in March, entitled What I Am Trying To Do, but it is really sort
of an answer to one or two articles that they have had upon the
railroad side of the question of regulation--a demonstration of
the chaotic condition of things that existed prior to the
establishment of the Commission; and that the effect of regulation
has been to increase railroad earnings and put things upon a
stable and more satisfactory basis. ... I find that I have a copy
of the proofs in the office and I am going to send it to you and
ask you to criticise it. ...
With my love to your good wife, believe me, as always,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Joseph N. Teal
Washington, January 20, 1913
MY DEAR JOE,--... You know we practically have the power now to
make a physical appraisement. ... We should not ourselves attempt
to arrive at cost. That is a very hard thing for the railroads to
furnish. They have taken good care to destroy most of the books
and papers that would show cost.
Politically, I hear of no news. Wilson is able to keep his own
counsel more perfectly than anybody I have ever known, and nobody
comes back from Trenton knowing anything more than when he went.
... The money question is going to be the big one, and it looks to
me as though certain gentlemen were preparing to intimidate him
with a panic, which they won't do because he will appeal to the
country. He has got splendid nerve, and while Washington won't
like him a little, little bit, the country, I think, will put him
down as a very great President. As always,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Edward M. House
Washington, January 22, 1913
DEAR MR. HOUSE,--You ask me what is the precise political
situation on the Pacific Coast as to various candidates for the
Cabinet.
As I have told you, I am to be eliminated from consideration.
California has but one candidate, one who was in Governor Wilson's
primary campaign and who made the fight for him in that state, in
the person of James D. Phelan whom you have met. ... Recognition
given to Phelan will be given to the foremost man in the
progressive fight in California. ... He is a brilliant speaker and
a man of excellent business judgment. ... He has fine social
quality and sufficient money to maintain such a position in proper
dignity. Not to recognize him in some first-class manner would be
a triumph for his enemies--and his enemies are the crooks of the
state.
Joseph N. Teal who is spoken of from Oregon as a possible
Secretary of the Interior, is a good lawyer and a most public-
spirited man who has been identified with every sane movement for
progress in that state. He is a man of means and is deeply
interested in questions of conservation and the improvement of our
waterways. ...
... As a matter of party politics I do not think that any Pacific
Coast state can be made Democratic by the appointment of a member
of the Cabinet from it; as a matter of national politics, it seems
to be necessary that that part of the country should have a voice
in the council of the President.
Now, I want to say a word or two on a more important matter. You
realize, I presume (and Governor Wilson evidently does) that there
is talk of a probable panic in the air. He dealt with this matter
masterfully in his New York speech. Worse things than panic can
befall a nation. We must preserve our self-respect as a self-
governing people. But what is the cause of this loose talk?
Apprehension. The business interests of the country do not know
what they are to expect. As a party we are too much given to
generalization; we have too little precision of thought. You will
notice how the New York papers of yesterday speak of Governor
Wilson's bill regarding the regulation of trusts. This is
something definite, and does not frighten because it is known. The
problems we have to deal with--the tariff, currency, and trusts--
should all be dealt with in this same manner. The Administration
should have a definite program on each one of these questions; and
I mean by that, bills framed in conference between the leaders
which should be presented as party measures at the very first
possible moment. I have information that the banks are already
saying that they will stop loans until these questions are dealt
with. This is the way by which panic can be produced. The country
is too prosperous to allow a widespread industrial panic if the
measures favored by the Government commend themselves to the
people as sane and necessary. Why can't we, as the boys on the
street say, "beat them to it"? If Congress is called by the middle
of March, and the tariff is quickly put out of the way, and a
currency bill promptly follows, we can restore the mind of the
country to its normal state by midsummer. You know that this
problem of government is largely one of psychology. The doctor
must speak with definiteness and certainty to quiet the patient's
nerves, and the doctor is the party as represented in the
President and Congress.
