BOOK VI

I.--Caesar, expecting for many reasons a greater commotion in Gaul,

resolves to hold a levy by the means of M. Silanus, C. Antistius

Reginus, and T. Sextius, his lieutenants: at the same time he requested

of Cn. Pompey, the proconsul, that since he was remaining near the city

invested with military command for the interests of the commonwealth, he

would command those men whom when consul he had levied by the military

oath in Cisalpine Gaul, to join their respective corps, and to proceed

to him; thinking it of great importance, as far as regarded the opinion

which the Gauls would entertain for the future, that the resources of

Italy should appear so great, that if any loss should be sustained in

war, not only could it be repaired in a short time, but likewise be

further supplied by still larger forces. And when Pompey had granted

this to the interests of the commonwealth and the claims of friendship,

Caesar having quickly completed the levy by means of his lieutenants,

after three legions had been both formed and brought to him before the

winter [had] expired, and the number of those cohorts which he had lost

under Q. Titurius had been doubled, taught the Gauls, both by his

dispatch and by his forces, what the discipline and the power of the

Roman people could accomplish.

II.--Indutiomarus having been slain, as we have stated, the government

was conferred upon his relatives by the Treviri. They cease not to

importune the neighbouring Germans and to promise them money: when they

could not obtain [their object] from those nearest them, they try those

more remote. Having found some states willing to accede to their wishes,

they enter into a compact with them by a mutual oath, and give hostages

as a security for the money: they attach Ambiorix to them by an alliance

and confederacy. Caesar, on being informed of their acts, since he saw

that war was being prepared on all sides, that the Nervii, Aduatuci, and

Menapii, with the addition of all the Germans on this side of the Rhine

were under arms, that the Senones did not assemble according to his

command, and were concerting measures with the Carnutes and the

neighbouring states, that the Germans were importuned by the Treviri in

frequent embassies, thought that he ought to take measures for the war

earlier [than usual].

III.-Accordingly, while the winter was not yet ended, having

concentrated the four nearest legions, he marched unexpectedly into the

territories of the Nervii, and before they could either assemble, or

retreat, after capturing a large number of cattle and of men, and

wasting their lands and giving up that booty to the soldiers, compelled

them to enter into a surrender and give him hostages. That business

having been speedily executed, he again led his legions back into

winter-quarters. Having proclaimed a council of Gaul in the beginning of

the spring, as he had been accustomed [to do], when the deputies from

the rest, except the Senones, the Carnutes, and the Treviri, had come,

judging this to be the commencement of war and revolt, that he might

appear to consider all things of less consequence [than that war], he

transfers the council to Lutetia of the Parisii. These were adjacent to

the Senones, and had united their state to them during the memory of

their fathers, but were thought to have no part in the present plot.

Having proclaimed this from the tribunal, he advances the same day

towards the Senones with his legions and arrives among them by long

marches.

IV.--Acco, who had been the author of that enterprise, on being informed

of his arrival, orders the people to assemble in the towns; to them,

while attempting this and before it could be accomplished, news is

brought that the Romans are close at hand: through necessity they give

over their design and send ambassadors to Caesar for the purpose of

imploring pardon; they make advances to him through the Aedui, whose

state was from ancient times under the protection of Rome. Caesar

readily grants them pardon and receives their excuse at the request of

the Aedui; because he thought that the summer season was one for an

impending war, not for an investigation. Having imposed one hundred

hostages, he delivers these to the Aedui to be held in charge by them.

To the same place the Carnutes send ambassadors and hostages, employing

as their mediators the Remi, under whose protection they were: they

receive the same answers. Caesar concludes the council and imposes a

levy of cavalry on the states.

V.--This part of Gaul having been tranquillized, he applies himself

entirely both in mind and soul to the war with the Treviri and Ambiorix.

He orders Cavarinus to march with him with the cavalry of the Senones,

lest any commotion should arise either out of his hot temper, or out of

the hatred of the state which he had incurred. After arranging these

things, as he considered it certain that Ambiorix would not contend in

battle, he watched his other plans attentively. The Menapii bordered on

the territories of the Eburones, and were protected by one continued

extent of morasses and woods; and they alone out of Gaul had never sent

ambassadors to Caesar on the subject of peace. Caesar knew that a tie of

hospitality subsisted between them and Ambiorix: he also discovered that

the latter had entered into an alliance with the Germans by means of the

Treviri. He thought that these auxiliaries ought to be detached from him

before he provoked him to war; lest he, despairing of safety, should

either proceed to conceal himself in the territories of the Menapii, or

should be driven to coalesce with the Germans beyond the Rhine. Having

entered upon this resolution, he sends the baggage of the whole army to

Labienus, in the territories of the Treviri and orders two legions to

proceed to him: he himself proceeds against the Menapii with five

lightly-equipped legions. They, having assembled no troops, as they

relied on the defence of their position, retreat into the woods and

morasses, and convey thither all their property.

VI.--Caesar, having divided his forces with C. Fabius, his lieutenant,

and M. Crassus, his questor, and having hastily constructed some

bridges, enters their country in three divisions, burns their houses and

villages, and gets possession of a large number of cattle and men.

