were the first man to tell me that Wilson would carry California,
and I never believed it as truly as you did, but I have taken many
occasions lately to say that you were a true prophet. And speaking
of prophets, what a lot have been unmade! Did you see that I
wanted to bet a hat with George Harvey that he could not name four
states west of the Alleghenies that would go for Hughes? The truth
about the thing, as I see it, is that you can't deliver the
Western man and you can't deliver the true progressive, anyhow.
The people of the East are in a far more feudal state than the
people of the West. Here they live by sufferance, by favor; they
are helpless if they lose their jobs. Out there hope is high in
their hearts and they feel that there is a fair world around them,
in which they have another chance. The resentment was strong
against Roosevelt undertaking to turn over his vote. Of course I
am glad of Johnson's election, as he is a strong, stalwart chap,
capable of tremendous things for good. He will probably be a
presidential candidate four years from now, and I see no man now
who can beat him, nor should he be beaten unless we have a good
deal better material than our run of ... rank opportunists.
I am working on a treadmill here. Perhaps by the time you come on
in December I will be able to report something accomplished. But
oh! the misery of dealing with people who are eternally suspicious
and have no sense of good faith!
We went with the Millers to the James Roosevelt place up at Hyde
Park on the Hudson, just before election, and had an exquisite
time. I put in four or five days campaigning, and this was the end
of my trip. My speeches were all made in New York where I thought
they might count, but the organizations were too perfect for us.
President Wilson will leave a mere shadow of a party, unless he
takes an interest in reorganizing it. He has drawn a lot of young
men to him who should be tied together, as we were in the early
Cleveland days. Of course, we must have a cause, not merely a
slogan.
Mrs., Lane is here while I am writing this and she sends her love
to both you and your wife, as do I. As always, cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Roland Cotton Smith
Sunday, [January 7? 1917]
MY DEAR DR. SMITH,--I know that you are human enough to like
appreciation and so I am sending you this word,--no more than I
feel!
Your address of this morning was a bit of real literature. It
produced the effect you desired without making a bid for it. It
was as subtle and full of suggestion as Jusserand's book on France
and the United States. You gave an atmosphere to the old building
as an institution, which made every one of us feel something more
of ennobling standards and traditions. You touched emotion. Many
an old chap there felt called upon suddenly and apologetically to
blow his nose. And the crowning bit of fine sentiment was asking
us all to rise, as you read the list of the distinguished ones who
had worshipped there. You have the art of making men better by not
preaching to them. So here is my hand in admiration and in
gratitude. Sincerely,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To James H. Barry San Francisco Star
Washington, [January 9, 1917]
MY DEAR JIM,--That card of yours spoke to me so directly and
warmly from the heart, that it revived in my memory all the long
years of our friendship, and made me feel that the world had been
good to me beyond most men, in that it had brought a "few friends
and their affection tried." These are to be trying years--these
next four--and it will take courage and rare good sense to keep
this old ship on her true path. You have a part and so have I. We
take our turn at the wheel. May God give us strength and
steadiness!
Please give my greetings to your fine boys, and to all the old
group that are still with you, and know that always I hold you in
deep affection. Sincerely,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
IX
CABINET TALK AND WAR PLANS
1917
Cabinet Meetings--National Council of Defense--Bernstorff--War--
Plan for Railroad Consolidation--U-Boat Sinkings Revealed--Alaska
To George W. Lane
Washington, February 9,1917
MY DEAR GEORGE,--I am going to write you in confidence some of the
talks we have at the Cabinet and you may keep these letters in
case I ever wish to remind myself of what transpired. A week ago
yesterday, (February 1st), the word came that Germany was to turn
"mad dog" again, and sink all ships going within her war zone.
This was the question, of course, taken up at the meeting of the
Cabinet on February 2nd. The President opened by saying that this
notice was an "astounding surprise." He had received no intimation
of such a reversal of policy. Indeed, Zimmermann, the German
Minister of Foreign Affairs, had within ten days told Gerard that
such a thing was an "impossibility." At this point Lansing said
that he had good reason to believe that Bernstorff had the note
for fully ten days before delivering it, and had held it off
because of the President's Peace Message to Congress, which had
made it seem inadvisable to deliver it then. In answer to a
question as to which side he wished to see win, the President said
that he didn't wish to see either side win,--for both had been
equally indifferent to the rights of neutrals--though Germany had
been brutal in taking life, and England only in taking property.