With warm regards to Mrs. House, believe me, as always, cordially
yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Mitchell Innes
Washington, February 26, 1913
MY DEAR MR. INNES,--I received your pamphlet and have read it
through with the deepest interest. These young men [Footnote: A
group of young men organized for social and political betterment,
who sought advice.] are deserving of the strongest encouragement.
I have no criticism whatever to make of their prospectus--for that
word, I presume, without slight, can be properly used.
My conviction is that we can find no solution for the problems of
social, political, economic, or spiritual unrest. "The man's the
man" philosophy has taken hold of the world. We have lost all
traditional moorings. We have no religion. We have no philosophy.
Our age is greater than any other that the world has seen. We have
been lifted clear off our feet and taken up into a high place
where we have been shown the universe. The result has been a
tremendous and exaggerated growth of the ego, and we have regarded
ourselves as masters of everything, and subject to nothing.
Agnosticism led to sensualism, and sensualism had its foundation
in hopelessness. We are materialists because we have no faith.
This thing, however, is being changed. We are coming to recognize
spiritual forces, and I put my hope for the future, not in a
reduction in the high cost of living, nor in any scheme of
government, but in a recognition by the people that after all
there is a God in the world. Mind you, I have no religion, I
attend no church, and I deal all day long with hard questions of
economics, so that I am nothing of a preacher; but I know that
there never will come anything like peace or serenity by a mere
redistribution of wealth, although that redistribution is
necessary and must come.
If I were these young men and wished to concentrate upon some
economic question, I should put my time in on the cost of
distribution. ... That is the economic problem of the next
century--how to get the goods from the farm to the people with the
lowest possible expenditure of effort; how to get the manufactured
product from the factory to the house with the least possible
expense. I have an idea that we have too many stores, too many
middlemen, too much waste motion. So that I have only two thoughts
to suggest: The first is that the ultimate problem is to
substitute some adequate philosophy or religion for that which we
have lost; and the second is to concentrate on the simple economic
problem. Have we the cheapest system of distribution possible? ...
Sincerely yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
VI
SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR 1913-1915
Appointment as Secretary of the Interior--Reorganization of the
Department--Home Club--Bills on Public Lands
His appointment, as Secretary of the Interior, came to Lane in a
letter from President-elect Wilson, stating that he was being
"drafted" by the President for public service in his Cabinet. The
letter was written about the middle of February, 1913. The urgent
manner of the appointment was caused by Lane's frankly-expressed
reluctance to leave his work on the Interstate Commerce
Commission, where opportunity for yet fuller accomplishment had
been assured by his recent appointment as Chairman of the
Commission. Seven years of application to the intricate problems
of adjustment between the conflicting claims of the public, the
shippers, and the railroads, did not solve all the issues involved
in new and profoundly interesting cases coming up for
adjudication. In addition to this natural desire to expand and
perfect the technique of administration of his Commission, Lane
dreaded the great increase in social and financial demands
involved in a Cabinet position. In addition to these reasons, the
change in service would mean work with men that he knew only
slightly, if at all, and under a President whom he had never met.
Perhaps the consideration that weighed more heavily than any of
these, in his feeling of reluctance, was that the portfolio of the
Department of the Interior, with its congeries of ill-assorted
bureaus was in itself unattractive to a man with Lane's love of
logical order. His liking for strong team-work and for the
building of morale among a force of mutually helpful workers
seemed to have no possible promise of gratification among bureau
chiefs as unrelated as those of the General Land Office, the
Indian Office, the Bureau of Pensions, Patent Office, Bureau of
Education, Geological Survey, Reclamation Service, and Bureau of
Mines.
It was, therefore, with something of the spirit of a drafted man
that Lane set his face toward his new work. Members of his
immediate family recall days of depression after the appointment
first came, but the cordial response of the press of the country
to his appointment, the flooding in of many hundreds of letters
and telegrams of congratulation, and President Wilson's own
cordiality--lifted Lane's mood to its normal hopefulness.