Constrained by these circumstances, the Menapii send ambassadors to him

for the purpose of suing for peace. He, after receiving hostages,

assures them that he will consider them in the number of his enemies if

they shall receive within their territories either Ambiorix or his

ambassadors. Having determinately settled these things, he left among

the Menapii, Commius the Atrebatian with some cavalry as a guard; he

himself proceeds toward the Treviri.

VII.--While these things are being performed by Caesar, the Treviri,

having drawn together large forces of infantry and of cavalry, were

preparing to attack Labienus and the legion which was wintering in their

territories, and were already not further distant from him than a

journey of two days, when they learn that two legions had arrived by the

order of Caesar. Having pitched their camp fifteen miles off, they

resolve to await the support of the Germans. Labienus, having learned

the design of the enemy, hoping that through their rashness there would

be some opportunity of engaging, after leaving a guard of five cohorts

for the baggage, advances against the enemy with twenty-five cohorts and

a large body of cavalry, and, leaving the space of a mile between them,

fortifies his camp. There was between Labienus and the enemy a river

difficult to cross and with steep banks: this neither did he himself

design to cross, nor did he suppose the enemy would cross it. Their hope

of auxiliaries was daily increasing. He [Labienus] openly says in a

council that "since the Germans are said to be approaching, he would not

bring into uncertainty his own and the army's fortunes, and the next day

would move his camp at early dawn. These words are quickly carried to

the enemy, since out of so large a number of cavalry composed of Gauls,

nature compelled some to favour the Gallic interests. Labienus, having

assembled the tribunes of the soldiers and principal centurions by

night, states what his design is, and, that he may the more easily give

the enemy a belief of his fears, he orders the camp to be moved with

greater noise and confusion than was usual with the Roman people. By

these means he makes his departure [appear], like a retreat. These

things, also, since the camps were so near, are reported to the enemy by

scouts before daylight.

VIII.--Scarcely had the rear advanced beyond the fortifications when the

Gauls, encouraging one another "not to cast from their hands the

anticipated booty, that it was a tedious thing, while the Romans were

panic stricken, to be waiting for the aid of the Germans, and that their

dignity did not suffer them to fear to attack with such great forces so

small a band, particularly when retreating and encumbered," do not

hesitate to cross the river and give battle in a disadvantageous

position. Labienus suspecting that these things would happen, was

proceeding quietly, and using the same pretence of a march, in order

that he might entice them across the river. Then, having sent forward

the baggage some short distance and placed it on a certain eminence, he

says, "Soldiers, you have the opportunity you have sought: you hold the

enemy in an encumbered and disadvantageous position: display to us your

leaders the same valour you have ofttimes displayed to your general:

imagine that he is present and actually sees these exploits." At the

same time he orders the troops to face about towards the enemy and form

in line of battle, and, despatching a few troops of cavalry as a guard

for the bag gage, he places the rest of the horse on the wings. Our men,

raising a shout, quickly throw their javelins at the enemy. They, when,

contrary to their expectation, they saw those whom they believed to be

retreating, advance towards them with threatening banners, were not able

to sustain even the charge, and, being put to flight at the first

onslaught, sought the nearest woods: Labienus pursuing them with the

cavalry, upon a large number being slain, and several taken prisoners,

got possession of the state a few days after; for the Germans who were

coming to the aid of the Treviri, having been informed of their flight,

retreated to their homes. The relations of Indutiomarus, who had been

the promoters of the revolt, accompanying them, quitted their own state

with them. The supreme power and government were delivered to

Cingetorix, whom we have stated to have remained firm in his allegiance

from the commencement.

IX.--Caesar, after he came from the territories of the Menapii into

those of the Treviri, resolved for two reasons to cross the Rhine; one

of which was, because they had sent assistance to the Treviri against

him; the other, that Ambiorix might not have a retreat among them.

Having determined on these matters, he began to build a bridge a little

above that place, at which he had before conveyed over his army. The

plan having been known and laid down, the work is accomplished in a few

days by the great exertion of the soldiers. Having left a strong guard

at the bridge on the side of the Treviri, lest any commotion should

suddenly arise among them, he leads over the rest of the forces and the

cavalry. The Ubii, who before had sent hostages and come to a

capitulation, send ambassadors to him, for the purpose of vindicating

themselves, to assure him that "neither had auxiliaries been sent to the

Treviri from their state, nor had they violated their allegiance"; they

entreat and beseech him "to spare them, lest, in his common hatred of

the Germans, the innocent should suffer the penalty of the guilty: they

promise to give more hostages, if he desire them." Having investigated

the case, Caesar finds that the auxiliaries had been sent by the Suevi;

he accepts the apology of the Ubii, and makes minute inquiries

concerning the approaches and the routes to the territories of the

Suevi. X.--In the meanwhile he is informed by the Ubii, a few days

after, that the Suevi are drawing all their forces into one place, and

are giving orders to those nations which are under their government to

send auxiliaries of infantry and of cavalry. Having learned these

things, he provides a supply of corn, selects a proper place for his

camp, and commands the Ubii to drive off their cattle and carry away all

their possessions from the country parts into the towns, hoping that

they, being a barbarous and ignorant people, when harassed by the want

of provisions, might be brought to an engagement on disadvantageous

terms: he orders them to send numerous scouts among the Suevi, and learn

what things are going on among them. They execute the orders, and, a few

days having intervened, report that all the Suevi, after certain

intelligence concerning the army of the Romans had come, retreated with

all their own forces and those of their allies, which they had

assembled, to the utmost extremities of their territories: that there is

a wood there of very great extent, which is called Bacenis; that this

stretches a great way into the interior, and, being opposed as a natural

barrier, defends from injuries and incursions the Cherusci against the

Suevi, and the Suevi against the Cherusci: that at the entrance of that

forest the Suevi had determined to await the coming up of the Romans.