He would like to see the neutrals unite. I ventured the expression
that to ask them to do this would be idle, as they could not
afford to join with us if it meant the insistence on their rights
to the point of war. He thought we might coordinate the neutral
forces, but was persuaded that an effort to do this publicly, as
he proposed, would put some of the small powers in a delicate
position. We talked the world situation over. I spoke of the
likelihood of a German-Russian-Japanese alliance as the natural
thing at the end of the war because they all were nearly in the
same stage of development. He thought the Russian peasant might
save the world this misfortune. The fact that Russia had been, but
a short time since, on the verge of an independent peace with
Germany was brought out as evidencing the possibility of a break
on the Allies' side. His conclusion was that nothing should be
done now,--awaiting the "overt act" by Germany, which would take
him to Congress to ask for power.
At the next meeting of the Cabinet on February 6th, the main
question discussed was whether we should convoy, or arm, our
merchant ships. Secretary Baker said that unless we did our ships
would stay in American ports, and thus Germany would have us
effectively locked up by her threat. The St. Louis, of the
American line, wanted to go out with mail but asked the right to
arm and the use of guns and gunners. After a long discussion, the
decision of the President was that we should not convoy because
that made a double hazard,--this being the report of the Navy,--
but that ships should be told that they MIGHT arm, but that
without new power from Congress they should not be furnished with
guns and gunners.
The President said that he was "passionately" determined not to
over-step the slightest punctilio of honor in dealing with
Germany, or interned Germans, or the property of Germans. He would
not take the interned ships, not even though they were being
gutted of their machinery. He wished an announcement made that all
property of Germans would be held inviolate, and that interned
sailors on merchant ships could enter the United States. If we are
to have war we must go in with our hands clean and without any
basis for criticism against us. The fact that before Bernstorff
gave the note telling of the new warfare, the ships had been
dismantled as to their machinery, was not to move us to any act
that would look like hostility.
February 10
Yesterday we talked of the holding of Gerard as a hostage. Lansing
said there was no doubt of it. He thought it an act of war in
itself. But did not know on what theory it was done, except that
Germany was doing what she thought we would do. Germany evidently
was excited over her sailors here, fearing that they would be
interned, and over her ships, fearing that they would be taken. I
said that it seemed to be established that Germany meant to do
what she said she would do, and that we might as well act on that
assumption. The President said that he had always believed this,
but thought that there were chances of her modifying her position,
and that he could do nothing, in good faith toward Congress,
without going before that body. He felt that in a few days
something would be done that would make this necessary.
So there you are up to date--in a scrappy way. Now don't tell what
you know. Ned is flying at Newport News. He sent me a telegram
saying that the President could go as far as he liked, "the bunch"
would back him up. Strange how warlike young fellows are,
especially if they think that they are preparing for some
usefulness in war. That's the militaristic spirit that is bad.
Much love to you and Frances. Give me good long letters telling me
what is in the back of that wise old head.
F. K.
To George W. Lane
February 16, [1917]
MY DEAR GEORGE,--That letter and proposed wire were received and
your spirit is mine--the form of your letter could not be improved
upon--and you are absolutely sound as to policy.
At the last meeting of the Cabinet, we again urged that we should
convoy our own ships, but the President said that this was not
possible without going to Congress, and he was not ready to do
that now. The Navy people say that to convoy would be foolish
because it would make a double target, but it seems to me the
right thing to risk a naval ship in the enforcement of our right.
At our dinner to the President last night he said he was not in
sympathy with any great preparedness--that Europe would be man and
money poor by the end of the war. I think he is dead wrong in
this, and as I am a member of the National Council of Defense, I
am pushing for everything possible. This week we have had a
meeting of the Council every day--the Secretary of War, Navy,
Interior, Commerce, and Labor--with an Advisory Commission
consisting of seven business men. We are developing a plan for the
mobilization of all our national industries and resources so that
we may be ready for getting guns, munitions, trucks, supplies,
airplanes, and other material things as soon as war comes--IF NOT
TOO SOON. It is a great organization of industry and resources. I
think that I shall urge Hoover as the head of the work. His
Belgian experience has made him the most competent man in this
country for such work. He has promised to come to me as one of my
assistants but the other work is the larger, and I can get on with
a smaller man. He will correlate the industrial life of the nation
against the day of danger and immediate need. France seems to be
ahead in this work. The essentials are to commandeer all material
resources of certain kinds (steel, copper, rubber, nickel, etc.);
then have ready all drawings, machines, etc., necessary in advance
for all munitions and supplies; and know the plant that can
produce these on a standard basis.
The Army and Navy are so set and stereotyped and stand-pat that I
am almost hopeless as to moving them to do the wise, large,
wholesale job. They are governed by red-tape,--worse than any
Union.
The Chief of Staff fell asleep at our meeting to-day--Mars and
Morpheus in one!
To-day's meeting has resulted in nothing, though in Mexico, Cuba,
Costa Rica, and Europe we have trouble. The country is growing
tired of delay, and without positive leadership is losing its
keenness of conscience and becoming inured to insult. Our
Ambassador in Berlin is held as a hostage for days--our Consuls'
wives are stripped naked at the border, our ships are sunk, our
people killed--and yet we wait and wait! What for I do not know.
Germany is winning by her bluff, for she has our ships interned in
our own harbors.
Well, dear boy, I'm not a pacifist as you see. Much love,
FRANK
To George W. Lane
Washington, February 20, [1917]
DEAR GEORGE,--Another Cabinet meeting and no light yet on what our
policy will be as to Germany. We evidently are waiting for the
"overt act," which I think Germany will not commit. We are all,
with the exception of one or two pro-Germans, feeling humiliated
by the situation, but nothing can be done.
McAdoo brought up the matter of shipping being held in our ports.
It appears that something more than half of the normal number of
ships has gone out since February 1st, and they all seem to be
getting over the first scare, because Germany is not doing more
than her former amount of damage.
We were told of intercepted cables to the Wolfe News Agency, in
Berlin, in which the American people were represented as being
against war under any circumstances--sympathizing strongly with a
neutrality that would keep all Americans off the seas. Thus does
the Kaiser learn of American sentiment! No wonder he sizes us up
as cowards! ...
F. K. L.
To Frank I. Cobb
Washington, February 21, 1917
MY DEAR COBB,--I have told Henry Hall that he should come down
here and give the story of how Bernstorff handled the newspaper
men, and thus worked the American people, ... He ought to get out
of the newspaper men themselves, and he can, the whole atmosphere
of the Washington situation since Dernberg left,--Bernstorff's
little knot of society friends, chiefly women, the dinners that
they had, his appeals for sympathy, the manner in which he would
offset whatever the State Department was attempting to get before
the American people. He would give away to newspaper men news that
he got from his own government before it got to the State
Department. He would give away also the news that he got from the
State Department before the State Department itself gave it out,
and he had a regular room in which he received these newspaper
men, and handed them cigars and so on, and carried on a propaganda
against the policy of the United States while acting as Ambassador
for Germany, the like of which nobody has carried on since Genet;
and worse than his, because it was carried on secretly and
cunningly. ...
Hall will be able to get a ripping good story, I am satisfied,--a
good two pages on "Modern Diplomacy," which will reveal how long-
suffering the United States has been. Cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To George W. Lane
Washington, February 25, 1917
MY DEAR GEORGE,--On Friday we had one of the most animated
sessions of the Cabinet that I suppose has ever been held under
this or any other President. It all arose out of a very innocent
question of mine as to whether it was true that the wives of
American Consuls on leaving Germany had been stripped naked, given
an acid bath to detect writing on their flesh, and subjected to
other indignities. Lansing answered that it was true. Then I asked
Houston about the bread riots in New York, as to whether there was
shortage of food because of car shortage due to vessels not going
out with exports. This led to a discussion of the great problem
which we all had been afraid to raise--Why shouldn't we send our
ships out with guns or convoys? Daniels said we must not convoy--
that would be dangerous. (Think of a Secretary of the Navy talking
of danger!) The President said that the country was not willing
that we should take any risks of war. I said that I got no such
sentiment out of the country, but if the country knew that our
Consuls' wives had been treated so outrageously that there would
be no question as to the sentiment. This, the President took as a
suggestion that we should work up a propaganda of hatred against
Germany. Of course, I said I had no such idea, but that I felt
that in a Democracy the people were entitled to know the facts.
McAdoo, Houston, and Redfield joined me. The President turned on
them bitterly, especially on McAdoo, and reproached all of us with
appealing to the spirit of the Code Duello. We couldn't get the
idea out of his head that we were bent on pushing the country into
war. Houston talked of resigning after the meeting. McAdoo will--
within a year, I believe. I tried to smooth them down by recalling
our past experiences with the President. We have had to push, and
push, and push, to get him to take any forward step--the Trade
Commission, the Tariff Commission. He comes out right but he is
slower than a glacier--and things are mighty disagreeable,
whenever anything has to be done.
Now he is being abused by the Republicans for being slow, and this
will probably help a bit, though it may make him more obstinate.
He wants no extra session, and the Republicans fear that he will
submit to anything in the way of indignity or national humiliation
without "getting back," so they are standing for an extra session.
The President believes, I think, that the munitions makers are
back of the Republican plan. But I doubt this. They simply want to
have a "say"; and the President wants to be alone and unbothered.
He probably would not call Cabinet meetings if Congress adjourned.
Then I would go to Honolulu, where the land problem vexes.
I don't know whether the President is an internationalist or a
pacifist, he seems to be very mildly national--his patriotism is
covered over with a film of philosophic humanitarianism, that
certainly doesn't make for "punch" at such a time as this.
My love to you old man,--do write me oftener and tell me if you
get all my letters.
F. K L.
To George W. Lane
Washington, March 6, [1917]
Well my dear George, the new administration is launched--smoothly
but not on a smooth sea. The old Congress went out in disgrace,
talking to death a bill to enable the President to protect
Americans on the seas. The reactionaries and the progressives
combined--Penrose and La Follette joined hands to stop all
legislation, so that the government is without money to carry on
its work.
It is unjust to charge the whole thing on the La Follette group;
they served to do the trick which the whole Republican machine
wished done. For the Penrose, Lodge people would not let any bills
through and were glad to get La Follette's help. The Democrats
fought and died--because there was no "previous question" in the
Senate rules.
The weather changed for inauguration--Wilson luck--and the event
went off without accident. To-day, we had expected a meeting of
the Cabinet to determine what we should do in the absence of
legislation, but that has gone over,--I expect to give the
Attorney General a chance to draft an opinion on the armed ship
matter. I am for prompt action--putting the guns on the ships and
convoying, if necessary. Much love.
K.F.
To Edward J. Wheeler Current Opinion
Washington, March 15, 1917
MY DEAR MY. WHEELER,--I wish that I could be with you to honor Mr.
Howells. But who are we, to honor him? Is he not an institution?
Is he not the Master? Has he not taught for half a century that
this new and peculiar man, the American, is worth drawing? Why,
for an American not to take off his hat to Howells would be to
fail in appreciation of one's self as an object of art--an
unlikely, belittling, and soul-destroying sin.
I do not know whether Howells is a great photographer or a great
artist; but this I do know, that I like him because he sees
through his own eyes, and I like his eyes. If that be treason,
make the most of it. Cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To George W. Lane
Washington, April 1, 1917
MY DEAR GEORGE,--I took your letter and your proposed wire as to
our going into war and sent them to the President as suggestions
for his proposed message which in a couple of days will come out--
what it is to be I don't know--excepting in spirit. He is to be
for recognizing war and taking hold of the situation in such a
fashion as will eventually lead to an Allies' victory over
Germany. But he goes unwillingly. The Cabinet is at last a unit.
We can stand Germany's insolence and murderous policy no longer.
Burleson, Gregory, Daniels, and Wilson were the last to come over.
The meetings of the Cabinet lately have been nothing less than
councils of war. The die is cast--and yet no one has seen the
message. The President hasn't shown us a line. He seems to think
that in war the Pacific Coast will not be strongly with him. They
don't want war to be sure--no one does. But they will not suffer
further humiliation. I sent West for some telegrams telling of the
local feeling in different States and all said, "Do as the
President says." Yet none came back that spoke as if they felt
that we had been outraged or that it was necessary for humanity
that Germany be brought to a Democracy. There is little pride or
sense of national dignity in most of our politicians.
The Council of National Defense is getting ready. I yesterday
proposed a resolution, which was adopted, that our contracts for
ships, ammunition, and supplies be made upon the basis of a three
years' program. We may win in two years. If we had the nerve to
raise five million men at once we could end it in six months,
The first thing is to let Russia and France have money. And the
second thing, to see that Russia has munitions, of which they are
short--depending largely, too largely, upon Japan. I shouldn't be
surprised if we would operate the Russian railroads. And ships,
ships! How we do need ships, and there are none in the world.
Ships to feed England and to make the Russian machine work.
Hindenburg is to turn next toward Petrograd--he is only three
hundred miles away now. I fear he will succeed. But that does not
mean the conquest of Russia! The lovable, kindly Russians are not
to be conquered,--and it makes me rejoice that we are to be with
them.
All sides need aeroplanes--for the war that is perhaps the
greatest of all needs; and there Germany is strongest. Ned will go
among the first. He is flying alone now and is enjoying the risk,
--the consciousness of his own skill. Anne is very brave about it.
This is the program as far as we have gone: Navy, to make a line
across the sea and hunt submarines; Army, one million at once, and
as many more as necessary as soon as they can be got ready.
Financed by income taxes largely. Men and capital both drafted.
I'm deep in the work. Have just appointed a War-Secretary of my
own--an ex-Congressman named Lathrop Brown from New York, who is to
see that we get mines, etc., at work. I wish you were here but the
weather would be too much for you, I fear. Very hot right now!
Sometime I'll tell you how we stopped the strike. It was a big
piece of work that was blanketed by the Supreme Court's decision
next day. But we came near to having something akin to Civil War.
Much love, my dear boy.
F. K. L.
Grosvenor Clarkson, Director of the Council of National Defense,
in recording the activities of that body says:--
"It is, of course, well known that Secretary Lane, as a member of
the Council of National Defense, played a dramatic and successful
part in the settlement of the threatened great railroad strike of
March, 1917. By resolution of the Council of National Defense of
March 16, 1917, Secretary Lane and Secretary of Labor Wilson, as
members of the Council, and Daniel Willard, President of the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and Samuel Gompers of the Advisory
Commission, were designated to represent the government, at the
meeting in New York with the representatives of the railroad
brotherhoods and railroad executives--the meeting that stopped the
strike."
TO FRANK I. COBB NEW YORK WORLD
Washington, April 13, 1917
MY DEAR FRANK,--I have your note and am thoroughly in sympathy
with it. The great need of France at this moment is to get ships
to carry the supplies across the water. It is a secret, but a
fact, that France has 600,000 tons of freight in New York and
other harbors waiting to ship. I am in favor of taking all the
German ships under requisition, paying for their use eventually,
but this is a matter of months. Immediately, I think we should
take all the coastwise ships, or the larger portion of them. The
Navy colliers and Army transports can be put into the business of
carrying supplies to France.
We are to have a meeting of the Council of National Defense to-day,
and I am going to take this matter up. I have been pushing on
it for several weeks. As to the purchasing of supplies, I think we
ought to protect the Allies, especially Russia, but, of course, we
cannot touch their present contracts. ...
TO GEORGE W. LANE
Washington, April 15, 1917
MY DEAR GEORGE,--I enclose a couple of confidential papers that
will interest you. The situation is not as happy in Russia as it
should be. The people are so infatuated with their own internal
reforms that there is danger of their making a separate peace,
which would throw the entire strength of Germany on the west
front, and compel us to go in with millions of men where we had
thought that a few would suffice.