In relating the history of the appointment itself, Arthur W. Page,
of the World's Work, writes, after talking with E. M. House of the
matter, "House recommended Lane, as perhaps the one man available,
adapted to any Cabinet position from Secretary of State down. At
one time Lane was slated for the War Department, at another time
another department and finally placed as Secretary of the Interior
because being a good conservationist, as a Western man he could
promote conservation with more tact and less criticism than an
Eastern man."
Confronted by a complex and definite task, Lane's mind quickened
to the attack. The situation of the Indian seized his sympathy. In
his first official report he wrote, "That the Indian is confused
in mind as to his status and very much at sea as to our ultimate
purpose toward him is not surprising. For a hundred years he has
been spun round like a blindfolded child in a game of blindman's
buff. Treated as an enemy at first, overcome, driven from his
lands, negotiated with most formally as an independent nation,
given by treaty a distinct boundary which was never to be changed
while water runs and grass grows,' he later found himself pushed
beyond that boundary line, negotiated with again, and then set
down upon a reservation, half captive, half protege."
With this at heart Lane wrote a letter of vigorous appeal to John
H. Wigmore to become his First Assistant.
To John H. Wigmore
Washington, March 9,1913
MY DEAR JOHN,--I want you as my First Assistant. It is absolutely
essential that I should have you!! I am aiming to gather around me
the largest men whom I can secure and to form a cabinet of equals.
Four years of this life here would bring a great deal of
satisfaction to you. You would meet the distinguished men of the
world. It is the center of all the great law movements of the
world,--for peace, international arbitration, reform in procedure,
and such matters. Beside that, we have two or three of the
greatest problems to meet and solve that have ever been presented
to the American people. First in the public mind is the land
problem. How can we develop our lands and yet save the interest of
the Nation in them? Second, and I think perhaps this should be
first, is the Indian problem. Here we have thousands of Indians,
as large a population as composes some of the States, owning
hundreds of millions of dollars worth of property which is rapidly
rising in value. I am their guardian. I must see that they are
protected. They have schools over which we have absolute control--
the question of teachers that they are to have, the question of
the kind of education that they are to be given, the question of
industry that they are to pursue. Their morals, I understand, are
in a frightful state, largely owing to our negligence and the lack
of enforcement of our laws. We can save a great people; and the
First Assistant has this matter as his special care. I do not know
of any place in the United States which calls for as much wisdom
and for as great a soul as this particular job. I will give you
men under you over whom you will have entire control and who will
be to your liking. I will give you men to sit beside you at the
table who will be of your own class. You can do more good in four
years in this place than you can possibly do in forty where you
are now. There are a lot of men who can teach law, and lots of men
who can write the philosophy of the law, but there are few men who
can put the spirit of righteousness into the business, social, and
educational affairs of an entire race. Think of that work! Beside
that you have the constructive work in framing and helping to
frame a line of policy as to the disposition of our national
lands--the opening of Alaska.
Now, John, I have looked over the entire United States and you are
the only man that I want. The salary is five thousand a year. You
can live on that here without embarrassment. The President will be
delighted to have you, and you will find him treating you with the
same consideration and giving you the same dignity that he does
all the members of his Cabinet; all the Supreme Court. I have
never seen a man more considerate, more reasonable. Dr. Houston,
who has become Secretary of Agriculture, left Washington
University in St. Louis, under an arrangement by which he can
return at the end of his term. You, doubtless, could make a
similar arrangement, and if you wish to, you will have plenty of
opportunity to give one or two courses of lectures in the
University during the year,
I have thought seriously of going out to see you, but with Cabinet
conditions as they are it is impossible, for we are passing upon
important questions now that prevent that. I am very selfish in
urging you to this, but I am also giving you an opportunity to do
work that will be more congenial than any you have ever done, and
to be with a more congenial lot of people. If there is any doubt
in your mind let me know, but don't say "No" to me. The country
needs you. You have done a great work. There is nothing higher to
be done in your line. Now come here and help in a great
constructive policy. Sincerely and affectionately,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Walter H. Page Worlds Work
Washington, March 12, 1918
MY DEAR PAGE,--I have just now seen your letter of March 2nd, else
it would have had earlier recognition.