XI.--Since we have come to this place, it does not appear to be foreign

to our subject to lay before the reader an account of the manners of

Gaul and Germany, and wherein these nations differ from each other. In

Gaul there are factions not only in all the states, and in all the

cantons and their divisions, but almost in each family, and of these

factions those are the leaders who are considered according to their

judgment to possess the greatest influence, upon whose will and

determination the management of all affairs and measures depends. And

that seems to have been instituted in ancient times with this view, that

no one of the common people should be in want of support against one

more powerful; for none [of those leaders] suffers his party to be

oppressed and defrauded, and if he do otherwise, he has no influence

among his party. This same policy exists throughout the whole of Gaul;

for all the states are divided into two factions.

XII.--When Caesar arrived in Gaul, the Aedui were the leaders of one

faction, the Sequani of the other. Since the latter were less powerful

by themselves, inasmuch as the chief influence was from of old among the

Aedui, and their dependencies were great, they had united to themselves

the Germans and Ariovistus, and had brought them over to their party by

great sacrifices and promises. And having fought several successful

battles and slain all the nobility of the Aedui, they had so far

surpassed them in power, that they brought over, from the Aedui to

themselves, a large portion of their dependants and received from them

the sons of their leading men as hostages, and compelled them to swear

in their public character that they would enter into no design against

them; and held a portion of the neighbouring land, seized on by force,

and possessed the sovereignty of the whole of Gaul. Divitiacus urged by

this necessity, had proceeded to Rome to the senate, for the purpose of

entreating assistance, and had returned without accomplishing his

object. A change of affairs ensued on the arrival of Caesar, the

hostages were returned to the Aedui, their old dependencies restored,

and new acquired through Caesar (because those who had attached

themselves to their alliance saw that they enjoyed a better state and a

milder government), their other interests, their influence, their

reputation were likewise increased, and in consequence, the Sequani lost

the sovereignty. The Remi succeeded to their place, and, as it was

perceived that they equalled the Aedui in favour with Caesar, those, who

on account of their old animosities could by no means coalesce with the

Aedui, consigned themselves in clientship to the Remi. The latter

carefully protected them. Thus they possessed both a new and suddenly

acquired influence. Affairs were then in that position, that the Aedui

were considered by far the leading people, and the Remi held the second

post of honour.

XIII.--Throughout all Gaul there are two orders of those men who are of

any rank and dignity: for the commonality is held almost in the

condition of slaves, and dares to undertake nothing of itself and is

admitted to no deliberation. The greater part, when they are pressed

either by debt, or the large amount of their tributes, or the oppression

of the more powerful, give themselves up in vassalage to the nobles, who

possess over them the same rights without exception as masters over

their slaves. But of these two orders, one is that of the Druids, the

other that of the knights. The former are engaged in things sacred,

conduct the public and the private sacrifices, and interpret all matters

of religion. To these a large number of the young men resort for the

purpose of instruction, and they [the Druids] are in great honour among

them. For they determine respecting almost all controversies, public and

private; and if any crime has been perpetrated, if murder has been

committed, if there be any dispute about an inheritance, if any about

boundaries, these same persons decide it; they decree rewards and

punishments if any one, either in a private or public capacity, has not

submitted to their decision, they interdict him from the sacrifices.

This among them is the most heavy punishment. Those who have been thus

interdicted are esteemed in the number of the impious and the criminal:

all shun them, and avoid their society and conversation, lest they

receive some evil from their contact; nor is justice administered to

them when seeking it, nor is any dignity bestowed on them. Over all

these Druids one presides, who possesses supreme authority among them.

Upon his death, if any individual among the rest is pre-eminent in

dignity, he succeeds; but, if there are many equal, the election is made

by the suffrages of the Druids; sometimes they even contend for the

presidency with arms. These assemble at a fixed period of the year in a

consecrated place in the territories of the Carnutes, which is reckoned

the central region of the whole of Gaul. Hither all, who have disputes,

assemble from every part, and submit to their decrees and

determinations. This institution is supposed to have been devised in

Britain, and to have been brought over from it into Gaul; and now those

who desire to gain a more accurate knowledge of that system generally

proceed thither for the purpose of studying it.

XIV.--The Druids do not go to war, nor pay tribute together with the

rest; they have an exemption from military service and a dispensation in

all matters. Induced by such great advantages, many embrace this

profession of their own accord, and [many] are sent to it by their

parents and relations. They are said there to learn by heart a great

number of verses; accordingly some remain in the course of training

twenty years. Nor do they regard it lawful to commit these to writing,

though in almost all other matters, in their public and private

transactions, they use Greek characters. That practice they seem to me

to have adopted for two reasons; because they neither desire their

doctrines to be divulged among the mass of the people, nor those who

learn, to devote themselves the less to the efforts of memory, relying

on writing; since it generally occurs to most men, that, in their

dependence on writing, they relax their diligence in learning

thoroughly, and their employment of the memory. They wish to inculcate

this as one of their leading tenets, that souls do not become extinct,

but pass after death from one body to another, and they think that men

by this tenet are in a great degree excited to valour, the fear of death

being disregarded. They likewise discuss and impart to the youth many

things respecting the stars and their motion, respecting the extent of

the world and of our earth, respecting the nature of things, respecting

the power and the majesty of the immortal gods.

XV.--The other order is that of the knights. These, when there is

occasion and any war occurs (which before Caesar's arrival was for the

most part wont to happen every year, as either they on their part were

inflicting injuries or repelling those which others inflicted on them),

are all engaged in war. And those of them most distinguished by birth

and resources, have the greatest number of vassals and dependants about

them. They acknowledge this sort of influence and power only.

XVI.--The nation of all the Gauls is extremely devoted to superstitious

rites; and on that account they who are troubled with unusually severe

diseases and they who are engaged in battles and dangers, either

sacrifice men as victims, or vow that they will sacrifice them, and

employ the Druids as the performers of those sacrifices; because they

think that unless the life of a man be offered for the life of a man,

the mind of the immortal gods cannot be rendered propitious, and they

have sacrifices of that kind ordained for national purposes. Others have

figures of vast size, the limbs of which formed of osiers they fill with

living men, which being set on fire, the men perish enveloped in the

flames. They consider that the oblation of such as have been taken in

theft, or in robbery, or any other offence, is more acceptable to the

immortal gods; but when a supply of that class is wanting, they have

recourse to the oblation of even the innocent.

XVII.--They worship as their divinity, Mercury in particular, and have

many images of him, and regard him as the inventor of all arts, they

consider him, the guide of their journeys and marches, and believe him

to have very great influence over the acquisition of gain and mercantile

transactions. Next to him they worship Apollo, and Mars, and Jupiter,

and Minerva; respecting these deities they have for the most part the

same belief as other nations: that Apollo averts diseases, that Minerva

imparts the invention of manufactures, that Jupiter possesses the

sovereignty of the heavenly powers; that Mars presides over wars. To him

when they have determined to engage in battle, they commonly vow those

things they shall take in war. When they have conquered, they sacrifice

whatever captured animals may have survived the conflict, and collect

the other things into one place. In many states you may see piles of

these things heaped up in their consecrated spots; nor does it often

happen that any one, disregarding the sanctity of the case, dares either

to secrete in his house things captured, or take away those deposited;

and the most severe punishment, with torture, has been established for

such a deed.

XVIII.--All the Gauls assert that they are descended from the god Dis,

and say that this tradition has been handed down by the Druids. For that

reason they compute the divisions of every season, not by the number of

days, but of nights; they keep birthdays and the beginnings of months

and years in such an order that the day follows the night. Among the

other usages of their life, they differ in this from almost all other

nations, that they do not permit their children to approach them openly

until they are grown up so as to be able to bear the service of war; and

they regard it as indecorous for a son of boyish age to stand in public

in the presence of his father.

XIX.--Whatever sums of money the husbands have received in the name of

dowry from their wives, making an estimate of it, they add the same

amount out of their own estates. An account is kept of all this money

conjointly, and the profits are laid by: whichever of them shall have

survived [the other], to that one the portion of both reverts, together

with the profits of the previous time. Husbands have power of life and

death over their wives as well as over their children: and when the

father of a family, born in a more than commonly distinguished rank, has

died, his relations assemble, and, if the circumstances of his death are

suspicious, hold an investigation upon the wives in the manner adopted

towards slaves; and if proof be obtained, put them to severe torture,

and kill them. Their funerals, considering the state of civilization

among the Gauls, are magnificent and costly; and they cast into the fire

all things, including living creatures, which they suppose to have been

dear to them when alive; and, a little before this period, slaves and

dependants, who were ascertained to have been beloved by them, were,

after the regular funeral rites were completed, burnt together with

them.

XX.--Those states which are considered to conduct their commonwealth

more judiciously, have it ordained by their laws, that, if any person

shall have heard by rumour and report from his neighbours anything

concerning the commonwealth, he shall convey it to the magistrate and

not impart it to any other; because it has been discovered that

inconsiderate and inexperienced men were often alarmed by false reports

and driven to some rash act, or else took hasty measures in affairs of

the highest importance. The magistrates conceal those things which

require to be kept unknown; and they disclose to the people whatever

they determine to be expedient. It is not lawful to speak of the

commonwealth, except in council.

XXI.--The Germans differ much from these usages, for they have neither

Druids to preside over sacred offices, nor do they pay great regard to

sacrifices. They rank in the number of the gods those alone whom they

behold, and by whose instrumentality they are obviously benefited,

namely, the sun, fire, and the moon; they have not heard of the other

deities even by report. Their whole life is occupied in hunting and in

the pursuits of the military art; from childhood they devote themselves

to fatigue and hardships. Those who have remained chaste for the longest

time, receive the greatest commendation among their people: they think

that by this the growth is promoted, by this the physical powers are

increased and the sinews are strengthened. And to have had knowledge of

a woman before the twentieth year they reckon among the most disgraceful

acts; of which matter there is no concealment, because they bathe

promiscuously in the rivers and [only] use skins or small cloaks of

deers' hides, a large portion of the body being in consequence naked.

XXII.--They do not pay much attention to agriculture, and a large

portion of their food consists in milk, cheese, and flesh; nor has any

one a fixed quantity of land or his own individual limits; but the

magistrates and the leading men each year apportion to the tribes and

families, who have united together, as much land as, and in the place in

which, they think proper, and the year after compel them to remove

elsewhere. For this enactment they advance many reasons--lest seduced by

long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardour in the waging of

war for agriculture; lest they may be anxious to acquire extensive

estates, and the more powerful drive the weaker from their possessions;

lest they construct their houses with too great a desire to avoid cold

and heat; lest the desire of wealth spring up, from which cause

divisions and discords arise; and that they may keep the common people

in a contented state of mind, when each sees his own means placed on an

equality with [those of] the most powerful.

XXIII.--It is the greatest glory to the several states to have as wide

deserts as possible around them, their frontiers having been laid waste.

They consider this the real evidence of their prowess, that their

neighbours shall be driven out of their lands and abandon them, and that

no one dare settle near them; at the same time they think that they

shall be on that account the more secure, because they have removed the

apprehension of a sudden incursion. When a state either repels war waged

against it, or wages it against another, magistrates are chosen to

preside over that war with such authority, that they have power of life

and death. In peace there is no common magistrate, but the chiefs of

provinces and cantons administer justice and determine controversies

among their own people. Robberies which are committed beyond the

boundaries of each state bear no infamy, and they avow that these are

committed for the purpose of disciplining their youth and of preventing

sloth. And when any of their chiefs has said in an assembly "that he

will be their leader, let those who are willing to follow, give in their

names"; they who approve of both the enterprise and the man arise and

promise their assistance and are applauded by the people; such of them

as have not followed him are accounted in the number of deserters and

traitors, and confidence in all matters is afterwards refused them. To

injure guests they regard as impious; they defend from wrong those who

have come to them for any purpose whatever, and esteem them inviolable;

to them the houses of all are open and maintenance is freely supplied.

XXIV.--And there was formerly a time when the Gauls excelled the Germans

in prowess, and waged war on them offensively, and, on account of the

great number of their people and the insufficiency of their land, sent

colonies over the Rhine. Accordingly, the Volcae Tectosages seized on

those parts of Germany which are the most fruitful [and lie] around the

Hercynian forest (which, I perceive, was known by report to Eratosthenes

and some other Greeks, and which they call Orcynia) and settled there.

Which nation to this time retains its position in those settlements, and

has a very high character for justice and military merit: now also they

continue in the same scarcity, indigence, hardihood, as the Germans, and

use the same food and dress; but their proximity to the Province and

knowledge of commodities from countries beyond the sea supplies to the

Gauls many things tending to luxury as well as civilization. Accustomed

by degrees to be overmatched and worsted in many engagements, they do

not even compare themselves to the Germans in prowess.

XXV.--The breadth of this Hercynian forest, which has been referred to

above, is to a quick traveller, a journey of nine days. For it cannot be

otherwise computed, nor are they acquainted with the measures of roads.

It begins at the frontiers of the Helvetii, Nemetes, and Rauraci, and

extends in a right line along the river Danube to the territories of the

Daci and the Anartes: it bends thence to the left in a different

direction from the river, and owing to its extent touches the confines

of many nations; nor is there any person belonging to this part of

Germany who says that he either has gone to the extremity of that

forest, though he had advanced a journey of sixty days, or has heard in

what place it begins. It is certain that many kinds of wild beasts are

produced in it which have not been seen in other parts; of which the

following are such as differ principally from other animals, and appear

worthy of being committed to record.

XXVI.--There is an ox of the shape of a stag, between whose ears a horn

rises from the middle of the forehead, higher and straighter than those

horns which are known to us. From the top of this, branches, like palms;

stretch out a considerable distance. The shape of the female and of the

male is the same; the appearance and the size of the horns is the same.

XXVII.--There are also [animals] which are called elks. The shape of

these, and the varied colour of their skins, is much like roes, but in

size they surpass them a little and are destitute of horns, and have

legs without joints and ligatures; nor do they lie down for the purpose

of rest, nor, if they have been thrown down by any accident, can they

raise or lift themselves up. Trees serve as beds to them; they lean

themselves against them, and thus reclining only slightly, they take

their rest; when the huntsmen have discovered from the footsteps of

these animals whither they are accustomed to betake themselves, they

either undermine all the trees at the roots, or cut into them so far

that the upper part of the trees may appear to be left standing. When

they have leant upon them, according to their habit, they knock down by

their weight the unsupported trees, and fall down themselves along with

them.

XXVIII.-There is a third kind, consisting of those animals which are

called uri. These are a little below the elephant in size, and of the

appearance, colour, and shape of a bull. Their strength and speed are

extraordinary; they spare neither man nor wild beast which they have

espied. These the Germans take with much pains in pits and kill them.

The young men harden themselves with this exercise, and practice

themselves in this kind of hunting, and those who have slain the

greatest number of them, having produced the horns in public, to serve

as evidence, receive great praise. But not even when taken very young

can they be rendered familiar to men and tamed. The size, shape, and

appearance of their horns differ much from the horns of our oxen. These

they anxiously seek after, and bind at the tips with silver, and use as

cups at their most sumptuous entertainments.

