrived here last evening all well, except some of the soldiers

from fatigue, as in the present state of the water we are obliged to

row altogether.

We were disappointed in obtaining any information from St. Louis, or

baggage for our Panis. I do not know how it will be digested by them.

We likewise were disappointed in receiving a line from you, as we had

here expected, and in the hopes of which I shall yet detain until

twelve o'clock and then take my departure. Our Osage conduct

themselves pretty well, and are very obedient to orders; at first they

had an idea a little too free relative to other people's property, but

at present stand corrected.

I understood from you that they were equipped by Mr. Tillier with

everything necessary for their voyage to their towns; consequently,

although they have been applying to me for a variety of articles, none

of which have they been gratified with, but powder and ball, which is

necessary for their own defense.

The general will pardon this scrawl; and should he send an express

after us, please to let Mrs. Pike know of the opportunity.

I am, dear Sir,

With high respect,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 4. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 4, p. 33.)-

ST. CHARLES, July 19th [_i. e._, 18th], 1806.

In the morning.

DEAR GENERAL:

Inclosed you have one of the articles subscribed by Mr. [George]

Henry, mentioned in my note of yesterday.[VI-4] I hope the general may

approve of the contents.

Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson marched with one soldier this

morning, and the boats have proceeded under the conduct of [Sergeant]

Ballenger; I shall overtake them in an hour or two.

Numerous reports have been made to the Indians [we have with us],

calculated to impress them with an idea that there is a small army of

their enemies waiting to receive us at the entrance of the Grand

Osage. But I have partly succeeded in scouting the idea from their

minds.

No news of Chouteau, nor Panis' trunks.

I am, dear General,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 5. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 5, pp. 33-35.)-

VILLAGE DE CHARETTE, July 22d, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your two obliging

favors of the 18th and 19th inst. The particular contents of each

shall be punctually attended to.

I assure you, Sir, that I am extremely pleased with the idea that

Messrs. [Blank] and [Blank] will meet with their merited reward, and I

on my part am determined to show them that it is not their sinister

movements that can derange the objects of our voyage; the greatest

embarrassment they have yet occasioned me has been by the detention of

the Panis' baggage, who have been much mortified on the occasion. But

I question much if, under similar impressions and circumstances, many

white men would have borne their loss with more philosophy than our

young savages.

I conceive that I cannot dispose of one of my guns better than to give

it to Frank, whose fusee was left at Chouteau's; also, each of them a

soldier's coat; this is all the remuneration I will pretend to make

them, and I hope it may bring them to a good humor.

You will probably be surprised at the slow progress we have made, but

are already informed of the cause of our detention at St. Charles.

Since then we have been detained two days on account of the rain; and

although we were able to prevent the water from entering immediately

on the top of the boat where covered, yet the quantity which she made

at both ends occasioned so much dampness under the loading as to

injure both my own corn and that of the Indians, with other small

articles which they had at various times taken from under the loading

and not returned to their proper places; but they appear satisfied

that we have paid all possible attention to prevent injury to their

baggage--as much as, and indeed more than, to our own.

In consequence of the above, and with a design to write you, I halted

here to-day, which I hope we shall usefully employ in drying our

baggage, cleaning our arms, and putting ourselves in a posture of

defense. Lieutenant Wilkinson has experienced no inconvenience from

his march by land with the Indians; and the event has proved the

necessity of some officer accompanying them, as he informs me. He

found it necessary to purchase some beeves for their consumption on

the route, for which he drew on the superintendent of Indian affairs,

and will write to you more particularly on the subject. They were

absent from the boat four days; and had he not been with them, they

would have supplied themselves by marauding, to the great offense of

our good citizens.

I am informed that a party of 40 Sacs were at Boon's Lick, above the

Osage river, a few days since; but I by no means conceive they were on

the route to intercept us, as the people pretend at this place.

Three days since one of my men [Kennerman] complained of

indisposition, and went on shore to march; he has never joined the

party, and from various reasons I conceive has deserted. I have

therefore inclosed an advertisement which, if the general will please

to cause to be posted at St. Louis, Kaskaskias, and Lusk's Ferry on

the Ohio, I conceive he will be caught. I have written to Captain

Daniel Bissell[VI-5] on the occasion; but hope the general will

enforce my request to that gentleman, as to his [Kennerman's] being

brought to trial. I was much mortified at the event, not only on

account of the loss of the man, but that my peculiar situation

prevented me from pursuing him and making him an example.

With respect to the Tetaus, the general may rest assured, I shall use

every precaution previous to trusting them; but as to the mode of

conduct to be pursued towards the Spaniards, I feel more at a loss,

as my instructions lead me into the country of the Tetaus, part of

which is no doubt claimed by Spain, although the boundaries between

Louisiana and New Mexico, have never yet been defined, in consequence

of which, should I encounter a party from the villages near Santa Fe,

I have thought it would be good policy to give them to understand,

that we were about to join our troops near Natchitoches, but had been

uncertain about the head waters of the rivers over which we passed;

but, that now, if the commandant approved of it, we would pay him a

visit of politeness, either by deputation, or the whole party, but if

he refused, signify our intention of pursuing our direct route to the

post below; but if not I flatter myself secure us an unmolested

retreat to Natchitoches. But if the Spanish jealousy, and the

instigation of domestic traitors should induce them to make us

prisoners of war, (in time of peace) I trust to the magnanimity of our

country for our liberation and a due reward to their opposers, for the

insult and indignity offered their national honor. However, unless

they give us ample assurances of just and honorable treatment,

according to the custom of nations in like cases, I would resist, even

if the inequality was as great as at the affair of Bender [town in

Russia], or the streights of Thermopylæ.[VI-6]

Will you pardon the foregoing as the enthusiasm of a youthful mind,

yet not altogether unimpressed by the dictates of prudence?

I hope the general will be persuaded that with his son I shall act as

I would to a brother, endeavoring in all cases to promote his honor

and prosperity.

In consequence of indisposition, etc., Lieut. Wilkinson will steer one

boat and I the other.

I am, dear General,

Your sincere friend,

And obedient humble servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 6. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 6, p. 36.)-

VILLAGE DE CHARETTE, Evening of July 22d, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

Finding no prospect of meeting with a private conveyance of our

letters in time sufficient to find you previous to our setting sail,

which would be entirely too late to secure my deserter and give you

the other information they contain, I have hired the bearer to ride

express to Belle Fontaine, for which I have promised him $8; which,

taking into view his ferriages, etc., cannot be deemed high, and I

hope the general will please to order the military agent to discharge

the same.

The weather has at length become settled, and we set sail to-morrow

with our boats newly and much better arranged.

I am, General, with sincere esteem,

And high respect,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 7. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 7, p. 36.)-

FIVE LEAGUES BELOW THE RIVER OSAGE, July 26th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

I halt a moment, in order to say we have arrived thus far all safe,

although our savages complain much of fatigue, etc.

The bearer had been sent by Mr. Sangonet [Charles Sanguinet, Sr.] to

examine the Osage river, and reports that they could not get their

canoes up the river more than 60 miles. If so, we have a bad prospect

before us; but go we will, if God permits.

We have been detained several days by the Indians.

I am, dear General,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.

_Art. 8. Letter, Wilkinson to Pike. (Orig. No. 9, pp. 38-40.)-

CANTONMENT MISSOURI [at Belle Fontaine],

Aug. 6th, 1806.

SIR:

In consequence of the receipt of the inclosed letters, I have thought

proper to send you an express, to enable you to announce to the Osage

the designs of their enemies, that they may take seasonable measures

to circumvent them. You will not fail, in addition to the within

talk, to enhance our paternal regard for this nation by every proper

expression; but are to keep clear of any conflict in which they may be

involved, though you are to avoid the appearance of abandoning them.

If it should be the Potowatomies' intention to carry their threat into

execution, it is probable they will not attempt to make the blow

before the falling of the leaves; and in the mean time the Osages

should establish a chain of light scouts along the coast of the

Missouri, to ascertain with certainty the approach of their enemy.

It is reduced to a certainty that [Manuel de Lisa] and a society of

which he is the ostensible leader have determined on a project to open

some commercial intercourse with Santa Fe; and as this may lead to a

connection injurious to the United States, and will, I understand, be

attempted without the sanction of law or the permission of the

executive, you must do what you can consistently to defeat the plan.

No good can be derived to the United States from such a project,

because the prosecution of it will depend entirely on the Spaniards,

and they will not permit it, unless to serve their political as well

as their personal interests. I am informed that the ensuing autumn and

winter will be employed in reconnoitering and opening a connection

with the Tetaus, Panis, etc.; that this fall or the next winter, a

grand magazine is to be established at the Osage towns, where these

operations will commence; that [Lisa] is to be the active agent,

having formed a connection with the Tetaus. This will carry forward

their merchandise within three or four days' travel of the Spanish

settlements, where they will deposit it under a guard of 300 Tetaus.

[Lisa] will then go forward with four or five attendants, taking with

him some jewelry and fine goods. With those he will visit the

governor, to whom he will make presents, and implore his pity by a

fine tale of sufferings which have been endured by the change of

government; that they are left here, with goods to be sure, but not a

dollar's worth of bullion, and therefore they have adventured to see

him, for the purpose of praying his leave for the introduction of

their property into the province. If he assents, then the whole of the

goods will be carried forward; if he refuses, then [Lisa] will invite

some of his countrymen to accompany him to his deposit, and having

there exposed to them his merchandise, he will endeavor to open a

forced or clandestine trade; for he observes, the Spaniards will not

dare to attack his camp. Here you have the plan, and you must take all

prudent and lawful means to blow it up.

In regard to your approximation to the Spanish settlements, should

your route lead you near them, or should you fall in with any of their

parties, your conduct must be marked by such circumspection and

discretion as may prevent alarm or conflict, as you will be held

responsible for consequences. On this subject I refer you to my

orders. We have nothing new respecting the pending negotiations in

Europe; but from Colonel [T. H.] Cushing I understand the Spaniards

below are behaving now with great courtesy.

By the return of the bearer you may open your correspondence with the

secretary of war [General Dearborn]; but I would caution you against

anticipating a step before you, for fear of deception and

disappointment. To me you may, and must, write fully and freely, not

only giving a minute detail of everything past worthy of note, but

also of your prospects and the conduct of the Indians. If you discover

that any tricks have been played from St. Louis, you will give them to

me with names, and must not fail to give particulars to the secretary

of war, with names, to warn him against improper confidence and

deception. Inclose your dispatch for me to Colonel [T.] Hunt, and it

will follow me by a party which I leave for the purpose. It is

interesting to you to reach Nachitoches in season to be at the seat of

government pending the session of Congress; yet you must not sacrifice

any essential object to this point. Should fortune favor you on your

present excursion, your importance to our country will, I think, make

your future life comfortable.

To show you how to correct your watch by the quadrant, after it has

been carefully adjusted, preparatory to your observing the eclipses of

the satellites of Jupiter, I send you a very simple plan, which you

will readily understand: a basin of water, in some place protected

from the motion of the air, will give you a fairer artificial horizon

than mercury. I think a tent, with a suitable aperture in the side of

it, would do very well. I have generally unroofed a cabin.

Miranda has botched his business. He has lost his two schooners

captured, and himself in the Leander returned to Jamaica. The French

have a squadron of four frigates at Porto Rico, and five sail of the

line with Jerome Bonaparte at Martinique. I consider them lost.

Your children have been indisposed; but Mrs. Pike writes you. She

appears well. My regards to your associates, and may God protect you.

[Signed] J. WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT PIKE.

_Art. 9. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 8, p. 37.)-

PARK ON THE OSAGE RIVER, Aug. 14th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I send this letter by Baptiste la Tulip [note 36, p. 381], who

informs me he bears letters to Chouteau, informing him that a party of

Little Osages have marched to war against the Kanses, and a party of

Grand Osages left the village expressly to make war on the white

people on the Arkansaw. This latter step White Hair did everything in

his power to prevent, but could not. If true, what are we to think of

our _bons amis_, the Osage?

But to [Manuel de Lisa] must we ascribe the stroke against the Kanses.

He I am informed sent a message to the Osage nation to raze the Kanses

village entirely. On this subject I intended to have been more

particular, and substantiate it by proofs; but present circumstances

seem to give credit to it. On my arrival at the village, more

particular inquiry shall be made on the subject.

Yesterday morning Lieutenant Wilkinson, the doctor, interpreter, and

one soldier, marched with the Indians, as they were very apprehensive

of an attack. The people in the canoe heard them crying and saw them

on their march.

Nothing extraordinary has yet taken place on our route, except our

being favored with a vast quantity of rain, which I hope will enable

us to ascend to the village.

What face will the Indians receive us with? And to whom are we to

ascribe their hostile disposition, unless to the traitors of St.

Louis?

Lieutenant Wilkinson is in very good health, and will lament his

having missed this opportunity of assuring his parents of his love and

affection.

I am, dear General,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.

_Art. 10. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 10, pp. 40-42.)-

CAMP INDEPENDENCE, NEAR THE OSAGE TOWNS,

Aug. 28th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

You will no doubt be much surprised to perceive by the date of this

letter that we are still here; but we have been unavoidably detained

by a variety of circumstances.

I had the happiness to receive your express the day of my arrival, the

bearer having arrived the night before, and have attended particularly

to its contents.

On the 19th inst. I delivered your parole to Cheveux Blanche, and on

the 21st held a grand council of both towns, and made the necessary

communications and demands for horses, on the subjects of making

peace with the Kans, accompanying me to the Panis, [and Wilkinson]

down the Arkansaw, and [to ascertain] if there were any brave enough

to accompany me the whole voyage.

They requested one day to hold council in the villages, previous to

giving an answer. It was three before I received any; their

determination was as follows: From the Grand Osage village, or [that

of] Cheveux Blanche, we are accompanied by his son, and Jean La Fon

[Le Fou], the second chief of the village, with some young men not

known, and he furnishes us four horses.

The Little Osage sends the brother of the chief, whom I really find to

be the third chief of the village, and some young men unknown, and

furnishes six horses. This is their present promise, but four of the

ten are yet deficient. With these I am merely capable of transporting

our merchandise and ammunition. I shall purchase two more, for which I

find we shall be obliged to pay extravagant prices.

I sincerely believe that the two chiefs, White Hair and Wind, have

exerted all their influence; but it must be little, when they could

only procure 10 horses out of 700 or 800.

I have taken an exact survey of the river to this place, noting

particular streams, etc., a protracted copy of which Lieutenant

Wilkinson forwards by this opportunity. Since our arrival here I have

ascertained the variation of the compass to be 6° 30´ E.; the

latitude, by means of several observations, 37° 26´ 17´´ N.; and by an

observation on three different nights I obtained two immersions of

Jupiter's satellites, which will enable us to ascertain every

geographical object in view.

On the same night I arrived near the village, Mr. Baptist

Duchouquette, alias Larme, with two men, in a small canoe, arrived and

went immediately to the lodge of White Hair, whose conduct, with that

of our resident interpreter, appears in my estimation to have changed

since I sent Lieutenant Wilkinson to demand to see Baptist's passport,

if he had one, and if not, to bring him to camp; which was done. I

detained him two days, until I had made an inquiry of White Hair, who

said he had merely mentioned to him that Labardie was coming with a

quantity of goods. Finding I could substantiate nothing more criminal

against him than his having entered the Indian boundaries without a

passport, and not being able to send him back a prisoner, I detained

him a sufficient time to alarm him, then took his deposition (a copy

of which is inclosed to the attorney-general), and wrote Dr. Brown on

the occasion, requesting him to enter a prosecution against these men

[see note 44, p. 388, Aug. 20th, 1806].

Barroney informs me that he has not the least doubt that [Lisa] was at

the bottom of this embassy, although in the name of [Labardie]; as

after the arrival of Baptist, the Indians frequently spoke of [Lisa]

and declared that if he had come he could have obtained horses in

plenty.

Our interpreter, Maugraine, also, I do believe to be a perfect

creature of [Lisa]; he has almost positively refused to accompany me,

although I read your order on the subject, alleging he was only

engaged to interpret at this place, notwithstanding he went last year

to the Arkansaw for Mr. Chouteau without difficulty. I have not yet

determined on the line of conduct to be pursued with him; but believe,

on his giving a positive refusal, I shall use military law. What the

result will be is uncertain; but to be thus braved by a scoundrel will

be lessening the dignity of our government. He is married into a

powerful family, and appears, next to White Hair, to have the most

influence in the Grand [Osage] village. The general will please to

observe that much of the foregoing rests on conjecture, and therefore

will give it its due weight. But to him I not only write as my

general, but as a paternal friend, who would not make use of my open

communications, when not capable of being substantiated by proofs.

We have heard nothing of the Potowatomies; but should they come in a

few days, they will meet with a warm reception, as all are ready to

receive them.

Since my arrival here many Spanish medals have been shown me, and some

commissions. All I have done on the subject is merely to advise their

delivery below, when they would be acknowledged by our government.

Many have applied for permission to go to Saint Louis; none of which I

have granted except to the son of Sans Orielle, who goes down to make

inquiry for his sister.

I have advanced our express some things on account, and forward his

receipts; also, some trifles to Barroney, whom I have found to be one

of the finest young men I ever knew in his situation. He appears to

have entirely renounced all his Saint Louis connections, and is as

firm an American as if born one; he of course is entirely discarded by

the people of Saint Louis; but I hope he will not suffer for his

fidelity.

On the chart forwarded by Lieutenant Wilkinson is noted the census

which I caused to be taken of the village of the Little Osage; that of

the big one I shall likewise obtain--they are from actual enumeration.

Lieutenant Wilkinson, if nothing extraordinary prevents, will descend

the Arkansaw, accompanied by Ballenger and two men, as the former is

now perfectly acquainted with the mode of taking courses and

protracting his route, and the latter appears as if he had not the

proper capacity for it, although a good dispositioned and brave man.

I am, dear Sir,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. WILKINSON.

_Art. 11. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 11, p. 43.)-

[OSAGE TOWNS], Aug. 29th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I will continue my communications by relating that Wind has come in

and informed me that the other two horses which he promised have been

withdrawn by their owners. He appeared really distressed, and I

conceive I do him justice in believing that he is extremely mortified

at the deceptions which have been passed on him.

It is with extreme pain that I keep myself cool amongst the

difficulties which those people appear to have a disposition to throw

in my way; but I have declared to them that I should go on, even if I

collected our tents and other baggage which we will be obliged to

leave together, and burnt them on the spot.

I have sold the batteau which I brought up, and which was extremely

rotten, for $100 in merchandise, the price at this place; which I

conceive was preferable to leaving her to destruction, as I am afraid

I do the barge (for which I demanded $150), although I leave her under

the charge of Wind, and shall report her to Colonel [Thomas] Hunt.

I shall dispatch the express to-morrow, as he complains much of the

detention, etc., and as I hope nothing worthy of note will occur at

this place previous to our departure. I hope the general will believe

me to be and, should this be my last report, to have been, his

sincerely attached friend and obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. WILKINSON.

_Art. 12. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 12, pp. 43, 44.)-

OSAGE TOWNS, Aug. 30th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I have brought Mr. Noal, alias Maugraine, to reason, and he either

goes himself or hires, at his expense, a young man who is here who

speaks the Panis language, and in many other respects is preferable to

himself; but he will be the bearer of the express to Saint Louis.

Cheveux Blanche requested me to inform you that there is an Osage

murderer in his village, who killed a Frenchman on the Arkansaw; but

owing to the great dissensions and schism of the Arkansaw faction, he

is fearful to deliver him up without some of his friends having

agreed to it, and his authority being strengthened by a formal demand

from you; when he assures me he shall be brought down a prisoner.

Indeed Cheveux Blanche appears to be very delicately situated, as the

village on the Arkansaw serves as a place of refuge for all the young,

daring, and discontented; added to which, they are much more regularly

supplied with ammunition, and, should not our government take some

steps to prevent it, they will ruin the Grand village, as they are at

liberty to make war without restraint, especially on the nations who

are to the west, and have plenty of horses. The chief says he was

promised, at Washington, that these people should be brought back to

join him; but, on the contrary, many of his village are emigrating

there.

Owing to the difficulty of obtaining horses, Mr. Henry returns from

this place. In descending the Mississippi I will request him to pay

his respects to you.

I last evening took the census of the Grand village, and found it to

be: men, 502; boys, 341; women and girls, 852; total, 1695; lodges,

214.

The express waits, which I hope the general will accept as an excuse

for this scrawl, having written him fully on the 28th and 29th inst.

I am, dear General,

Your ever sincere friend

and obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 13. Letter, Pike to Dearborn. (Orig. No. 13, pp. 45, 46.)-

PAWNEE REPUBLIC, Oct. 1st, 1806.

SIR:

We arrived here on the 25th ult., after a tedious march of 375 miles,

the distance, as I conceive, being very much augmented by the Osages

who accompanied us leading us too far to the south, owing to their

great fear of the Kans. We suffered considerably with thirst, but our

guns furnished us amply with buffalo meat.

We delivered in safety to the chief the two young Pawnees who had

lately visited Washington, and caused to be explained to the nation

the parole which they bore from the president of the United States.

On our arrival, we found the Spanish and American flags both expanded

in the village, and were much surprised to learn that it was not more

than three or four weeks since a party of Spanish troops, whose

numbers were estimated by the Indians of this town at 300, had

returned to Santa Fe. We further learned that a large body of troops

had left N. Mexico, and on their march had met with the villagers of

the Pawnee Mahaws, who were on one of their semi-annual excursions;

that they encamped together, and entered into a treaty; but after this

the Pawnees raised their camp in the night, and stole a large portion

of the Spaniards' horses. This circumstance induced them to halt on

the Arkansaw with the main body of the troops, and to send forward the

party who appeared at this village. They proposed to this chief to

join a party of his warriors to their troops, march to and entirely

destroy the village of the Pawnee Mahaws; this proposition he had

prudence enough to reject, although at war with that nation. The

Spanish officer informed him that his superior, who remained on the

Arkansaw, had marched from Santa Fe with an intention of entering into

a treaty with the following nations of Indians, viz.: The Kanses,

Pawnee Republic, Grand Pawnees, Pawnee Loups, Otos, and Mahaws; and

had with him a grand medal, commissions, and four mules for each; but

by the stroke of the Pawnee Mahaws the plan was disconcerted, except

only as to this nation. The commissions are dated Santa Fe, 15th of

June, 1806, signed governor-general, etc., etc., of New Mexico, and

run in the usual style of Spanish commissions to savages, as far as I

was capable of judging of their contents.

The chief further informed me that the officer who commanded said

party was too young to hold councils, etc.; that he had only come to

open the road; that in the spring his superior would be here, and

teach the Indians what was good for them; and that they would build a

town near them. In short, it appears to me to have been an expedition

expressly for the purpose of striking a dread into those different

nations of the Spanish power, and to bring about a general combination

in its favor. Under these impressions, I have taken the earliest

opportunity of reporting the infringement of our territory, in order

that our government may not remain in the dark as to the views of her

neighbor.

I effected a meeting at this place between a few Kans and Osages, who

smoked the pipe of peace and buried the hatchet, agreeably to the

wishes of their great father; in consequence of which a Kans has

marched for the Osage nation, and some of the latter propose to

accompany the former to their village; whether this good understanding

will be permanent, I will not take on me to determine; but at least a

temporary good effect has succeeded.

From the Osage towns, I have taken the courses and distances by the

route we came, marking each river or rivulet we crossed, pointing out

the dividing ridges, etc. The waters which we crossed were the heads

of the [Little] Osage, White [Neosho], and Verdigrise rivers, [the two

last] branches of the Arkansaw, and the waters of the [Smoky Hill fork

of the] Kans river. The latitude of this place, I presume, will be in

about 39° 30´ N., and I hope to obtain every other astronomical

observation which will be requisite to fix its geographical situation

beyond dispute. I expect to march from here in a few days; but the

future prospects of the voyage are entirely uncertain, as the savages

strive to throw every impediment in our way, agreeably to the orders

received from the Spaniards. Being seated on the ground, and writing

on the back of a book, I hope will plead my excuse for this scrawl.

I am, Sir,

With high respect,

Your obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

THE HON. HENRY DEARBORN,

Secretary War Department.

_Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 14, pp. 47-50.)-

PAWNEE REPUBLIC, Oct. 2d, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

Inclosed you have a copy of my letter from this place to the secretary

of war, in order that, should you think any communication on the

contents necessary, you may have a perfect command of the information

given the war department, and will be the more capable of illustrating

the subject.

You will perceive by said communication, that we were led considerably

out of our course by our guides, in my opinion not less than 100

miles; this was entirely owing to the pusillanimity of the Osage, who

were more afraid of the Kans than I could possibly have imagined.

You will likewise perceive the council which took place between those

nations under our auspices, and its effects, but which I candidly

confess I have very little hopes will be productive of a permanent

peace, as none of the principal men of either nation were present; but

as both are anxious for a cessation of hostilities, perhaps it may

have the desired effect.

Two of the Kans chiefs have said they will pursue the voyage with me

agreeably to my orders. I do not yet know whether they will descend

the Arkansaw with Lieut. Wilkinson, or continue on to Red river with

me; but they have their own selection.

The general will no doubt be struck with some surprise to perceive

that so large a party of Spanish troops have been so lately in our

territory. No doubt at first you would conclude that it must have been

militia; but when informed that their infantry were armed with muskets

and bayonets and had drums, that the men wore long mustaches and

whiskers which almost covered the whole of their faces; that their

cavalry were armed with swords and pistols, and that regular guards

and patrols were kept by horse and foot, you may probably change your

opinion.

The route by which they came and returned was by no means the direct

one from Santa Fe, and why they should have struck so low down as the

Grand Saline, unless they had an idea of striking at the village of

the Grand Pest, or conceived the Saline to be in their territory, I

cannot imagine.

On our arrival here, we were received with great pomp and ceremony by

about 300 men on horseback, and with great apparent friendship by the

chief. The Osage (one chief and four warriors) were presented with

eight horses; the Kans who arrived two days after were also presented

with horses. The day after, we assembled the four principal chiefs to

dine, after which I presented the principal with a double-barreled

gun, gorget,[VI-7] and other articles (this man wore the grand Spanish

medal); gave to the second the small medal you furnished me, with

other articles; and to each of the others a gorget in their turn.

Those presents I conceived would have a good effect, both as to

attaching them to our government and in our immediate intercourse.

At the council which was held a day or two afterward I presented them

with merchandise which at this place should be valued at $250; and

after explaining their relative situation as to the Spanish and

American governments, I asked on my part, if they would assist us with

a few horses, a Tetau prisoner who spoke Pawnee to serve as an

interpreter, an exchange of colors, and finally, for some of their

chiefs to accompany us, to be sent on to Washington. The exchange of

colors was the only request granted at the time; and for particular

reasons, which Lieut. Wilkinson related, I thought proper to return

them to the chief. After spending two or three anxious days, we were

given to understand that our requests could not be complied with in

the other points, and were again strongly urged by the head chief to

return the way we came, and not prosecute our voyage any further. This

brought on an explanation as to our views toward the Spanish

government, in which the chief declared that it had been the intention

of the Spanish troops to proceed further toward the Mississippi, but

that he objected to it, and they listened to him and returned; he

therefore hoped we would be equally reasonable. Finding me still

determined on proceeding, he told me in plain terms (if the

interpreter erred not) that it was the will of the Spaniards we should

not proceed; which I not answering, he painted innumerable

difficulties which he said lay in the way; but finding all his

arguments had no effect, he said "it was a pity," and was silent.

This day I have sent out several of my party to purchase horses, but

know not yet how we shall succeed, as the Kans have intimated an idea

that the chief will prohibit his people from trading with us.

The Pawnees and the Tetaus are at war; the latter killed six of the

former in August last; consequently effecting any communication with

the Tetaus by means of this nation is impossible.

If God permits, we shall march from here in a few days, and on the

Arkansaw I shall remain until I build two small canoes for Lieut.

W[ilkinson], whose party will consist of Ballenger and two or three

men, with three Osage. Those canoes will be easily managed, and in

case of accident to one, the other will still be sufficient to

transport their baggage.

I am informed that in a few days he will meet French hunters, and

probably arrive at the village of the Grand Pest in a fortnight; as

all the Osage nation are apprised of his descent, I conceive he will

meet with no insurmountable difficulties.[*] The Tetaus are at open

war with the Spaniards, so that could we once obtain an introduction,

I conceive we should meet with a favorable reception. Yet how it is to

be brought about I am much at a loss to determine; but knowing that,

at this crisis of affairs, an intimate connection with that nation

might be extremely serviceable to my country, I shall proceed to find

them, in hopes to find some means, through the French, Osage, and

Pawnee languages, of making ourselves understood.

[*] This was erroneous, but it was my impression at the time.

(Orig. note.)]

Any number of men who may reasonably be calculated on would find no

difficulty in marching by the route we came, with baggage wagons,

field artillery, and all the usual appendages of a small army; and if

all the route to Santa Fe should be of the same description, in case

of war I would pledge my life and what is infinitely dearer, my honor,

for the successful march of a reasonable body of troops into the

province of New Mexico.

I find the savages of this country less brave, but possessing much

more duplicity and by far a greater propensity to lying and stealing,

than those I had to pass through on my last [Mississippi] voyage.

I am extremely doubtful if any chief of those nations can be induced

to prosecute the voyage with us, as their dread of the Tetaus and the

objections of the Pawnees seem to outweigh every argument and

inducement to the contrary.

* * * * *

OCT. 3D.

The Pawnee chief has induced the Kans to return to their villages, by

giving them a gun and promising horses, with many frightful pictures

drawn [of what would happen] if they proceeded.

The Osages lent me five horses, which their people who accompanied us

were to have led back; but receiving fresh ones from the Pawnees, they

would not be troubled with them. In fact, it was a fortunate

circumstance, as four of the horses I obtained of the Osage have such

bad backs they cannot proceed, and we will be obliged to leave them;

and not purchasing here with facility, I would have been obliged to

sacrifice some of our baggage. I therefore sent them a certificate for

each horse, on the Indian agent below, which I hope the general will

order him to discharge.

I know the general's goodness will excuse this scrawl, as he is well

acquainted with the situation it must be written in, and at the same

time, believe me to be his sincere friend and

Most obedient humble servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 15.[VI-8] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 15, pp. 50-53.)-

ON THE ARKANSAW, latitude 37° 44´ 9´´ N., Oct. 24th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

Our party arrived here on the 15th inst., myself and Dr. Robinson on

the 19th [18th by Itinerary, p. 427]. We, having been out to seek the

trace of the Spanish troops, missed the party, and were not able to

join them until the 4th [3d] day.

The river being very regular, Lieut. Wilkinson had calculated to

proceed on the day following on the most direct route for the Red

[_sic_] river; but shortly after my joining, considerable rain fell

and raised the river, and we have been ever since preparing wooden and

skin canoes for that gentleman and party to descend in. The river is

between 300 and 400 yards in width, with generally flat low banks, not

more than two or three feet high, and the bed a sand-bank from one

side to the other. The want of water will present the greatest

obstacle to the progress of the party who descend the Arkansaw, as

they have no cause to fear a scarcity of provision, having some

bushels of corn on hand, and can at their option take as much dried

meat as they think proper, hundreds of pounds of which are lying on

scaffolds at our camp; and they are likewise accompanied by the choice

of our hunters.

Under these circumstances, and those stated in my letter from the

Pawnees, I can assert with confidence there are no obstacles I should

hesitate to encounter, although those inseparable from a voyage of

several hundred leagues through a wilderness inhabited only by savages

may appear of the greatest magnitude to minds unaccustomed to such

enterprises. Lieut. Wilkinson and party appear in good spirits, and

show a disposition which must vanquish every difficulty.

We were eight days traveling from the Pawnee village to the Arkansaw,

our general course S. 10° W. Several days we lay by nearly half, owing

to various circumstances; my course made it 150 miles, but I could now

march it in 120. Lieut. Wilkinson has copied and carries with him a

very elegant protracted sketch of the route, noting the streams,

hills, etc., that we crossed; their courses, bearings, etc.; and

should I live to arrive, I will pledge myself to show their

connections and general direction with considerable accuracy, as I

have myself spared no pains in reconnoitering or obtaining information

from the savages in our route.

From this point we shall ascend the river until we strike the

mountains, or find the Tetaus; thence bear more to the S. until we

find the head of the Red river, where we shall be detained some time;

after which nothing shall cause a halt until my arrival at

Natchitoches.

I speak in all those cases in the positive mood, as, so far as lies in

the compass of human exertions, we command the power; but I pretend

not to surmount impossibilities, and I well know the general will

pardon my anticipating a little to him.

The general will probably be surprised to find that the expenses[VI-9]

of the expedition will more than double the contemplated sum of our

first calculations; but I conceived the Spaniards were making such

great exertions to debauch the minds of our savages, economy might be

very improperly applied, and I likewise have found the purchase of

horses to be attended with much greater expense than was expected at

St. Louis. For those reasons, when I advert to the expenses of my two

voyages, which I humbly conceive might be compared with the one

performed by Captains Lewis and Clark, and the appropriations made for

theirs, I feel a consciousness that it is impossible for the most

rigid to censure my accounts.

I cannot yet say if I shall sacrifice my horses at Red river, but

every exertion shall be made to save them for the public; some, if in

good condition, would be fine ones, and average between $50 and $60.

Should the fortune of war at length have honored me with a

company,[VI-10] I hope the general will recollect his promise to me,

and have my command attached to it; and on my arrival I shall take the

liberty of soliciting his influence, that they may obtain the same or

similar rewards, as those who accompanied Capt. Lewis; as I will make

bold to say that they have in the two voyages incurred as great

dangers, and gone through as many hardships.

Dr. Robinson presents his respectful compliments, and is sanguine of

the success of our expedition.

I am, dear General,

Your ever attached friend

and obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Statistical Abstract of the Indians who inhabit that part of

Louisiana visited by Captain Z. M. Pike in His Tour of Discovery in

the years 1806 and 1807._

Column Headings--

D: Warriors.

E: Women.

F: Children.

G: Villages.

------------------------------------+----------------------------

|

Names. |

--------------+---------------------+----------------------+-----

| | | | | |

English. | Indian. | French. | [D] | [E] | [F] | [G]

--------------+-----------+---------+------+------+--------+-----

| | | | | |

I. Osage | Wasbasha | Osage | 502 | 852 | 341 M. | 1

1. Grand | | Grand | | | |

village[a] | | Osage | | | |

| | | | | |

[2. Little | Wasbasha | Petit | 250 | 241 | 174 F. | 1

village[a]] | | Osage | | | 159 M. |

| | | | | --- |

| | | | | 333 |

| | | | | |

[3. Arkansaw | Wasbasha | | 500 | 700 | 300 M. | 1

village[b]] | | +------+------+--------+-----

| | Osages | | | |

| | Total | 1252 | 1793 | 974 | 3

| | +------+------+--------+-----

| | Kan | | | |

II. Kans[c] | Kansa | [Total] | 465 | 500 | 600 | 1

| | +------+------+--------+-----

| | | | | |

III. Pawnee | Pawnane | Panis | 508 | 550 | 560 |

1. Republican | | | | | | 1

village[a] | | | | | |

| | | | | |

2. Grand | Pawnane | Panis | 1000 | 1120 | 1000 | 1

Village[c] | | | | | |

| | | | | |

3. Loup | Pawnane | Panis | 485 | 500 | 500 | 1

village[c] | | +------+------+--------+-----

| | Pawnees | | | |

| | total | 1993 | 2170 | 2060 | 3

| | | | | |

IV. Tetan[c] | Camanches | [Total] | 2700 | 3000 | 2500 |

| | [Grand +------+------+--------+-----

| | total] | 6410 | 7463 | 6134 | 7

--------------+-----------+---------+------+------+--------+-----

[a] Census taken by myself; men counted, women and children

estimated.

[b] Estimates furnished by Grand Osage chiefs.

[c] On information. (Z. M. P.)

Column Headings--

H: Probable Souls.

I: Lodges of Roving Bands.

J: Fire Arms.

K: Primitive Language.

--------------+-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

English. | [H] | [I] | [J] || [K]

--------------+-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

I. Osage | 1695 | 214 | 500 || Osage

1. Grand | | | ||

village | | | ||

| | | ||

[2. Little | 824 | 102 | 250 || Osage

village] | | | ||

| | | ||

[3. Arkansaw | 1500 | 200 | 450 || Osage

village] +-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

Osages total | 4019 | 516 | 1209 ||

+-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

II. Kans | 1565 | 204 | 450 || Osage

+-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

III. Pawnee | | | ||

1. Republican | 1618 | 44 | 200 || Pawnee

village | | | ||

| | | ||

2. Grand | 3120 | 90 | 300 || Pawnee

Village | | | ||

| | | ||

3. Loup | 1485 | 40 | 200 || Pawnee

village +-------+------+------++----------

| | | ||

Pawnee total | 6223 | 174 | 700 ||

| | | ||

IV. Tetan | 8200 | 1020 | 270 || Camanche

+-------+------+------++

Grand total | 20007 | 1914 | 2620 ||

--------------+-------+------+------++----------

Column Headings--

L: Traders or Bands with whom they traffic.

M: Value of Merchandise for Annual Consumption

N: Annual Peltry, Packs.

O: Species of Peltry.

--------------+-----------+--------+-----------+-----------

| | | |

English. | [L] | [M] | [N] | [O]

--------------+-----------+--------+-----------+-----------

| | | |

I. Osage | St. Louis | $10000 | 1000 | Deer,

1. Grand | | | | bear,

village | | | | otter,

| | | | beaver,

| | | | a few

| | | | buffalo

| | | |

[2. Little | St. Louis | 8000 | 300 | do.

village] | | | |

| | | |

[3. Arkansaw | Arkansaw | | |

village] | r. | | |

| | | |

II. Kans | St. Louis | 8000 | 250 deer | Deer,

| | | 15 beaver | beaver,

| | | 100 otter | otter,

| | | | bear,

| | | | buffalo

| | | |

III. Pawnee | St. Louis | 8000 | | Deer,

1. Republican | and Kans | | | buffalo,

village | | | | a few

| | | | beaver

| | | | and

| | | | otter

| | | |

2. Grand | St. Louis | 15000 | | do.

Village | possibly | | |

| once in 3 | | |

| years | | |

| Spaniards | | |

| | | |

3. Loup | do. | 8000 | | do.

village | | | |

| | | |

IV. Tetan | Spaniards | 30000 | | Buffalo

| of N. | | | robes and

| Mexico | | | horses

--------------+-----------+--------+-----------+-----------

-------------+-------------------+----------------+------------------

| | |

| | | With whom at

English. | Best Positions | With whom | peace, or in

| for Trading Posts.| at war. | alliance.

| | |

-------------+-------------------+----------------+------------------

| | |

I. Osage | Middle branch | Tetaus, | Little Osage,

1. Grand | of Osage r. bet. | Potowatomies, | All the Pawnees,

village | Grand and Little | Arkansaws, | Sacs, Reynards,

| Villages | Cherokees, | Delawares,

| | Chickasaws, | Shawanese,

| | Creeks, | Kickapous,

| | Padoucas, | Otos, Missouries,

| | Caddoes | Mahaws, etc.;

| | | Kans uncertain

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

| | |

[2. Little | Middle branch | do. | do.

village] | of Osage r bet. | |

| Grand and Little | |

| villages, and | |

| above Gr. Osage | |

| on the Arkansaw, | |

| and on the | |

| side of the | |

| Missouri | |

| | |

| | |

[3. Arkansaw | | do. | do.

village] | | |

| | |

II. Kans | Entrance of | None, if at | All their

| Kans r., or at | peace with | neighbors

| the village | Osage |

| | |

III. Pawnee | do. | Tetaus and | Kans, Osages,

1. Republican| | Indians of N. | and all Indians

village | | Mexico; Panis | of the East

| | Loups |

| | |

| | |

| | |

2. Grand | Entrance of La | Tetaus and | do.

Village | Platte | Indians of N. |

| | Mexico |

| | |

3. Loup | do. | Tetaus and | do.

village | | Indians of N. |

| | Mexico, and |

| | Pawnee Republic|

| | |

IV. Tetan | High up Red r. | Pawnees, Utahs,| With all Spanish

| and near the | Osage, Kans | Indians

| mts. on the | |

| Arkansaw | |

-------------+-------------------+----------------+------------------

------------+----------------------------------------+------------------

| |

| Names of the Chiefs or Principal Men. |

English. +-------------+------------+-------------+ Remarks.

| | | |

| Indian. | French. | English. |

------------+-------------+------------+-------------+------------------

| | | |

I. Osage |Cahagatonga |Cheveux |White Hair |Grand and little

1. Grand | |Blanche | |medals, colors,

village | | | |etc.; first chief

|Watchawaha |Jean La Fon | |Second Chief,

| | | |son-in-law

| | | |to White Hair

|Tawangaha |Fils de |He who drives|Literally from the

| |Canard |villages |Indian

|Ichesohungar | |Wise Family |Son of Cheveux

| | | |Blanche

|Hapause | |Pointed Horn |First Soldier

|Chaporanga |Bonnet | |

|Gihagatche |du Boeuf |The Chief |

| | | himself |

|Shenga Wassa |Belle Oiseau|Beautiful |Accompanied me to

| | | Bird |the Pawnees

|Wasaba Tunga |Sans Nerve |Without Nerve|

|Ogahawasa | |Son-in-Law |

|Tourmansara | |Heart of the |

| | |Town |

| | | |

[2. Little |Tuttasuggy |Le Vent |The Wind |First chief of

village] | | | | Little Osage

|Watchkesingar|Soldat de |Soldier's Dog|Second chief of

| | Chien | | Little Osage

|Nezuma | |Rain which |Brother of first

| | |Walks | chief

|Tetobasi |Sans Oreille|Without Ears |First Soldier

|Tarehem | |Yellow Skin |49 Little Osages

| | |Deer | killed since

| | | | under our

| | | | government

|Maugraine | |Big Rogue |

| | | |

[3. Arkansaw| | | |

village] | | | |

| | | |

II. Kans | | | |

| | | |

| | | |

| | | |

III. Pawnee |Characterish |Loup Blanche|White Wolf |

1. Repub- |Iskatape |Homme Riche |Rich Man |

lican | ---- | ---- |Republican |

village | | |Chief |

| | |Two Sons of |

| | |Characterish |

| | | |

2. Grand | | | |

Village | | | |

| | | |

| | | |

3. Loup | | | |

village | | | |

| | | |

| | | |

| | | |

IV. Tetan | | | |

--------------+-------------+------------+-------------+----------------

FOOTNOTES:

[VI-1] General Wilkinson's instructions to Lieutenant Pike were

conveyed in the form of two letters, of June 24th and July 12th,

respectively, made in the orig. ed. pp. 107-110 of main text of Pt. 2,

though they were set in smaller type as a sort of preface or

introduction. But as no such preliminary is observed in the other two

parts of the book, and as these orders are in the form of letters from

the general to his lieutenant, I think they are preferably brought in

here. By this single transposition the whole of the correspondence

relating to the Arkansaw expedition is brought together in

chronological order to form the present Chapter VI.

[VI-2] On the subject of our then strained relations with New Spain I

have examined much unpublished manuscript in the Archives of the

Government at Washington, but most of it has become a matter of

well-known history, needless to bring up here. It is well understood

that Pike had secret instructions from the traitor, General Wilkinson,

over and beyond those which were ostensible; and no doubt the main

purpose of his Expedition was to open the way to Santa Fé, with

reference to such military operations as then seemed probable. It is

certain that General Wilkinson contemplated the possibility if not the

probability of invading New Mexico. Take as evidence the following

extract of a letter he wrote to the Secretary of War, dated St. Louis,

Nov. 26th, 1805:

" ... Our situation at New Orleans is a defenceless one, & Colonel

Freeman's removal of two Companies from Fort Adams to that city leaves

us without the means of offence above Batton Rouge, which I do [not]

like, but Freeman felt himself too feeble to stand alone without those

Companies--I most ardently implore we may not be forced to War,

because I seek repose & we are not indeed prepared for it, that is

against European troops--yet if we must draw the sword, the whole of

the troops destined to operate West of the Mississippi should be

mounted, whether Gun-men or sword-men, because every Man of the Enemy

will be found on Horse Back, and the composition should be such as I

have described in a former Letter--If any thing should be done from

this Quarter direct, and I might be indulged to recommend my officers,

to plan & Lead the expedition. If I do not reduce New Mexico, at

least, in one Campaign, I will forfeit my Head."

[VI-3] Art. 3 bears the same number that this piece had in the orig.

ed., and the same is the case with all the following articles of the

present chapter, with one exception, where transposition of Orig. Nos.

8 and 9 to make Arts. 9 and 8 is required to preserve the

chronological order. All these letters are from Pike to Wilkinson,

excepting my Art. 8, Orig. No. 9, which is from Wilkinson to Pike, and

one to General Dearborn. Pike's letters are in the nature of reports

of progress to his commanding general and the Secretary of War. They

ceased, of course, upon his separation from Lieutenant Wilkinson, and

nothing further was heard of or from him till his return from Mexico,

in July, 1807.

[VI-4] There is no allusion to this matter in the letter as originally

printed, where a long row of asterisks indicates the elision of what

it was not thought prudent to publish at that time.

[VI-5] There were two Bissells, both of Connecticut, and of the same

or similar rank in the army, often confused in records of the time,

unless their first names are given, as in this instance; 1. Daniel

Bissell became an ensign in the 1st Infantry, Apr. 11th, 1792; was

arranged to the 1st sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; promoted to a

lieutenancy Jan. 3d, 1794; assigned to the 1st Infantry Nov. 1st,

1796; made a captain Jan. 1st, 1799; lieutenant-colonel, 1st Infantry,

Aug. 18th, 1808; colonel, 5th Infantry, Aug. 15th, 1812;

brigadier-general, Mar. 9th, 1814; honorably discharged June 1st,

1821, and died Dec. 14th, 1833. 2. Russell Bissell became a lieutenant

of the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th, 1791; was arranged to the 2d sub-Legion

Sept. 4th, 1792; made captain Feb. 19th, 1793; assigned to the 2d

Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; transferred to the 1st Infantry Apr. 1st,

1802; promoted to be major of the 2d Infantry Dec. 9th, 1807, and died

Dec. 18th, 1807. Two other Connecticut Bissells who became army

officers a little later were Lieutenant Hezekiah W., who entered in

1801 and died in 1802; and Captain Lewis, who entered as an ensign in

1808 and resigned in 1817. One Daniel Bissell of Vermont served as a

first lieutenant for about a year, 1799-1800, and in still later years

there have been several other army officers of the same surname.

[VI-6] The above is such an important paragraph that I reproduce it

verbatim from the original, though it is so badly constructed as to be

very obscure. The obscurity, however, is simply bad grammar, not

intentional veiling of anything; and as the sentences cannot be

conveniently reconstructed in the text, I would read as follows:

"With respect to the Ietans, the general may rest assured that I shall

be very cautious about trusting them. I feel more at a loss how to

conduct myself with the Spaniards, for my instructions send me to the

Comanche country, part of which is no doubt claimed by Spain, though

the boundaries between Louisiana and New Spain have never been

settled. Consequently, should I meet a Spanish party from the villages

near Santa Fé, I think it would be good policy to give them to

understand (1) that my party was going to join our troops near

Natchitoches, but had mistaken the Rio Grande for Red river; (2) that

if it would be agreeable to the Spanish commandant, some or all of us

would pay him a polite visit; and (3) that if he did not wish us to do

this, we would go direct to Natchitoches. In any event, I flatter

myself that I shall get out of the scrape somehow. But if Spanish

jealousy of Americans, and the Aaron Burr conspiracy, cause us to be

made prisoners of war (in time of peace), I trust that you will see

that we are released, and they are punished for the insult. Moreover,

if I do not feel assured they will treat us well in Mexico, I will

fight them, no matter how many there are, before I will let them take

us there."

This sort of talk is not that mixture of youthful enthusiasm with

prudence for which Pike begs Wilkinson's pardon in the next paragraph;

but the determination of a resolute young fellow to obey orders to the

best of his ability, and accomplish if possible the purpose of the

secret instructions given him by General Wilkinson. It is also what

boys call a "dead give away"; for here, at the outset of his

Expedition, Pike is talking about going to New Mexico, intending to

deceive the Spaniards he expected to meet there, and weighing the

chances of their good or bad treatment of himself and party. I forbear

to characterize the ethics of the situation; the discerning reader

will be able to look through this hole in a grindstone, and form his

own conclusions: see also note 46 p. 504.

[VI-7] A sort of ornamental neck-band, such as used to be worn by some

officers with insignia of rank, and somewhat like those still affected

by Free Masons and other ecclesiastical or civic orders on occasions

of ceremony.

[VI-8] To this Art. 15 belongs the following table headed Statistical

Abstract of the Indians, etc., which in the orig. ed. was directed to

be bound facing p. 53. This page was followed by blank p. 54, the leaf

of the book thus represented being simply an overrunning of the matter

of the original folder. All that Recapitulation which was on p. 53 is

embodied in the table which now forms pp. 590, 591.

[VI-9] An itemized account of the Congressional appropriation for, and

estimated expenses of, Lewis and Clark's Expedition, is given on p.

xxi of the 1893 ed. of L. and C. So far as I have been able to inform

myself, we lack the data which would enable us to make the comparison

which Pike modestly conceives might be favorable to his own

expeditions. To whatever sum may have been expended on the part of the

United States for the Mississippian voyage and the Arkansaw journey,

as performed under the orders of General Wilkinson, is to be added the

cost of the enforced Mexican tour, in so far as this was paid by the

United States on the strength of claims for reimbursement presented by

the Spanish authorities. On this latter score I have found some

curious unpublished documents in the archives of the War Department at

Washington. Certain of these items will be found beyond in proper

connection with the official correspondence on the subject.

[VI-10] Pike's expected promotion to a captaincy occurred Aug. 12th,

1806.

PIKE'S EXPEDITIONS.

Part III.

_THE MEXICAN TOUR._

CHAPTER I.

ITINERARY: THROUGH NEW MEXICO ON THE RIO GRANDE TO EL PASO, FEB.

27TH-MAR. 21ST, 1807.

Friday, Feb. 27th, 1807. In the morning I discovered that the Spanish

lieutenant [Don Ignatio Saltelo] was writing letters addressed to the

governor and others; on which I demanded if he was not going on with

me to Santa Fe. He appeared confused and said, No; that his orders

were so positive as to the safe conduct and protection of my men, that

he dare not go and leave any behind; that his companion [Don Bartolomé

Fernandez] would accompany me to Santa Fe with 50 men, while he with

the others would wait for the sergeant [Meek] and his party. I replied

that he had deceived me, and had not acted with candor; but that it

was now too late for me to remedy the evil.

We marched about eleven o'clock, ascending the Rio del Norte [read Rio

Conejos] five miles more, S. 60° W., when we went round through a

chain of hills and bore off to the south. We proceeded nine miles

further, when we crossed the main branch of that stream, which was now

bearing nearly west toward [or east from] the main chain of the third

chain of mountains [San Juan range]. We encamped on the opposite side.

Intensely cold; obliged to stop frequently and make fires. Snow deep.

Distance 15 [5 + 9 = 14] miles.[I'-1]

_Feb. 28th._ We marched late. One of the Frenchmen informed me that

the expedition which had been at the Pawnees had descended the Red

river 233 leagues, and from thence crossed to the Pawnees expressly in

search of my party. This was afterward confirmed by the gentleman who

commanded the troops. He then expressed great regret at my

misfortunes, as he termed them, in being taken, and offered his

services in secreting papers, etc. I took him at his word, and for my

amusement thought I would try him; so I gave him a leaf or two of my

journal, copied, which mentioned the time of my sailing from Belle

Fontaine, and our force. This I charged him to guard very carefully

and give to me after the investigation of my papers at Santa Fe. This

day we saw a herd of wild horses. The Spaniards pursued them and

caught two colts, one of which the Indians killed and ate; the other

was let go. We pursued our journey over some hills, where the snow was

very deep, and encamped at last on the top of a pretty high hill,

among some pines. We left the river, which in general ran about six,

eight, and 10 miles to the left or east of us. Saw great sign of elk.

Distance 36 miles.[I'-2]

_Sunday, Mar. 1st._ We marched early. Although we rode very hard we

only got to the village of L'eau Chaud, or Warm Spring [Ojo Caliente],

some time in the afternoon. The distance was about 45 miles. The

difference of climate was astonishing; after we left the hills and

deep snows, we found ourselves on plains where there was no snow, and

where vegetation was sprouting.

The village of Warm Springs, or Aqua [Agua] Caliente in their

language, is situated on the eastern branch [bank] of a creek of that

name,[I'-3] and at a distance presents to the eye a square inclosure

of mud walls, the houses forming the walls. They are flat on top, or

with extremely little ascent on one side, where there are spouts to

carry off the water of the melting snow and rain when it falls; which,

we were informed, had been but once in two years previous to our

entering the country. Inside of the inclosure were the different

streets of houses of the same fashion, all of one story; the doors

were narrow, the windows small, and in one or two houses there were

talc lights [window-panes of that material]. This village had a mill

near it, situated on the little creek, which made very good flour. The

population consisted of civilized Indians, but much mixed blood.

Here we had a dance which is called the fandango; but there

was one which was copied from the Mexicans, is now danced in the first

societies of New Spain, and has even been introduced at the court of

Madrid.

This village may contain 500 souls. The greatest natural curiosity is

the warm springs, which are two in number, about 10 yards apart, each

affording sufficient water for a mill-seat. They appeared to be

impregnated with copper, and were more than 33° above blood heat. From

this village the Tetaus drove off 2,000 horses at one time, when at

war with the Spaniards.

_Mar. 2d._ We marched late, and passed several little mud-walled

villages and settlements, all of which had round mud towers of the

ancient shape and construction, to defend the inhabitants from the

intrusions of the savages. I was this day shown the ruins of several

old villages which had been taken and destroyed by the Tetaus. We were

frequently stopped by the women, who invited us into their houses to

eat; and in every place where we halted a moment there was a contest

who should be our hosts. My poor lads who had been frozen were

conducted home by old men, who would cause their daughters to dress

their feet, provide their victuals and drink, and at night give them

the best bed in the house. In short, all their conduct brought to my

recollection the hospitality of the ancient patriarchs, and caused me

to sigh with regret at the corruption of that noble principle by the

polish of modern ages.

We descended the creek of Aqua Caliente about 12 miles, where it

joined the river of Conejos [Rio Chama[I'-4]] from the west. This

river was about 30 yards wide, and was settled for 12 miles above its

junction with the Aqua Caliente, as the latter was in its whole course

from the village of that name. From where they form a junction it was

about 15 miles to the Rio del Norte, on the eastern branch [read bank]

of which was situated the village of St. John's [San Juan], which was

the residence of the president priest of the province, who had resided

in it 40 years.

The house-tops of the village of St. John's were crowded, as well as

the streets, when we entered, and at the door of the public quarters

we were met by the president priest. When my companion, who commanded

the escort, received him in a street and embraced him, all the poor

creatures who stood round strove to kiss the ring or hand of the holy

father; for myself, I saluted him in the usual style. My men were

conducted into the quarters, and I went to the house of the priest,

where we were treated with politeness. He offered us coffee,

chocolate, or whatever we thought proper, and desired me to consider

myself at home in his house.

As I was going, some time after, to the quarters of my men, I was

addressed at the door by a man in broken English: "My friend, I am

very sorry to see you here; we are all prisoners in this country and

can never return; I have been a prisoner for nearly three years, and

cannot get out." I replied: "that as for his being a prisoner, it must

be for some crime; that with respect to myself I felt no apprehension;

and requested him to speak French, as I could hardly understand his

English." He began to demand of me so many different questions on the

mode of my getting into the country, my intention, etc., that by the

time I arrived in the room of my men, I was perfectly satisfied of his

having been ordered by some person to endeavor to obtain some

confession or acknowledgment of sinister designs in my having appeared

on the frontiers, and some confidential communications which might

implicate me. As he had been rather insolent in his inquiries, I

ordered my men to shut and fasten the door. I then told him that I

believed him to be an emissary sent on purpose by the governor, or

some person, to endeavor to betray me; that all men of that

description were scoundrels, and never should escape punishment,

whilst I possessed the power to chastise them--immediately ordering my

men to seize him, and cautioning him, at the same time, that, if he

cried out, or made the least resistance, I would be obliged to make

use of the saber which I had in my hand. On this he was so much

alarmed, that he begged me for God's sake not to injure him; he also

said that he had been ordered by the government to meet me, and

endeavor to trace out what and who I was, and what were my designs, by

endeavoring to produce a confidence in him, by his exclaiming against

the Spaniards and complaining of the tyranny which they had exercised

toward him. After this confession, I ordered my men to release him,

and told him that I looked upon him as too contemptible for further

notice; but that he might tell the governor, the next time he employed

emissaries, to choose those of more abilities and sense; and that I

questioned if his Excellency would find the sifting of us an easy

task.

This man's name was Baptiste Lalande;[I'-5] he had come from the

Illinois to the Pawnees, to trade with goods furnished him by William

Morrison, a gentleman of the Illinois, and thence to New Mexico with

the goods which he had procured, and established himself; he was the

same man on whom Robinson had a claim. He returned into the priest's

house with me, and, instead of making any complaint, he in reply to

their inquiries of who I was, etc., informed them that when he left

Louisiana I was governor of the Illinois. This I presume he took for

granted from my having commanded for some time the post of Kaskaskias,

the first military post the United States had established in that

country since the peace; however, the report served to add to the

respect with which my companion and host treated me.

I had at this place the first good meal, wine, etc., which, with the

heat of the house, and perhaps rather an immoderate use of the

refreshments allowed me, produced an attack of something like cholera

morbus, which alarmed me considerably, and made me determine to be

more abstemious in future.

This father was a great naturalist, or rather florist; he had large

collections of flowers, plants, etc., and several works on his

favorite studies, the margins and bottoms of which were filled with

his notes in the Castilian language. As I neither had a natural turn

for botany sufficient to induce me to puzzle my head much with the

Latin, nor understood Castilian, I enjoyed but little of the lectures

which he continued to give me for nearly two hours on those subjects;

but, by the exercise of a small degree of patience, I entirely

acquired the esteem of this worthy father, he calling me his son, and

lamenting extremely that my faith had not made me one of the holy

Catholic church.

The father, being informed that I had some astronomical instruments

with me, expressed a desire to see them. All that I had here was my

sextant and a large glass which magnified considerably, calculated

for the day or night; the remainder of my instruments being with my

sergeant and party. On his examining the sextant, and my showing him

the effect of it in the reflection of the sun, he, as well as hundreds

who surrounded us, appeared more surprised at the effect of the

instrument than any nation of savages I was ever among. Here an idea

struck me as extraordinary--how a man who appeared to be a perfect

master of the ancient languages, a botanist, mineralogist, and

chemist, should be so ignorant of the powers of reflection and the

first principles of mathematics. But my friend explained that enigma,

by informing me of the care the Spanish government took to prevent any

branch of science from being made a pursuit, which would have a

tendency to extend the views of the subjects of the provinces to the

geography of their country, or any other subject which would bring to

view a comparison of their local advantages and situations with other

countries.[I'-6]

St. John's was inclosed with a mud wall, and probably contained 1,000

souls; its population consisted principally of civilized Indians, as

indeed does that of all the villages of New Mexico, the whites not

forming one-twentieth part of the inhabitants.

_Mar. 3d._[I'-7] We marched after breakfast, B. Lalande accompanying

us, and in about six miles came to a village [Santa Cruz], where I

suppose there were more than 2,000 souls. Here we halted at the house

of a priest, who, understanding that I would not kiss his hand, would

not present it to me. The conduct and behavior of a young priest who

came in was such as in our country would have been amply sufficient

forever to have banished him from the clerical association--strutting

about with a dirk in his boot, a cane in his hand, whispering to one

girl, chucking another under the chin, going out with a third, etc.

From this village [Santa Cruz] to another small village [Pojoaque], of

500 inhabitants, is seven miles. At each of those villages is a small

stream, sufficient for the purpose of watering their fields. At the

father's house we took coffee. From this village [Pojoaque] it was 17

miles to another [Tesuque], of 400 civilized Indians. Here we changed

horses and prepared for entering the capital [Santa Fé[I'-8]], which

we came in sight of in the evening. It is situated along the banks of

a small [Santa Fé] creek, which comes down from the mountains, and

runs west to the Rio del Norte. The length of the capital on the creek

may be estimated at one mile; it is but three streets in width.

Its appearance from a distance struck my mind with the same effect as

a fleet of the flat-bottomed boats which are seen in the spring and

fall seasons, descending the Ohio river. There are two churches, the

magnificence of whose steeples form a striking contrast to the

miserable appearance of the houses.[I'-9] On the north side of the

town is the square of soldiers' houses, equal to 120 or 140 on each

flank. The public square is in the center of the town; on the north

side of it is situated the palace, as they term it, or government

house, with the quarters for guards, etc. The other side of the

square is occupied by the clergy and public officers. In general the

houses have a shed before the front, some of which have a flooring of

brick; the consequence is that the streets are very narrow, say in

general 25 feet. The supposed population is 4,500 souls. On our

entering the town the crowd was great, and followed us to the

government house. When we dismounted we were ushered in through

various rooms, the floors of which were covered with skins of buffalo,

bear, or some other animal. We waited in a chamber for some time,

until his Excellency appeared, when we rose, and the following

conversation took place in French:

_Governor._ Do you speak French?

_Pike._ Yes, sir.

_Governor._ You come to reconnoiter our country, do you?

_Pike._ I marched to reconnoiter our own.

_Governor._ In what character are you?

_Pike._ In my proper character, an officer of the United States army.

_Governor._ And this Robinson--is he attached to your party?

_Pike._ No.

_Governor._ Do you know him?

_Pike._ Yes; he is from St. Louis. (I understood the doctor had been

sent 45 leagues from Santa Fe, under a strong guard. The haughty and

unfriendly reception of the governor induced me to believe war must

have been declared, and that if it were known Dr. Robinson had

accompanied me, he would be treated with great severity. I was correct

in saying he was not attached to my party, for he was only a

volunteer, who could not properly be said to be one of my command.)

_Governor._ How many men have you?

_Pike._ Fifteen.

_Governor._ And this Robinson makes sixteen?

_Pike._ I have already told your Excellency that he does not belong to

my party, and shall answer no more interrogatories on that subject.

_Governor._ When did you leave St. Louis?

_Pike._ July 15th.

_Governor._ I think you marched in June.

_Pike._ No, sir!

_Governor._ Well! Return with Mr. Bartholomew to his house; come here

again at seven o'clock, and bring your papers.

On which we returned to the house of my friend Bartholomew, who seemed

much hurt at the interview.

At the door of the government house, I met the old Frenchman to whom I

had given the scrap of paper on the 27th of February. He had left us

in the morning, and, as I suppose, hurried in to make his report, and

I presume had presented this paper to his Excellency. I demanded, with

a look of contempt, if he had made his report? To which he made reply

in a humble tone, and began to excuse himself; but I did not wait to

hear his excuses. At the hour appointed we returned, when the governor

demanded my papers. I told him that I understood my trunk had been

taken possession of by his guard. He expressed surprise, immediately

ordered it in, and also sent for one Solomon Colly, formerly a

sergeant in our army, and one of the unfortunate company of [Captain

Philip] Nolan. We were seated, when he ordered Colly to demand my

name, to which I replied. He then demanded in what province I was

born. I answered in English, and then addressed his Excellency in

French, and told him that I did not think it necessary to enter into

such a catechising; that if he would be at the pains of reading my

commission from the United States, and my orders from my general, it

would be all that I presumed would be necessary to convince his

Excellency that I came with no hostile intentions toward the Spanish

government; that, on the contrary, I had express instructions to guard

against giving them offense or alarm; and that his Excellency would be

convinced that myself and party were rather to be considered objects

on which the so much celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation might

be exercised, than proper subjects to occasion the opposite

sentiments.

He then requested to see my commission and orders, which I read to him

in French; on which he got up and gave me his hand, for the first

time, and said he was happy to be acquainted with me as a man of honor

and a gentleman; that I could retire this evening and take my trunk

with me; and that on the morrow he would make further arrangements.

_Mar. 4th._ I was desired by the governor to bring up my trunk, in

order that he might make some observations on my route, etc. When he

ordered me to take my trunk over night, I had conceived that the

examination of papers was over. As many of my documents were intrusted

to the care of my men, and I found that the inhabitants were treating

the men with liquor, I was fearful they would become intoxicated, and

through inadvertency betray or discover the papers. I had therefore

obtained several of them and put them in the trunk, when an officer

arrived for myself and it, and I had no opportunity of taking them out

again before I was taken up to the palace. I discovered instantly that

I had been deceived, but it was too late to remedy the evil.

After examining the contents of my trunk, he informed me that I must,

with my troops, go to Chihuahua, province of Biscay, to appear before

the commandant-general. He added: "You have the key of your trunk in

your own possession; the trunk will be put under charge of the officer

who commands your escort." The following conversation then took place:

_Pike._ If we go to Chihuahua we must be considered as prisoners of

war?

_Governor._ By no means.

_Pike._ You have already disarmed my men without my knowledge; are

their arms to be returned or not?

_Governor._ They can receive them any moment.

_Pike._ But, sir, I cannot consent to be led three or four hundred

leagues out of my route, without its being by force of arms.

_Governor._ I know you do not go voluntarily; but I will give you a

certificate from under my hand of my having obliged you to march.

_Pike._ I will address you a letter on the subject.[I'-10]

_Governor._ You will dine with me to-day, and march afterward to a

village about six miles distant, escorted by Captain Anthony

D'Almansa, with a detachment of dragoons, who will accompany you to

where the remainder of your escort is now waiting for you, under the

command of the officer [Don Facundo Malgares] who commanded the

expedition to the Pawnees.

_Pike._ I would not wish to be impertinent in my observations to your

Excellency; but pray, sir! do you not think it was a greater

infringement of our territory to send 600 miles in the Pawnees', than

for me with our small party to come on the frontiers of yours with an

intent to descend Red river?

_Governor._ I do not understand you.

_Pike._ No, sir! any further explanation is unnecessary.

I then returned to the house of my friend Bartholomew and wrote my

letter to his Excellency, which I had not finished before we were

hurried to dinner.

In the morning I received from the governor, by the hands of his

private secretary, $21, notifying to me that it was the amount of the

king's allowance for my party to Chihuahua, and that it would be

charged to me on account of my subsistence. From this I clearly

understood that it was calculated that the expenses of the party to

Chihuahua would be defrayed by the United States. I also received by

the same hands, from his Excellency, a shirt and neck-cloth, with his

compliments, wishing me to accept of them, "as they had been made in

Spain by his sister and never worn by any person." For this I

returned him my sincere acknowledgments; and it may not be deemed

irrelevant if I explain at this period the miserable appearance we

made, and the situation we were in, with the causes of it.

When we left our interpreter and one man [Vasquez and Smith] on the

Arkansaw, we were obliged to carry all our baggage on our backs;

consequently, that which was the most useful was preferred to the few

ornamental parts of dress we possessed. The ammunition claimed our

first care; tools were secondary; leather, leggings, boots, and

mockinsons were the next in consideration. Consequently, I left all my

uniform, clothing, trunks, etc., as did the men, except what they had

on their backs; conceiving that which would secure the feet and legs

from the cold to be preferable to any less indispensable portion of

our dress. Thus, when we presented ourselves at Santa Fe, I was

dressed in a pair of blue trousers, mockinsons, blanket coat, and a

cap made of scarlet cloth lined with fox-skin; my poor fellows were in

leggings, breech cloths and leather coats, and there was not a hat in

the whole party. This appearance was extremely mortifying to us all,

especially as soldiers; although some of the officers used frequently

to observe to me, that "worth made the man," etc., with a variety of

adages to the same amount. Yet the first impression made on the

ignorant is hard to eradicate; and a greater proof cannot be given of

the ignorance of the common people, than their asking if we lived in

houses, or in camps like the Indians, and if we wore hats in our

country. Those observations are sufficient to show the impression our

uncouth appearance made amongst them.

The dinner at the governor's was rather splendid, having a variety of

dishes and wines of the southern provinces; and when his Excellency

was a little warmed with the influence of cheering liquor, he became

very sociable. He informed me that there existed a serious difficulty

between the commandant-general of the internal provinces and the

Marquis Caso Calvo, who had given permission to Mr. [William] Dunbar

to explore the Ouchata [Washita], contrary to the general principles

of their government; in consequence of which the former had made

representations against the latter to the court of Madrid. After

dinner his Excellency ordered his coach; Captain D'Almansa,

Bartholomew, and myself entered with him, and he drove out three

miles. He was drawn by six mules and attended by a guard of cavalry.

When we parted his adieu was, "remember Allencaster, in peace or war."

I left a note for my sergeant, with instructions to keep up good

discipline and not be alarmed or discouraged. As I was about leaving

the public square, poor Colly, the American prisoner, came up with

tears in his eyes, and hoped I would not forget him when I arrived in

the United States.

After we left the governor we rode on about three miles to a defile,

where we halted for the troops. I soon found that the old soldier who

accompanied us and commanded our escort was fond of a drop of the

cheering liquor, as his boy carried a bottle in his cochmelies [read

cojinillos], a small leather case attached to the saddle for the

purpose of carrying small articles.[I'-11] We were accompanied by my

friend Bartholomew. We ascended a hill and galloped on until about ten

o'clock; it was snowing hard all the time. Then we came to a

precipice, which we descended with great difficulty, from the

obscurity of the night, to the small village,[I'-12] where we put up

in the quarters of the priest, he being absent.

After supper, Captain D'Almansa related to me that he had served his

Catholic majesty 40 years to arrive at the rank he then held, which

was that of a first lieutenant in the line and a captain by brevet,

whilst he had seen various young Europeans promoted over his head.

After the old man had taken his _quantum sufficit_ and gone to sleep,

my friend and myself sat up for some hours, he explaining to me their

situation, the great desire they felt for a change of affairs and an

open trade with the United States. I pointed out to him with chalk on

the floor the geographical connection and route from North Mexico and

Louisiana, and finally gave him a certificate addressed to the

citizens of the United States, stating his friendly disposition and

his being a man of influence. This paper he seemed to estimate as a

very valuable acquisition, as he was decidedly of opinion we would

invade that country the ensuing spring; and not all my assurances to

the contrary could eradicate that idea.

_Mar. 5th._ As it snowed very hard in the morning, we did not march

until eleven o'clock. In the meantime, Bartholomew and myself paid a

visit to an old invalid Spaniard, who received us in the most

hospitable manner, giving us chocolate, etc. He made many inquiries as

to our government and religion, and of [Bartholomew], who did not fail

to give them the brightest coloring; he being enthusiastic in their

favor from his many conversations with me, and drawing comparisons

with his own country. What appeared to the old veteran most

extraordinary was that we ever changed our president. I was obliged

to draw his powers on a nearer affinity with those of a monarch than

they really are, in order that they might comprehend his station and

that there was a perfect freedom of conscience permitted in our

country. He, however, expressed his warm approbation of the measure.

In the priest's house at which we put up were two orphan girls, who

were adopted by him in their infancy and at this time constituted his

whole family.

I bid adieu to my friend Bartholomew, and could not avoid shedding

tears; he embraced me and all my men.

We arrived at the village of St. Domingo[I'-13] at two o'clock. It is,

as I supposed, nine miles [to this place, which is situated] on the

east side of the Rio del Norte, and is a large village, the population

being about 1,000 natives, generally governed by its own chief. The

chiefs of the villages were distinguished by a cane with a silver head

and black tassel. On our arrival at the public house Captain D'Almansa

was waited on by the governor, cap in hand, to receive his orders as

to furnishing our quarters and ourselves with wood, water, provisions,

etc. The house itself contained nothing but bare walls and small

grated windows, which brought to my recollection the representations

of the Spanish inhabitants given by Dr. [John] Moore [the Scottish

writer, 1730-1802], in his travels through Spain, Italy, etc. This

village, as well as those of St. Philip's and St. Bartholomew, [San

Felipe and San Bartolomé] is of the nation of Keres [or Queres] many

of whom do not yet speak good Spanish.

After we had refreshed ourselves a little, the captain sent for the

keys of the church; and when we entered it, I was much astonished to

find, inclosed in mud-brick walls, many rich paintings, and the saint

(Domingo) as large as life, elegantly ornamented with gold and silver.

The captain made a slight inclination of the head, and intimated to me

that this was the patron of the village. We then ascended into the

gallery, where the choir are generally placed. In an outside hall was

placed another image of the saint, less richly ornamented, where the

populace repaired daily and knelt to return thanks for benefactions

received, or to ask new favors. Many young girls, indeed, chose the

time of our visit to be on their knees before the holy patron. From

the flat roof of the church we had a delightful view of the village;

the Rio del Norte [and Jemez mountains] on the west; the mountains of

St. Dies [San Diaz, _i. e._, Sandia] to the south; the valley round

the town, on which were numerous herds of goats, sheep, and

asses--upon the whole, this was one of the handsomest views in New

Mexico.

_Mar. 6th._ Marched down the Rio del Norte on the east side. Snow one

foot deep. Passed large flocks of goats. At [opposite] the village of

St. Philip's [San Felipe[I'-14]] we crossed [the Rio Grande to the

town over] a bridge of eight arches, constructed as follows: the

pillars made of neat woodwork, something similar to a crate, and in

the form of a keel-boat, the sharp end or bow to the current; this

crate or butment was filled with stone, in which the river lodged

sand, clay, etc., until it had become of a tolerably firm consistency.

On the top of the pillars were laid pine logs, lengthways, squared on

two sides; being joined pretty close, these made a tolerable bridge

for horses, but would not have been very safe for carriages, as there

were no hand-rails.

On our arrival at the house of the father, we were received in a very

polite and friendly manner; and before my departure we seemed to have

been friends for years past. During our dinner, at which we had a

variety of wines, we were entertained with music, composed of bass

drums, French horns, violins, and cymbals. We likewise entered into a

long and candid conversation as to the Creoles, wherein he spared

neither the government nor its administrators. As to government and

religion, Father Rubi displayed a liberality of opinion and a fund of

knowledge which astonished me. He showed me a statistical table on

which he had, in a regular manner, taken the whole province of New

Mexico by villages, beginning at Tous [Taos], on the northwest, and

ending with Valencia on the south, giving their latitude, longitude,

and population, whether natives or Spaniards, civilized or barbarous,

Christians or pagans, numbers, names of the nations, when converted,

how governed, military force, clergy, salary, etc.--in short, a

complete geographical, statistical, and historical sketch of the

province. Of this I wished to obtain a copy, but perceived that the

captain was somewhat surprised at its having been shown to me. When we

parted, we promised to write to each other, which I performed from

Chihuahua.

The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume 2 (of 3) To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7. · 第 8 / 13 章