The President is the most charming man imaginable to work with.
Most of us in politics have been used to being lied about, but
there has been a particularly active set of liars engaged in
giving the country the impression that W. W. was what we call out
West a "cold nose." He is the most sympathetic, cordial and
considerate presiding officer that can be imagined. And he sees so
clearly. He has no fog in his brain.
As you perhaps know, I didn't want to go into the Cabinet, but I
am delighted that I was given the opportunity and accepted it,
because of the personal relationship; and I think all the Cabinet
feel the way that I do. If we can't make this thing a success, the
Democratic Party is absolutely gone, and entirely useless.
I hope next time you are down here I shall see you. Cordially
yours, FRANKLIN K LANE
To Edwin Alderman President, University of Virginia
Washington, March 17,1913
MY DEAR DR. ALDERMAN,--Your letter of the 14th gives me
exceptional satisfaction, ... because it brings with it extremely
good news. You say you will win in your fight [Footnote: After a
long serious illness Dr. Alderman was regaining health.] and that
rejoices me even more than it does to be told of the real
satisfaction that you get out of my appointment.
It was a surprise to me. It came at the last minute. I had to
introduce myself to the President-elect the day before the
inauguration. I find him consideration itself in Cabinet meetings
and he never seems to be groping. In my mental processes I find
myself constantly like a man climbing a mountain, pushing through
belts of fog, but his way seems clear and definite.
You certainly would feel at home around the Cabinet table, and all
of us would rejoice to see you there. ... I shall take your note
home to Mrs. Lane and show it to her with much pride. ...
Sincerely yours, FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Theodore Roosevelt
Washington, March 24, 1913
MY DEAR COLONEL,--I have received a great many hundred letters,
but I think I can honestly say that no other one has given me the
pleasure that yours has. I am struggling hard to get the reins of
this six-horse team in my hands and every day I feel more acutely
the weight of the responsibility that I bear. The last few weeks
have been put in being interviewed by Senators and Congressmen,
who wish to name men for the few positions in the office. It has
been rather enjoyable, and they have been fair and by no means
peremptory. The hardest place I have to fill is that of
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. How absurd to try to get a man to
handle the interests of an entire race, owning a thousand million
dollars' worth of property, and have to offer a salary of $5,000 a
year!
I hope that you will feel free to give me the benefit of any
advice as to the conduct of my department that may happen to come
to you out of your great experience. As always, faithfully yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
TO LAWRENCE F. ABBOTT OUTLOOK
Washington, April 9, 1913
MY DEAR LAWRENCE,--The Japanese are reducing the value of
California lands by buying a piece in a picked valley, paying any
price that is demanded. They swarm then over this particular piece
of property until they reduce the value of all the adjacent land.
No one wishes to be near them; with the result that they buy or
lease the adjoining land, and so they radiate from this center
until now they have possession of some of the best valleys. Really
the influx of the Japanese is quite as dangerous as that of the
Chinese. The proposed legislation in California is not to exclude
Japanese alone, but to make it impossible for any alien to own
land, at least until he declares his intention to become a
citizen. Inasmuch, of course, as Orientals can not become
citizens, this disbars them from owning land.
There is, of course, as in all things Californian, a good deal of
hysteria over this matter, and I think your Progressive friends
are trying to put the Democrats in a bit of a hole by making it
appear that the Democrats are being influenced by the Federal
Government to take a more conservative course than the
Progressives desire.
My information is that some restrictive legislation will be passed
by the legislature, no matter what Japan's attitude may be, but
Japan's face will be saved and every need met if the legislation
is general in terms. ...