XXIX.--Caesar, after he discovered through the Ubian scouts that the

Suevi had retired into their woods, apprehending a scarcity of corn,

because, as we have observed above, all the Germans pay very little

attention to agriculture, resolved not to proceed any farther; but, that

he might not altogether relieve the barbarians from the fear of his

return, and that he might delay their succours, having led back his

army, he breaks down, to the length of 200 feet, the farther end of the

bridge, which joined the banks of the Ubii, and, at the extremity of the

bridge raises towers of four stories, and stations a guard of twelve

cohorts for the purpose of defending the bridge, and strengthens the

place with considerable fortifications. Over that fort and guard he

appointed C. Volcatius Tullus, a young man; he himself, when the corn

began to ripen, having set forth for the war with 40 Ambiorix (through

the forest Arduenna, which is the largest of all Gaul, and reaches from

the banks of the Rhine and the frontiers of the Treviri to those of the

Nervii, and extends over more than 500 miles), he sends forward L.

Minucius Basilus with all the cavalry, to try if he might gain any

advantage by rapid marches and the advantage of time, he warns him to

forbid fires being made in the camp, lest any indication of his approach

be given at a distance: he tells him that he will follow immediately.

XXX.--Basilus does as he was commanded; having performed his march

rapidly, and even surpassed the expectations of all, he surprises in the

fields many not expecting him; through their information he advances

towards Ambiorix himself, to the place in which he was said to be with a

few horse. Fortune accomplishes much, not only in other matters, but

also in the art of war. For as it happened by a remarkable chance, that

he fell upon [Ambiorix] himself unguarded and unprepared, and that his

arrival was seen by the people before the report or information of his

arrival was carried thither; so it was an incident of extraordinary

fortune that, although every implement of war which he was accustomed to

have about him was seized, and his chariots and horses surprised, yet he

himself escaped death. But it was effected owing to this circumstance,

that his house being surrounded by a wood, (as are generally the

dwellings of the Gauls, who, for the purpose of avoiding heat, mostly

seek the neighbourhood of woods and rivers) his attendants and friends

in a narrow spot sustained for a short time the attack of our horse.

While they were fighting, one of his followers mounted him on a horse:

the woods sheltered him as he fled. Thus fortune tended much both

towards his encountering and his escaping danger.

XXXI.--Whether Ambiorix did not collect his forces from cool

deliberation, because he considered he ought not to engage in a battle,

or [whether] he was debarred by time and prevented by the sudden arrival

of our horse, when he supposed the rest of the army was closely

following, is doubtful; but certainly, despatching messengers through

the country, he ordered every one to provide for himself; and a part of

them fled into the forest Arduenna, a part into the extensive morasses;

those who were nearest the ocean, concealed themselves in the islands

which the tides usually form; many, departing from their territories,

committed themselves and all their possessions to perfect strangers.

Cativolcus, king of one-half of the Eburones, who had entered into the

design together with Ambiorix, since, being now worn out by age, he was

unable to endure the fatigue either of war or flight, having cursed

Ambiorix with every imprecation, as the person who had been the

contriver of that measure, destroyed himself with the juice of the yew

tree, of which there is a great abundance in Gaul and Germany.

XXXII.--The Segui and Condrusi, of the nation and number of the Germans,

and who are between the Eburones and the Treviri, sent ambassadors to

Caesar to entreat that he would not regard them in the number of his

enemies, nor consider that the cause of all the Germans on this side the

Rhine was one and the same; that they had formed no plans of war, and

had sent no auxiliaries to Ambiorix. Caesar, having ascertained this

fact by an examination of his prisoners commanded that if any of the

Eburones in their flight had repaired to them, they should be sent back

to him; he assures them that if they did that, he will not injure their

territories. Then, having divided his forces into three parts, he sent

the baggage of all the legions to Aduatuca. That is the name of a fort.

This is nearly in the middle of the Eburones, where Titurius and

Aurunculeius had been quartered for the purpose of wintering. This place

he selected as well on other accounts as because the fortifications of

the previous year remained, in order that he might relieve the labour of

the soldiers. He left the fourteenth legion as a guard for the baggage,

one of those three which he had lately raised in Italy and brought over.

Over that legion and camp he places Q. Tullius Cicero and gives him 200

horse.

XXXIII.--Having divided the army, he orders T. Labienus to proceed with

three legions towards the ocean into those parts which border on the

Menappii; he sends C. Trebonius with a like number of legions to lay

waste that district which lies contiguous to the Aduatuci; he himself

determines to go with the remaining three to the river Sambre, which

flows into the Meuse, and to the most remote parts of Arduenna, whither

he heard that Ambiorix had gone with a few horse. When departing, he

promises that he will return before the end of the seventh day, on which

day he was aware corn was due to that legion which was being left in

garrison. He directs Labienus and Trebonius to return by the same day,

if they can do so agreeably to the interests of the republic; so that

their measures having been mutually imparted, and the plans of the enemy

having been discovered, they might be able to commence a different line

of operations.

XXXIV.--There was, as we have above observed, no regular army, nor a

town, nor a garrison which could defend itself by arms; but the people

were scattered in all directions. Where either a hidden valley, or a

woody spot, or a difficult morass furnished any hope of protection or of

security to any one, there he had fixed himself. These places were known

to those that dwelt in the neighbourhood, and the matter demanded great

attention, not so much in protecting the main body of the army (for no

peril could occur to them altogether from those alarmed and scattered

troops), as in preserving individual soldiers; which in some measure

tended to the safety of the army. For both the desire of booty was

leading many too far, and the woods with their unknown and hidden routes

would not allow them to go in large bodies. If he desired the business

to be completed and the race of those infamous people to be cut off,

more bodies of men must be sent in several directions and the soldiers

must be detached on all sides; if he were disposed to keep the companies

at their standards, as the established discipline and practice of the

Roman army required, the situation itself was a safeguard to the

barbarians, nor was there wanting to individuals the daring to lay

secret ambuscades and beset scattered soldiers. But amidst difficulties

of this nature as far as precautions could be taken by vigilance, such

precautions were taken; so that some opportunities of injuring the enemy

were neglected, though the minds of all were burning to take revenge,

rather than that injury should be effected with any loss to our

soldiers. Caesar despatches messengers to the neighbouring states; by

the hope of booty he invites all to him, for the purpose of plundering

the Eburones, in order that the life of the Gauls might be hazarded in

the woods rather than the legionary soldiers; at the same time, in order

that a large force being drawn around them, the race and name of that

state may be annihilated for such a crime. A large number from all

quarters speedily assembles.

XXXV.--These things were going on in all parts of the territories of the

Eburones, and the seventh day was drawing near, by which day Caesar had

purposed to return to the baggage and the legion. Here it might be

learned how much fortune achieves in war, and how great casualties she

produces. The enemy having been scattered and alarmed, as we related

above, there was no force which might produce even a slight occasion of

fear. The report extends beyond the Rhine to the Germans that the

Eburones are being pillaged, and that all were without distinction

invited to the plunder. The Sigambri, who are nearest to the Rhine, by

whom, we have mentioned above, the Tenchtheri and Usipetes were received

after their retreat, collect 2000 horse; they cross the Rhine in ships

and barks thirty miles below that place where the bridge was entire and

the garrison left by Caesar; they arrive at the frontiers of the

Eburones, surprise many who were scattered in flight, and get possession

of a large amount of cattle, of which barbarians are extremely covetous.

Allured by booty, they advance farther; neither morass nor forest

obstructs these men, born amidst war and depredations; they inquire of

their prisoners in what parts Caesar is; they find that he has advanced

farther, and learn that all the army has removed. Thereon one of the

prisoners says, "Why do you pursue such wretched and trifling spoil;

you, to whom it is granted to become even now most richly endowed by

fortune? In three hours you can reach Aduatuca; there the Roman army has

deposited all its fortunes; there is so little of a garrison that not

even the wall can be manned, nor dare any one go beyond the

fortifications." A hope having been presented them, the Germans leave in

concealment the plunder they had acquired; they themselves hasten to

Aduatuca, employing as their guide the same man by whose information

they had become informed of these things.

XXXVI.--Cicero, who during all the foregoing days had kept his soldiers

in camp with the greatest exactness, and agreeably to the injunctions of

Caesar, had not permitted even any of the camp-followers to go beyond

the fortification, distrusting on the seventh day that Caesar would keep

his promise as to the number of days, because he heard that he had

proceeded farther, and no report as to his return was brought to him,

and being urged at the same time by the expressions of those who called

his tolerance almost a siege, if, forsooth, it was not permitted them to

go out of the camp, since he might expect no disaster, whereby he could

be injured, within three miles of the camp, while nine legions and all

the cavalry were under arms, and the enemy scattered and almost

annihilated, sent five cohorts into the neighbouring cornlands, between

which and the camp only one hill intervened, for the purpose of

foraging. Many soldiers of the legions had been left invalided in the

camp, of whom those who had recovered in this space of time, being about

300, are set together under one standard; a large number of soldiers'

attendants besides, with a great number of beasts of burden, which had

remained in the camp, permission being granted, follow them.

XXXVII.--At this very time, the German horse by chance come up, and

immediately, with the same speed with which they had advanced, attempt

to force the camp at the Decuman gate, nor were they seen, in

consequence of woods lying in the way on that side, before they were

just reaching the camp: so much so, that the sutlers who had their

booths under the rampart had not an opportunity of retreating within the

camp. Our men, not anticipating it, are perplexed by the sudden affair,

and the cohort on the outpost scarcely sustains the first attack. The

enemy spread themselves on the other sides to ascertain if they could

find any access. Our men with difficulty defend the gates; the very

position of itself and the fortification secures the other accesses.

There is a panic in the entire camp, and one inquires of another the

cause of the confusion, nor do they readily determine whither the

standards should be borne, nor into what quarter each should betake

himself. One avows that the camp is already taken, another maintains

that, the enemy having destroyed the army and commander-in-chief, are

come thither as conquerors; most form strange superstitious fancies from

the spot, and place before their eyes the catastrophe of Cotta and

Titurius, who had fallen in the same fort. All being greatly

disconcerted by this alarm, the belief of the barbarians is strengthened

that there is no garrison within, as they had heard from their prisoner.

They endeavour to force an entrance and encourage one another not to

cast from their hands so valuable a prize.

XXXVIII.-P. Sextius Baculus, who had led a principal century under

Caesar (of whom we have made mention in previous engagements), had been

left an invalid in the garrison, and had now been five days without

food. He, distrusting his own safety and that of all, goes forth from

his tent unarmed; he sees that the enemy are close at hand and that the

matter is in the utmost danger; he snatches arms from those nearest, and

stations himself at the gate. The centurions of that cohort which was on

guard follow him; for a short time they sustain the fight together.

Sextius faints, after receiving many wounds; he is with difficulty

saved, drawn away by the hands of the soldiers. This space having

intervened, the others resume courage, so far as to venture to take

their place on the fortifications and present the aspect of defenders.

XXXIX.--The foraging having in the meantime been completed, our soldiers

distinctly hear the shout; the horse hasten on before and discover in

what danger the affair is. But here there is no fortification to receive

them, in their alarm: those last enlisted and unskilled in military

discipline turn their faces to the military tribune and the centurions;

they wait to find what orders may be given by them. No one is so

courageous as not to be disconcerted by the suddenness of the affair.

The barbarians, espying our standard in the distance, desist from the

attack; at first they suppose that the legions, which they had learned

from their prisoners had removed farther off, had returned; afterwards,

despising their small number, they make an attack on them at all sides.

XL.-The camp-followers run forward to the nearest rising ground; being

speedily driven from this they throw themselves among the standards and

companies: they thus so much the more alarm the soldiers already

affrighted. Some propose that, forming a wedge, they suddenly break

through, since the camp was so near; and if any part should be

surrounded and slain, they fully trust that at least the rest may be

saved; others, that they take their stand on an eminence, and all

undergo the same destiny. The veteran soldiers, whom we stated to have

set out together [with the others] under a standard, do not approve of

this. Therefore encouraging each other, under the conduct of Caius

Trebonius, a Roman knight, who had been appointed over them, they break

through the midst of the enemy, and arrive in the camp safe to a man.

The camp-attendants and the horse following close upon them with the

same impetuosity, are saved by the courage of the soldiers. But those

who had taken their stand upon the eminence having even now acquired no

experience of military matters, neither could persevere in that

resolution which they approved of, namely, to defend themselves from

their higher position, nor imitate that vigour and speed which they had

observed to have availed others; but, attempting to reach the camp, had

descended into an unfavourable situation. The Centurions, some of whom

had been promoted for their valour from the lower ranks of other legions

to higher ranks in this legion, in order that they might not forfeit

their glory for military exploits previously acquired, fell together

fighting most valiantly. The enemy having been dislodged by their

valour, a part of the soldiers arrived safe in camp contrary to their

expectations; a part perished, surrounded by the barbarians.

XLI.--The Germans, despairing of taking the camp by storm, because they

saw that our men had taken up their position on the fortifications,

retreated beyond the Rhine with that plunder which they had deposited in

the woods. And so great was the alarm, even after the departure of the

enemy, that when C. Volusenus, who had been sent with the cavalry,

arrived that night, he could not gain credence that Caesar was close at

hand with his army safe. Fear had so pre-occupied the minds of all,

that, their reason being almost estranged, they said that all the other

forces having been cut off, the cavalry alone had arrived there by

flight, and asserted that, if the army were safe, the Germans would not

have attacked the camp: which fear the arrival of Caesar removed.

XLII.--He, on his return, being well aware of the casualties of war,

complained of one thing [only], namely, that the cohorts had been sent

away from the outposts and garrison [duty], and pointed out that room

ought not to have been left for even the most trivial casualty; that

fortune had exercised great influence in the sudden arrival of their

enemy; much greater, in that she had turned the barbarians away from the

very rampart and gates of the camp. Of all which events, it seemed the

most surprising that the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine with this

object, that they might plunder the territories of Ambiorix, being led

to the camp of the Romans, rendered Ambiorix a most acceptable service.

XLIII.--Caesar, having again marched to harass the enemy, after

collecting a large number [of auxiliaries] from the neighbouring states,

despatches them in all directions. All the villages and all the

buildings, which each beheld, were on fire: spoil was being driven off

from all parts; the corn not only was being consumed by so great numbers

of cattle and men, but also had fallen to the earth, owing to the time

of the year and the storms; so that if any had concealed themselves for

the present, still, it appeared likely that they must perish through

want of all things, when the army should be drawn off. And frequently it

came to that point, as so large a body of cavalry had been sent abroad

in all directions, that the prisoners declared Ambiorix had just then

been seen by them in flight, and had not even passed out of sight, so

that the hope of overtaking him being raised, and unbounded exertions

having been resorted to, those who thought they should acquire the

highest favour with Caesar, nearly overcame nature by their ardour, and

continually a little only seemed wanting to complete success; but he

rescued himself by [means of] lurking-places and forests, and, concealed

by the night, made for other districts and quarters, with no greater

guard than that of four horsemen, to whom alone he ventured to confide

his life.

XLIV.--Having devastated the country in such a manner, Caesar leads back

his army with the loss of two cohorts to Durocortorum of the Remi, and,

having summoned a council of Gaul to assemble at that place, he resolved

to hold an investigation respecting the conspiracy of the Senones and

Carnutes, and having pronounced a most severe sentence upon Acco, who

had been the contriver of that plot, he punished him after the custom of

our ancestors. Some fearing a trial, fled; when he had forbidden these

fire and water, he stationed in winter quarters two legions at the

frontiers of the Treviri, two among the Lingones, the remaining six at

Agendicum, in the territories of the Senones; and, having provided corn

for the army, he set out for Italy, as he had determined, to hold the

assizes.

"De Bello Gallico" and Other Commentaries · 第 6 / 11 章