We have already mentioned Lord Erskine as one of the many eminent

friends of Dr. Lambe. That more humane and distinguished lawyer, in

a letter to his friend acknowledging the receipt of the _Reports_,

writes as follows: “I am of opinion that both this work and the other

referred to in it are deserving of the highest consideration. I read

them both with more interest and attention from the abuse of the

_British Critic_ [one of the periodicals of the day] mentioned in the

preface, as no periodical criticism ever published in this country is

so uniformly unjust, ignorant, and impudent.” Dr. Abernethy’s testimony

to the efficacy of abstinence in cases of cancer will be found in

the notice of that eminent practitioner. Amongst the most interesting

correspondence of his later years is his interchange of ideas with

Sylvester Graham--the first of the American prophets of the reformed

regimen. The letter to the celebrated American vegetarian is, as Dr.

Lambe’s latest biographer justly observes, “a most valuable relic,

because it continues the result of Dr. Lambe’s diet up to September,

1837--twenty-three years after the last notice of his health in the

account of his own case, which he published in November, 1814. It is,

besides, an admirable proof of his truthful and philosophic mind, which

was slow to arrive at conclusions, and willing rather to exaggerate

than otherwise the traces of disease which he still felt.” He proves,

also, in this letter, how slow and yet sure are the effects of diet,

and it supplies an answer to those objectors who complain that they

have tried the diet (perhaps for a few weeks only) without any good

result. After complimenting his transatlantic fellow-worker in the

cause of truth upon his zeal and industry, Dr. Lambe proceeds:--

“My book, entitled _Additional Reports on Regimen_, has now been

before the world three and twenty years. That it has attracted

little notice, and still less popular favour--though it may have

excited in the writer some mortification--has not occasioned

much surprise. The doctrine it seeks to establish is in direct

opposition to popular and deep-rooted prejudice. It is thought

(most erroneously) to attack the best enjoyments and most solid

comforts of life; and, moreover, it has excited the bitter

hostility of a numerous and influential body in society--I mean

that body of medical practitioners who exercise their profession

for the sake of its profits merely, and who appear to think that

disease was made for the profession and not the profession for

disease.

“To drop, however, all idle complaints of public neglect, let

us go to the more useful inquiry whether or not the principles

propounded in these _Reports_ have been confirmed by subsequent and

more extensive experience. To this inquiry I answer directly and

fearlessly, that in the interval between the present time and the

year 1815 (the date of that publication) the practice recommended

has succeeded in cases very numerous and of extreme variety, and

I can promise the practitioner who will try it fairly and judge

with candour that he will experience no disappointment. I say,

_let him try it fairly_. I do not assert that it will succeed

in cases where the powers of life are sunk, in confirmed hectic

fever, in ulcerated cancer, in established chronic disease, or in

the decrepitude of old age. I may have attempted the relief of

such cases in an early stage of my experiments, but experience

speedily demonstrated the hopelessness of such attempts. But let

subjects be taken not far advanced in life, let them be _tabid_

children (for example) with tumid abdomen, swelled joints, and

depraved appetites, or with obstinate cutaneous diseases, erythema,

_scabus_, rickets, epileptic convulsions (not grown habitual by

long continuance). But a practitioner in moderate practice will

find no difficulty in selecting proper subjects, if he is himself

actuated by a regard to humanity united to principles of honour.

“Moreover, let not the patient, particularly if arrived at

mature age, expect to receive a perfect cure. In many cases the

consequences are rather preventive than curative. This I hold to

be no objection. It is enough, surely, if a disease which, from

its nature, might be expected to be continually on the increase,

is obviously checked in its progress, if the symptoms become more

and more mild, and if a human being is preserved in comfortable

existence who would otherwise have been consigned to the grave.”

He devoted his great medical knowledge and experience particularly to

the cure or mitigation of cancer. In the letter, from which we have

already quoted, he informs his correspondent of this interesting fact:--

“My most ardent wish was to attempt the relief of cases of cancer.

This object I have steadily pursued (from the year 1803) to the

present day. The case--the particulars of which I briefly mentioned

to you in my former communication--has hitherto succeeded so

perfectly that I should myself suspect an error in the _diagnosis_,

if it were not for the strongly-marked constitutional symptoms,

which are such as, in my mind, put it out of doubt. There does not

now remain what I expected, and what I have called a _nucleus_,

for the resolution is _complete_. Now, this is contrary to most

of my former observations, and would furnish, as I have said,

some ground of suspicion. But still it is not wholly unsupported

by corroborative facts. I have observed, particularly in one

case, that the whole extreme edge of a schirrous tumour has

been restored, whilst the portion has remained unchanged; not,

indeed, speedily as in the former case, but after having used the

diet for a very considerable time. Now, if a portion of a true

schirrous tumour can be resolved, there can be no reason why a

resolution of the whole--taken very early and under favourable

circumstances--shall be deemed impossible. The truth is, that at

present we are not advanced enough to form general conclusions, but

ought to content ourselves with _accumulating_ facts for the use of

our successors.”

If the experience of the benefits of a reasonable living in the cases

of his patients was thus satisfactory, he himself afforded, in his own

person, perhaps the best testimony to its revivifying and invigorating

qualities. One of his visitors gives his impressions of the now famous

_doctor_ (a title, in the present instance, of real meaning) as follow:

“Agreeably to your request, I submit to your perusal a short account of

the friendly interview I had with Dr. Lambe in London. I first called

on him in February. I found him to be very gentlemanly in manners and

venerable in appearance. He is rather taller than the middle height.

His hair is perfectly white, for he is now seventy-two years of age.

He told me he had been on the vegetable diet thirty-one years, and

that his health was better now than at forty, when he commenced his

present system of living. He considers himself as likely to live

thirty years longer as to have lived to his present age.... Although

he is seventy-two years of age he walks into town, a distance of three

miles from his residence, every morning, and back at night. Dr. Lambe,

I am told, has spent large sums of money in making experiments and

publishing their results to the world.” In his earlier life he had

been conspicuously thin and attenuated. In later years he seems to

have acquired even a certain amount of robustness, and he is described

as being active and strong at an advanced age. Some instances of

extraordinary energy and endurance have been put on record by his

family; and his feats of pedestrianism, when he was verging on his

eightieth year, are, we imagine, rarely to be paralleled.

His hope of attaining the age of one hundred years, unhappily, was

not to be fulfilled. “Our bodies,” his biographer justly remarks,

“are but machines adapted to perform a definite amount of work, and

Dr. Lambe’s originally weak constitution had been severely tried by

sickness and wrong diet during the first forty years of his life. At

the age of eighty his strength began to fail, but his grandson writes,

‘up to a very short time before his death there were no outward signs

of ill-health, only the marks of old age.’”[221] Existence had its

enjoyment for him up to almost the last days, and his intellectual

powers remained to the end. He calmly expired in his eighty-third year.

Of contemporary and posthumous eulogies of his personal, as well as

scientific, worth, the following may suffice: “A man of learning, a

man of science, a man of genius, a man of distinguished integrity

and honour.” Such is the testimony of his friend Dr. Parr, as quoted

by Samuel Johnson. In the Anniversary Harveian Oration before the

College of Physicians, by Dr. Francis Hawkins, in the year 1848, the

representative of the Faculty thus recalls his memory: “Nor can I pass

over in silence the loss we have sustained in Dr. William Lambe--an

excellent chemist, a learned man, and a skilful physician. His manners

were simple, unreserved, and most modest. His life was pure. Farewell,

therefore, gentle spirit, than whom no one more pure and innocent has

passed away!”

XXXIX.

NEWTON. 1770-1825.

John Frank Newton, the friend and associate of Dr. Lambe, Shelley,

and the little band who met at the house of the former to share his

vegetarian repasts, appears to have been one of the earliest converts

of Dr. Lambe, to whom he dedicated his _Return to Nature_, in gratitude

for the recovery of his health through the adoption of the reformed

regimen.

He published his little work, as he informs us in his preface, to

impart to others the benefits which he himself had experienced; and

especially to make known to the heads of households the fact that his

whole family of himself, wife, and four children under nine years of

age, with their nurse, had been living, at the date of his publication,

for two years upon a non-flesh diet, during which time the apothecary’s

bill, he tells us, had amounted to the sum of sixpence; and that charge

had been incurred by himself.

The ever-memorable meetings of the reformers at the house of Newton,

where Shelley was a constant guest, have been thus recorded by one of

the biographers of the great poet:--“Shelley was intimate with the

Newton family, and was converted by them in 1813, and he began then a

strict vegetable diet. His intimate association with the amiable and

accomplished votaries of a _Return to Nature_ was perhaps the most

pleasing portion of his poetical, philosophical, and lovely life....

For some years I was in the thick of it; for I lived much with a

select and most estimable society of persons (the Newtons), who had

‘returned to Nature,’ and I heard much discussion on the topic of

vegetable diet. Certainly their vegetable dinners were delightful,

elegant, and excellent repasts; flesh, fowl, fish, and ‘game’ never

appeared--nor eggs nor butter _bodily_, but the two latter were

admitted into cookery, but as sparingly as possible, and under protest,

as not approved of and soon to be dispensed with. We had soups in great

variety, that seemed the more delicate from the absence of flesh-meat.

“There were vegetables of every kind, plainly stewed or scientifically

disguised. Puddings, tarts, confections and sweets abounded. Cheese

was excluded. Milk and cream might not be taken unreservedly, but they

were allowed in puddings, and sparingly in tea. Fruits of every kind

were welcomed. We luxuriated in tea and coffee, and sought variety

occasionally in cocoa and chocolate. Bread and butter, and buttered

toast were eschewed; but bread, cakes, and plain seed-cakes were

liberally divided among the faithful.”[222]

The cause of the publication of his book Newton thus states:--

“Having for many years been an habitual invalid, and having at

length found that relief from regimen which I had long and vainly

hoped for from drugs, I am anxious, from sympathy with those

afflicted, to impart to others the knowledge of the benefit I have

experienced, and to dispel, as far as in me lies, the prejudices

under which I conceive mankind to labour on points so nearly

connected with their health and happiness.

“The particulars of my case I have already related at the

concluding pages of Dr. Lambe’s _Reports on Cancer_. To the account

there given I have little to add, but that, by continuing to

confine myself to the regimen advised in that work, I continue to

experience the same benefit; that the winter which has just elapsed

has been passed much more comfortably than that which preceded it,

and that, if my habitual disorder is not completely eradicated, it

is so much subdued as to give but little inconvenience; that I have

suffered but a single day’s confinement for several months; and,

upon the whole, that I enjoy an existence which many might envy who

consider themselves to be in full possession of the blessings of

health.

“All that I have to regret in my present undertaking is the

imperfect way in which it is executed. The adepts in medicine

have gained their knowledge originally from the experience of the

sick. I have taken my own sensations for my guide, and am myself

alone responsible for the conclusions which I have drawn from

them, the manuscript of this volume having been neither corrected

nor looked over by any individual. While I make no pretensions to

medical science, I cannot consent to be reasoned or ridiculed out

of my feelings; nor to believe that to be an illusion, the truth

of which has been confirmed to me by long-continued and repeated

observation.”

The use of distilled water was a cardinal article in the dietary creed

of his friend Dr. Lambe, and upon this point Newton particularly

insists. He appeals with much fervour, as we have just stated, to

parents to have recourse to the natural means of prevention and

cure, in place of vainly trying every available _artificial_ method

by medicine and drugs. He instances, with minute particularity, the

regimen of his children, whom he asserts to have been, up to the moment

of his writing, perfectly free from any sort of malady or disorder, and

to be--

“So remarkably healthy that several medical men who have seen

and examined them with a scrutinizing eye, all agreed in the

observation that they knew nowhere a whole family which equals

them in robustness. Should the success of this experiment, now of

three years’ standing, proceed as it has begun, there is little

doubt, [he ventures to flatter himself] that it must at length

have some influence with the public, and that every parent who

finds the illness of his family both afflicting and expensive, will

say to himself ‘Why should I any longer be imprudent or foolish

enough to have my children sick?’ All hail to the resolution which

that sentiment implies! But until it becomes general, I feel it

necessary to exhort, in the warmest language I can think of, those

who have the young in their charge to institute an experiment

which I have made before them with the completest success. To

those parents especially do I address myself who, aware that

temperance in enjoyment is the best warrant of its duration, feel

how dangerous and how empty are all the feverous amusements of

our assemblies, our dinners, and our theatres, compared with the

genuine and tranquil pleasures of a happy circle at home.”

He presents an alluring picture of the health-producing results for the

young of the natural regimen. He promises that

“They will become not only more robust but more beautiful;

that their carriage will be erect, their step firm; that their

development at a critical period of youth, the prematurity of which

has been considered an evil, will be retarded; that, above all,

the danger of being deprived of them will in every way diminish;

while by these light repasts their hilarity will be augmented, and

their intellects cleared in a degree which shall astonishingly

illustrate the delightful effects of this regimen.... I will

beg here to attempt an answer in this place to that trite and

specious objection to Dr. Lambe’s opinions that ‘what is suitable

to one constitution may be not so to another.’ If there be a

single person existing, whose health would not be improved by the

vegetable diet and distilled water, then the whole system falls

at once to the ground. The question is simply, whether fruits and

other vegetables be not the natural sustenance of man, who would

have occasion for no other drink than these afford, and whose

thirst is at present excited by an unnatural flesh diet, which

causes his disorders bodily and mentally.... Another objection

sometimes urged is this: ‘If children, brought up on a vegetable

regimen, should at a future period of their lives adopt a flesh

diet, they will certainly suffer more from the change than they

otherwise would have done.’ The very contrary of this, I conceive,

would happen. The stomach is so fortified by the general increase

of health, that a person thus nourished is enabled to bear what

one whose humours are less impaired would sink under. The children

of our family can each of them eat a dozen or eighteen walnuts for

supper without the most trifling indigestion, an experiment which

those who feed their children in the usual manner would consider

it adventurous to attempt. So also the Irish porters in London

bear these alterations of diet successfully, and owe much of their

actual vigour to the vegetable food of their forefathers, and

to their own, before they emigrated from Ireland, where, in all

probability, they did not taste flesh half-a dozen times in the

year.”

As to another well-known pretext, that the propensity to flesh-eating,

and the relish with which it is evidently enjoyed by the majority

of flesh eaters, is proof of its fitness, Newton justly objects the

various unnatural and disgusting foods of many savage peoples which are

eaten with equal relish, so that “the argument of the agreeable flavour

proves nothing, I apprehend, by proving too much.” He exhorts the

medical faculty generally, and those members of it who are in charge of

hospitals, infirmaries, or workhouses, to try the effect of the pure

regimen on the sufferers and patients--in particular, in the cases of

the victims of cancer. Amongst others of his personal acquaintance who

had derived the greatest benefit from the regimen, he instances Dr.

Adam Ferguson, the historian of the Roman Republic, who lived strictly

on a vegetable diet. He was in the habit of accompanying Mr. Newton,

in the year 1794, in rides through the environs of Rome. He was still

living in 1811, and he died, in fact, at the age of ninety, holding a

professorship in the University of Edinburgh.

XL.

GLEÏZÈS. 1773-1843.

Of all the enlightened and humane spirits to which the philosophic

eighteenth century gave birth, and who were quickened into activity

by the great movement which originated in France in its last quarter,

not one, assuredly, was actuated by a purer and more exalted feeling

than Jean Antoine Gleïzès--the most _enthusiastic_, perhaps, of all

the apostles of humanity and of refinement. He was born at Dourgne,

in the (present) department of the Tarn. His father was advocate to

the old provincial parliament. His mother’s name was Anna Francos.

After attending preliminary schools, he applied himself to the study

of medicine--urged, says his biographer, more by love of his species

than by predilection for the profession. His intense horror of the

vivisectional experiments in the physiological torture-dens soon

compelled him to abandon his intended career: the experience, however,

gained during his brief medical course he was able to utilize more than

once in his after life for the benefit of his neighbours.

The earlier period of the Revolution had been hailed by him, still

very young as he then was, as the hopeful beginning of a new era; when

its direction, unhappily, fell into the hands of fanatical leaders,

who, following too much the examples of the old _régimes_, thought,

by wholesale executions, to clear the way for the establishment of a

universal republic and of lasting peace. The youthful enthusiast, whose

whole soul revolted from the very idea of bloodshed and of suffering,

withdrew despairing into solitude, and devoted himself to scientific

and literary studies, and to calm contemplation of Nature.

In 1794, at the age of 21, Gleïzès married Aglae de Baumelle, daughter

of a writer of some repute. At this time he seems to have entertained

the hope of instructing his countrymen, by engaging in public teaching;

but, disappointed in a scheme for the inauguration of a course of

historical lectures in the central school of his department, he retired

altogether from the active business of the world, and settled down in

a happy and peaceful home, in a small château belonging to his wife,

at the foot of the Pyrenees near Mezières. It was here, amidst the

magnificent solitudes of Nature, that in 1798, in his twenty fifth

year, he determined upon abandoning for ever the diet of blood and

slaughter. Until the moment of his death, forty-five years later, his

diet consisted solely of milk, fruits, and vegetables.

So great was his scrupulousness, that there might be no possibility or

mistake Gleïzès prepared his own food; and he always ate alone (his

wife being unable or unwilling to follow his loftier aims), since he

could not endure either the smell or the sight of the ordinary dishes.

And this intense aversion it was, indeed, that compelled him to forego

in great measure his intercourse with the world, or, at all events, to

shun the ordinary celebrations of social “festivity.”

Full of enthusiastic belief that the transparent truth and sublimity of

his creed could not fail to commend themselves to the better spirits

of the age amongst his countrymen, Gleïzès addressed himself to some

of the more thoughtful of his contemporaries; amongst others to

Lamartine, Lamennais, and Chateâubriand. Lamartine--the author of the

_Fall of an Angel_, in which he gives expression to his akreophagistic

sympathies--responded, if not with the enthusiasm that might justly

have been expected from the author of that poem, at least in a friendly

spirit. The others kept silence. This indifferentism of those who

should have been the first to lend the support of their names naturally

affected him; and made much more sensible the intellectual and moral

isolation of his existence. He was not left quite alone, however.

There were found three or four minds of a loftier reach who had the

courage of their convictions, and followed them out to their logical

conclusion. These were Anquetil (the author of _Recherches sur les

Indes_), Charles Nodier, Girod de Chantrans, and Cabantous, dean of the

Faculty of Letters at Toulouse. His brother, Colonel Gleïzès, a member

of the Academy of Sciences of the same university, also declared for

the reformation. It is superflous to say that these converts were all

men of superior moral calibre to their contemporaries, however high

they might be exalted by popular estimates of worth.

Deeply sensible as he was of the profound selfishness and

indifferentism of the world surrounding him upon the subject which

to him had all the interest and importance of a new religion, he yet

constantly displayed the benevolence of his disposition, and the

beneficence of his morality, in his efforts for the good of all with

whom he came in contact, and particularly in respect to his domestics

and his tenants, amongst whom his memory was long held in reverence.

“His exalted nature,” states his brother, “glowed with enthusiasm for

everything true and good.” His “life-sorrow” seems to have been the

want of sympathy on the part of his wife, to whom, nevertheless, he

proved an indulgent husband.

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