April 20, 1913
... I do not like the sudden turn that Johnson seems to have taken
in the last day or two but I still have faith that those people
out there will do the sensible thing and allow us to save Japan's
face while very properly excluding the Japanese from owning land
in California; and I have no objection whatever to excluding all
the Englishmen and Scotchmen who flock in there without any
intention of becoming citizens. As always, yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
TO WILLIAM M. BOLE GREAT FALLS TRIBUNE
Washington, May 26, 1913
MY DEAR MR. BOLE,--That is just the kind of a letter that I want
and that is helpful to me. As to the settler, I have one policy--
to make it as easy as possible under the law for the bonafide
settler to get a home, and to make it just as difficult as
possible for the dummy entryman to get land, which he will sell
out to monopolies. These Western lands are needed for homes for
the people, not as a basis of speculation.
As to the Reclamation Service ... There really was a very bad
showing made by the Montana projects. It was disheartening to feel
that we had spent so many million dollars and that the Government
was looked upon as a bunko sharp who had brought people into
Montana where they were slowly starving to death. The Government
has returned to Montana almost as much as her public lands have
yielded, whereas in other states, like Oregon and California, less
than a quarter of the amount they have yielded has been returned
to them.
Ever since I came here Senators and Congressmen have been
overwhelming me with curses upon the Reclamation Service, and I
thought I ought to find out for myself just what the facts were. I
gave every one a chance to tell his story. Now I am being
overwhelmed with protests against the discontinuance of this work.
Every state is insisting that I shall now start up some new
enterprises or continue some old ones, and I do not know where the
money is going to come from. We are bound to be short of funds
even to continue existing work, if we can get no money out of
projects that are really under way, and there seems to be a
unanimity of opinion among Western Senators and Congressmen that
payment by the settlers must be postponed, because they are having
a hard enough time as it now is. I certainly am not going to be a
party to gold-bricking the poor devil of a farmer who has been
told by everybody that he is being charged twice as much as he
ought to be charged by the Government ... Cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K LANE
To Fairfax Harrison
Washington, June 10, 1913
MY DEAR MR. HARRISON,--I have not had a minute for a personal
letter in a month. Hence my shabbiness toward you. Condorcet's Vie
de Turgot, I am sorry to say, I have not read. Does he say
anything as to how to make a reclamation project pay, or as to
what is the best method of teaching Indians, or how much work a
homesteader should do on his land before being entitled to patent?
These are the great and momentous questions that fill my mind.
I had thought perhaps that as a member of the Cabinet I would have
an opportunity, say once a month or so, to think upon questions of
statecraft and policy, but I find myself locked in a cocoon--no
wings and no chance for wings to grow.
As to my inability to get to you of a Sunday, let me tell you that
that is the one day when somewhat undisturbed I catch up with the
week's work. "Ah, what a weary travel is our act, here, there and
back again to win some prize."
I hope some of these nights to be able to make you acquainted with
some of my colleagues. They are a charming lot. Every one has a
sense of humor and as little partisanship as possible, and still
bear the title of Democrat. You would enjoy every one of them,
including Bryan, who is fundamentally good.
With kindest regards, cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To Frank Reese
Washington, July 2, 1913
MY DEAR FRANK,--I am delighted to get your letter and to know that
I still stand well with my California friends, especially
yourself, but I am not going to run for United States Senator. Of
course, I am not making a virtue of not running, and I certainly
am gratified to know that you at least think that I could be
elected. My work here is just as interesting as any work that a
Senator has. Under this primary system I do not believe there is
any chance for a man who has not got a great deal of money. The
candidate must devote practically a year of his time to make the
race, must be able to support his family and himself in the
meantime. ... Now, when I knew you first I had no money. I have
the same amount to-day, so that you see there is no possibility of
my getting into such a fight. Furthermore, we have Phelan as a
candidate, and it seems to me he ought to be acceptable. There was
also some talk of Patton getting into the race, and he is a good
man.
Thankfully and cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE