CHAPTER VII.

THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.--CONCLUDED.

Aztec History -- Reigns of Acamapichtli II. and

Quaquauhpitzahuac -- Rebuilding of Culhuacan -- Huitzilihuitl

II., King of Mexico -- Tlacateotzin, King of Tlatelulco

-- Chimalpopoca Succeeds in Mexico -- Funeral of Techotl

-- Ixtlilxochitl, Emperor of the Chichimecs -- Symptoms

of Discontent -- Plans of Tezozomoc, the Tepanec King

-- Secret council of Rebels -- Religious Toleration in

Tezcuco -- Conquest of Xaltocan and Cuitlahuac -- Birth of

Nezahualcoyotl -- War between Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco --

Victories of Ixtlilxochitl -- Siege and Fall of Azcapuzalco

-- Treachery of Tezozomoc -- Fall of Tezcuco -- Flight and

Death of Ixtlilxochitl -- Tezozomoc proclaimed Emperor --

Reorganization of the Empire -- Adventures of Nezahualcoyotl

-- Death of Tezozomoc -- Maxtla usurps the Imperial Throne

-- Murder of the Mexican Kings -- Nezahualcoyotl's Victory

-- Itzcoatl, King of Mexico -- Acolhua and Aztec Alliance --

Fall of Azcapuzalco -- The Tri-partite Alliance, or the New

Empire.

The next and final chapter of the Chichimec annals covers a period of

three quarters of a century, extending from the death of the emperor

Techotl in 1357, to the formation of the tri-partite alliance between

the Acolhuas, Aztecs, and Tepanecs, in 1431. It embraces the reigns of

three emperors, Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, and Maxtla; and is a record

of continued struggles for the imperial power between the Acolhuas and

Tepanecs, resulting in the humiliation of the latter and the triumph

of the former, through the aid of a third power, which is admitted as

an equal to the victor in the final reconstruction of the empire. The

rôle of the other nations of Anáhuac during this period, is that of

allies to one or the other of the powers mentioned, or, occasionally,

of rebels who take advantage of the dissensions of the ruling powers

to declare their independence, enjoyed as a rule only until such time

as the masters may have an opportunity to reduce them to their old

allegiance. We find the aboriginal record more and more complete as

we approach the epoch of the conquest, with much less confusion in

chronology, so far as leading events are concerned, although perfect

agreement among the authorities is yet far from being attained in the

minor details with which the narrative is crowded. A new source of

disagreement is, moreover, reached as we approach the final century

of the native annals--national prejudices on the part of the native

historians through whom those annals have been handed down, and a

constant tendency among such writers as Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc,

Chimalpain, and Camargo, to exhibit in their highest colors the actions

of the nations from which they have descended, while ever disposed

to cloud the fame of rival powers. Fortunately, one authority serves,

generally, as an efficient check upon another in such cases.

[Sidenote: REIGN OF ACAMAPICHTLI II.]

[Sidenote: THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.]

Before relating the general history of Anáhuac during the successive

reigns of the emperors Ixtlilxochitl and Tezozomoc, in which history

the Mexicans took a prominent part as allies of the latter, it

will be well to glance, briefly--for there is little to say on the

subject--at the course of events in the new cities on the lake marshes.

We left Tenochtitlan under the rule of its Culhua king, Acamapichtli

II., or rather under the regency of his queen, Ilancueitl; while

Quaquauhpitzahuac, son of the Tepanec king Tezozomoc, was on the throne

of Tlatelulco, both kingdoms being tributary to that of Azcapuzalco.

One of the last acts of the queen was the re-settlement of Culhuacan

in 1378, by means of a colony sent from Mexico under Nauhyotl, the

fourth of that name who had ruled in the Culhua city. This was done

partly from motives of pride in restoring the capital of her own

and her husband's ancestors, and partly to serve as a check on the

encroachments of the Chalcas in the south.[VII-1] In 1383 the queen died.

Ixtlilxochitl states that she bore her husband three sons, one of

whom was Huitzilihuitl; Clavigero tells us she was barren, but took

charge of the education of two of her husband's sons, Huitzilihuitl

and Chimalpopoca, by another wife; Torquemada confounds the two

Acamapichtlis, and is, consequently, greatly puzzled about Ilancueitl's

children; and finally, Brasseur shows that she was espoused at an

advanced age by the king solely for political motives, and that she

lived harmoniously with his other two wives, one of whom bore him

Huitzilihuitl, and the other Chimalpopoca.[VII-2] The reign of Acamapichtli

II. dates, in a certain sense, from the death of his queen, who for

many years had, at least, ruled jointly with him. The beginning of the

wars between the Mexicans and Chalcas, which were waged so bitterly

for many years, is attributed to Acamapichtli's reign, as are the

conquests of Quauhnahuac, Mizquic, and Xochimilco; but it must be

understood that it was only as the allies of the Tepanec king that

the Mexicans engaged in these wars. Torquemada and Acosta assert that

Acamapichtli's reign was a very peaceful one.[VII-3] It was after the

conquest of Quauhnahuac, later Cuernavaca, that the first gold-workers

came to ply their art in Tenochtitlan.[VII-4] After having ruled wisely and

justly, greatly enlarging and improving his capital, he died in 1403,

leaving the choice of a successor wholly to his nobles and priests.[VII-5]

There is great disagreement among the authorities respecting the length

of his reign, some dating it from his first call to the throne, and

others from the death of the queen. Immediately after the funeral of

Acamapichtli, an assembly of the wise men of the nation was held to

deliberate on the choice of a successor. The priests made an effort

to acquire the control by discontinuing the monarchy. They wished the

temporal affairs of the state to be managed by a senate or council,

with a military chieftain to lead their armies in war; but the majority

believed that their only hope of national safety and future power

was in a monarchy, and Huitzilihuitl II., the eldest son of the late

king was called to the throne during the same or the following year.

The speeches by which the old men convinced the assembly that their

yet precarious condition, considering their isolated position and the

powerful nations surrounding them, made it necessary to call to their

throne a wise, prudent, and powerful king, are recorded by Duran,

Tezozomoc, and Torquemada; as are the addresses of advice to the new

king at his coronation, in which he was reminded that his position

was no sinecure, but that on him depended the future greatness of the

Mexicans foretold by the gods. The choice of the people was ratified

by king Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco; and at the same time it is reported

that Itzcoatl, a natural son of the late king, by a woman of rank, was

appointed commander of the Mexican armies. One of the means by which

the Aztecs struggled to attain to their predestined greatness, was by

contracting foreign matrimonial alliances with powerful nations; and

as Huitzilihuitl had yet no wife, an embassy was sent to Tezozomoc

with a most humble and flattering petition, begging that all-powerful

sovereign to favor his most obedient vassal by sending one of his

daughters, "one of his pearls, emeralds, or precious feathers," as

Torquemada expresses it, to share with the new king his poor home in

the marshes. The petition was granted, the princess Ayauhcihuatl was

given to Huitzilihuitl, and the following year his brother Chimalpopoca

won the hand of the beautiful princess Miahuaxochitl, daughter of the

lord of Quauhnahuac, who became the mother of Montezuma.[VII-6] By the

alliance with Quauhnahuac, the city of Tenochtitlan received a large

accession of artists and skilled workmen; while from Tezozomoc, who

is said by Veytia to have personally visited the city at the birth of

his grandson, the Mexicans obtained the removal of the tribute which

they had so long been obliged to pay, or, at least, its reduction to

a merely nominal amount, including a few wild fowl and fishes for the

royal table. From this time the Mexicans are said to have felt more at

their ease, to have paid more attention to the arts and sciences, and

to have abandoned their coarse garments of _nequen_ for more sumptuous

apparel.[VII-7]

[Sidenote: AZTEC ALLIANCES.]

[Sidenote: REIGN OF HUITZILIHUITL II.]

Very soon after Huitzilihuitl's accession to the throne, the

Tlatetulcan king Quaquauhpitzahuac died, and was succeeded by his

son Tlacateotzin, according to Brasseur's authorities; although

Veytia places at about this date the succession and marriage of

Quaquauhpitzahuac, soon followed by Tlacateotzin's birth, the latter

becoming king only in 1414. This subject of the Tlatetulcan succession

is inextricably confused, since some authors make Mixcohuatl precede

Quaquauhpitzahuac as first king; and Ixtlilxochitl, in one of his

relations, even puts another king, Amatzin, between the two. The matter

is not one of great importance, since it is certain that Tlacateotzin

reigned after 1414 during a most exciting period, being one of the

chief military leaders in Tezozomoc's army.[VII-8] The two cities had

by this time been extended greatly beyond their original limits, and

were separated only by a narrow tract of marsh, which was dry at low

water. Notwithstanding the fair promises made by the Tepanec king

to his vassals and allies on the lake, some of his tyrannical acts

seem to have been directed at them even at this early time, if we may

credit the statement that Nauhyotl IV., in command of the Aztec-Culhua

colony at Culhuacan for the past thirty-five years, was murdered by

Tezozomoc's orders in 1413.[VII-9] Tlatelulco was yet in its buildings and

some other respects superior to its rival, perhaps by reason of being

less under priestly control, or through the greater favor shown its

people by the Tepanecs. But Huitzilihuitl had done much to build up

and embellish Tenochtitlan, and particularly to promote her commercial

industries, by digging canals, multiplying the number of chinampas,

and by a wise system of trade regulations. He is also accredited

with a new code of laws, and with the introduction of war canoes

and the training of his soldiers in their skillful management.[VII-10]

Mendieta states that this king conquered Tultitlan, Quauhtitlan,

Chalco, Tulancingo, Xaltocan, Otompan, Tezcuco, and Acolman, during

his reign, but the reference is of course to the wars of the Tepanec

king by the aid of his Mexican allies; and Sahagun says he fought

against Culhuacan, referring doubtless to a former ruler of the same

name.[VII-11] Huitzilihuitl II. died in 1417,[VII-12] and his half brother,

Chimalpopoca, was immediately chosen to succeed him, in the absence

of any legitimate son. We have seen that there is much disagreement

respecting Huitzilihuitl's marriage and his children; some authors

even state that Chimalpopoca was his son, but the majority of the

best authorities agree that the new king was the son of Acamapichtli

II., and a brother of Huitzilihuitl. The latter's only legitimate son,

Acolnahuacatl, was killed, in childhood, by Maxtla, son of Tezozomoc,

in 1399, through fear that he might inherit the crown of Azcapuzalco,

as Clavigero states. Acosta, confounding this tradition with the fact

that king Chimalpopoca was long after killed by Maxtla's orders, tells

us Chimalpopoca was killed in childhood. Torquemada adds to the fact

of the young Acolnahuacatl's murder, another motive for the crime, in

a tale to the effect that Tezozomoc had given Maxtla's wife to the

Mexicans for a queen, hence the wrath and vengeance of the Tepanec

prince. The choice of the Mexicans is said to have been approved both

by the emperor Ixtlilxochitl and by Tezozomoc. Chimalpopoca's marriage

has already been noted, and the birth of his son Montezuma Ilhuicamina;

Veytia states that his wife, by whom he had seven children, was the

princess Matlalatzin, a daughter of the king of Tlatelulco. I shall

have occasion to speak again of this king.[VII-13]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: SUCCESSION OF IXTLILXOCHITL.]

To return to the general history of the Chichimec empire, the kings and

lords were assembled at Tezcuco to perform the last honors to the dead

emperor Techotl, and to celebrate the accession of his son and chosen

heir Ixtlilxochitl. We have seen that Techotl had by his great ability

and by a series of most extraordinary political measures checked the

independent spirit of his vassal lords, avoided all internal strife,

centralized the imperial power, and made himself almost absolute

master of Anáhuac. Another Techotl might perhaps have retained the

mastery; but we have seen that many of his acts were calculated to

excite the opposition of the Chichimec lords, that on his death-bed he

expressed his misgivings respecting future events, and that his son

had already made of the Tepanec king an enemy. It is quite possible

that the last years of Techotl's reign were marked with troubles

which have not been recorded, and that there were causes of enmity

towards Ixtlilxochitl which are unknown to us. Brasseur attributes

the misfortunes that ensued to Ixtlilxochitl's vacillating spirit and

love of ease; but his acts as recorded by the Spanish writers indicate

rather a peaceful and forgiving disposition, joined to marked and

brilliant abilities as a warrior. However this may be, trouble ahead

was indicated at the very funeral of his mighty and popular father.

Many lords invited to participate in the ceremonies were not present.

Veytia, and Ixtlilxochitl in one of his relations, say that only four

lords attended the obsequies; but the latter author elsewhere, and

also Boturini, make the number present over sixty, which is much more

probable. The absentees sent in various pretexts for not attending;

if they had come they would have been obliged to swear allegiance to

the new emperor or to openly rebel, an act for which they were not yet

ready. Torquemada and Clavigero tell us that Tezozomoc was present

at the funeral, but departed immediately after without giving his

adhesion to the new emperor. Ixtlilxochitl, however, was crowned king

of Acolhuacan by the princes present at Tezcuco, and in all probability

assumed at that time the title of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, or emperor,

that was his due, although no author states this directly, and both

Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia state expressly that he was not crowned as

emperor for many years. Ixtlilxochitl says, however, in one place that

he was proclaimed 'lord paramount' by the assembled princes, and there

was no apparent motive for delay in this respect.[VII-14] Ixtlilxochitl was

at first disposed to resort to force and to avenge the insult offered

him. Putting his army in order and stationing his forces in and about

the capital, he sent a summons to Azcapuzalco, ordering the Tepanec

king to appear forthwith at court to pay allegiance to his emperor.

Tezozomoc, not yet ready for open revolt, pleaded illness, assured

Ixtlilxochitl of his good intentions and loyalty, and promised to come

as soon as his health would permit. The emperor understood that this

was but a pretext, but he was unwilling to resort to harsh measures if

they could be avoided, and was induced by his counselors, many of them

perhaps in full sympathy with Tezozomoc, to await the better health of

his opponent.[VII-15]

[Sidenote: PLOTS OF TEZOZOMOC.]

In the meantime Tezozomoc called a secret meeting of the disaffected

lords, with many of whom he may be supposed to have been already

in communication. The kings of Mexico and Tlatelulco were among

the allies on whom he counted most, and to whom he made the most

flattering promises in case of future success. In a long speech before

the assembly he expatiated upon the acts of the late emperor which

had been most calculated to offend the lords before him. He spoke of

their rights as independent Chichimec rulers, of which they had been

deprived and only repaid by empty honors at the imperial court; urged

upon them the necessity of making an effort to shake off the tyranny

that oppressed them while they retained the power to act; reminded them

of Ixtlilxochitl's youth and general unfitness to direct the affairs

of a mighty empire. He boasted of having himself already shown his

independence by absenting himself from the new emperor's coronation.

According to most authorities, he disclaimed any ambitious aims of

his own, or any intention to despoil Ixtlilxochitl of his domains as

king of Acolhuacan, his only avowed design being to restore to all

Chichimec lords their ancient independence; but others state that

he openly expressed his intention to wear the imperial crown. At any

rate, the assembled princes signified their approval of his views, and

looked to him for directions; pledged to secrecy for the present, they

were dismissed, and Tezozomoc began his preparations for the coming

struggle. But he proceeded slowly, for he knew that Ixtlilxochitl was

not a foe to be easily overcome.[VII-16] Ixtlilxochitl probably knew of

the meeting, but still took no active steps against the Tepanec king,

although, as the Spanish writers say, he was constantly arming and

disciplining his forces. It is said that immediately upon his accession

he removed all restrictions upon religious rites among the many

nationalities and sects which composed the population of Tezcuco, even

permitting human sacrifice, so strictly prohibited by his ancestors.

He thus laid the foundation for troubles analogous to those that had

destroyed Tollan and Culhuacan.[VII-17]

Tezozomoc carefully prepared his way to future power by establishing

Tepanec colonies in different localities. One of them was at Tultitlan,

near Quauhtitlan. We have seen the latter city pass under Culhua

control at the fall of Culhuacan; but after the reigns of king

Iztactototl and queen Ehuatlycue, the Chichimecs had regained control

in 1372. In 1395 an army, composed chiefly of Tepanecs and Mexicans,

under Xaltemoc, lord of Quauhtitlan, conquered and burned the Otomí

city of Xaltocan, and a large extent of territory between that city and

Tollan, of which Tezozomoc took for himself the larger share, giving

also portions to his allies for their services. In 1392 the Cuitlahuacs

had been conquered by the Mexicans and entrusted to a governor devoted

to the interests of Tezozomoc, who embraced every opportunity to place

his sons or his friends in positions where they might be of use to

him in the future.[VII-18] Ixtlilxochitl watched the aggressive movements

without interfering, from cowardice or weakness as one would think

were it not for subsequent events, and at last Tezozomoc proceeded

to test his adversary's feelings towards him, by sending, for three

years successively, a quantity of cotton to Tezcuco, at first with the

request, but finally with the order, that it should be woven into fine

fabrics and returned to Azcapuzalco. Twice the request was granted and

the cloths sent back with a polite message, still, as is said, at the

advice of the Acolhua counselors; and the Tepanec king evidently began

to think he had overrated his emperor's courage. He was disposed to

begin hostilities at once, but was induced by his allied counselors

rather to increase year by year the quantity of cotton sent to Tezcuco,

and thus to gradually accustom the Acolhua king to a payment of

tribute, while he was also constantly winning over to his side lords

that yet wavered. On the third year a very large amount of cotton was

sent, without any formal request, but with a mere message directing

that the staple be forthwith woven into the finest cloths, and to

ensure dispatch that it be divided among the Acolhua lords.

[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.]

Ixtlilxochitl was at last fully aroused, refused to be controlled by

his advisers, and returned to Tezozomoc's message a reply substantially

as follows: "I have received the cotton kindly furnished by you,

and thank you for it. It will serve to make quilted garments to be

worn by my soldiers who go to chastise a pack of rebels who not only

refuse allegiance to their emperor, but relying on my forbearance,

have the impudence to ask for tribute. If you have more cotton send

it also; my soldiers do not need armor to fight against such foes,

but these quilted garments will give my armies a finer appearance in

their triumphal march." With this reply, or soon after, according to

Brasseur, a formal challenge was sent to Tezozomoc, whose gray hairs

and near relationship, as Ixtlilxochitl said, could no longer protect

him. The other authorities speak of no formal challenge, but of long

preparation on both sides for the approaching conflict. The Tepanec

king summoned his allies, chief among whom were the Mexicans and

Tlatelulcas, promised to divide the conquered domain of Acolhuacan

among them, and prepared to march on Tezcuco. Ixtlilxochitl also

called upon his vassal lords, including those of Coatlichan, Huexotla,

Coatepec, Iztapalocan, Tepepulco, Chalco, and others, explained to them

the ambitious plans of Tezozomoc, recalled to them the favors they had

received from his ancestors, and ordered them to aid him immediately

with all their resources. Many of the authors state that he wished

at this time to be crowned as emperor, but postponed the ceremonies

at the wish of his lords, until after the defeat of his enemy, when

they might be performed with fitting pomp. All the lords promised

their assistance, although some of them are supposed to have been in

sympathy with Tezozomoc. The Spanish writers represent these events as

having occurred from 1410 to 1412, but it is evident from what follows

that they are to be attributed to the last years of the fourteenth

century.[VII-19]

Brasseur, relying on a chapter of Torquemada's work,[VII-20] states that in

the challenge mentioned above, the region of Quauhtitlan was mentioned

as a battle-ground, and that it was followed by a three years' war,

in which Ixtlilxochitl succeeded, at least, in holding his ground, and

thereby greatly increased his strength by inspiring confidence in the

minds of his wavering vassals. Other authorities, however, state that

open hostilities were not engaged in for a long time after the affair

of the cotton, although preparations were made on both sides; and this

was probably the case, since I find nothing in Torquemada's account to

indicate that he intended to make this war distinct from that which,

according to all the authorities, took place some years later.

Ixtlilxochitl had married a sister of prince Chimalpopoca of

Mexico--half-sister to king Huitzilihuitl II.--by whom he had two

children, the princess Atototzin and prince Nezahualcoyotl, 'the

fasting coyote.'[VII-21] All the authorities agree on 1402 as the date of

his birth, although disagreeing somewhat respecting the month, day,

and hour, these variations being, perhaps, not worth discussion from

a historical point of view. The predictions of the astrologers at his

birth were most flattering for his future career, and he was entrusted

for education and training to a Toltec gentleman of high culture.[VII-22]

Xaltemoc of Quauhtitlan, who in 1395 had commanded the allied forces in

the conquest of Xaltocan, had, it seems, gained the good-will of both

the Chichimec and Culhua branches of the population of that city, the

power of which had been greatly increased; but this ruler, not lending

himself readily to the plans of Tezozomoc, is reported to have been

assassinated by the latter's orders in 1408, and his domain to have

been divided and put under sons or friends of the Tepanec tyrant, as

governors.[VII-23]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS.]

The first act of open hostility took place in 1415, when Tezozomoc sent

an army in several divisions round the lake southward to devastate

the country, destroy the minor towns belonging to the emperor, to

join forces at Aztahuacan, take and fortify Iztapalocan, an important

city near by, and from that place to march on Tezcuco and capture the

emperor. The plan succeeded at first and many towns were pillaged. A

traitor led them by the best routes and gave them instructions as to

manner of assaulting, or, as Brasseur says, admitted them into the

city of Iztapalocan; but the inhabitants under the brave governor,

Quauhxilotzin, succeed in repulsing the Tepanec forces although not

without considerable loss of prisoners, to which misfortune was joined

the death of the brave governor, murdered by the hands of the same

traitor mentioned above. Ixtlilxochitl, hearing of the march of his

enemy, came to Iztapalocan from Tezcuco soon after the battle, with

a small army hastily gathered; but the Tepanecs finding that their

plan had failed in its main object, had retreated to Azcapuzalco,

and the emperor's force was too small to attack Tezozomoc in his

intrenchments.[VII-24]

Before beginning a campaign against Tezozomoc, Ixtlilxochitl called

a meeting of such vassal lords as were accessible, and had his son

Nezahualcoyotl proclaimed, with all the pomp of the old Toltec rites,

as his successor on the imperial throne. The high-priests of Huexotla

and Cholula assisted at the ceremonies, and the only lords present were

those of Huexotla,[VII-25] Coatlichan, and Iztapalocan; others who were

faithful were busy preparing their forces for war. The authorities do

not agree whether this meeting took place in Tezcuco or Huexotla, and

some imply that Ixtlilxochitl was crowned at the same time.[VII-26]

Tezozomoc, too old to lead his armies in person, gave his son

Maxtla and the kings of Mexico and Tlatelulco, the highest places

in command, making the latter, Tlacateotzin, commander-in-chief. He

also took especial care in strengthening his fortifications on the

frontier. Ixtlilxochitl divided his forces in three divisions; the

first, commanded by Tochintzin, grandson of the lord of Coatlichan,

was stationed in towns just north of the capital; the second, under

Ixcontzin, lord of Iztapalocan, was to protect the southern provinces;

while the third, under the emperor himself, remained near Tezcuco,

ready to render aid to his officers where it should be most needed.

They were ordered to remain within their intrenchments and await

the enemy's movements. The Tepanecs and their allies crossed the

lake in canoes, landed in the region of Huexotla, carried some small

settlements on the lake shores, and assaulted the Acolhuas in their

intrenched positions. Day after day they repeated the assault, and

were driven back each time with heavy loss, both sides in the meantime

receiving strong reinforcements. Finally Tochintzin feigned a retreat

towards Chiuhnauhtlan, drew the Tepanecs in pursuit, faced about

suddenly and utterly routed the forces of Tlacateotzin. The lake shore

was covered with the dead, and the defeated army retired in confusion

to Azcapuzalco. The good-natured emperor gave orders to discontinue

offensive operations, and sent an embassy proffering peace on condition

of submission to him as emperor, and offering to forget the past.

Tezozomoc haughtily declined the overtures, claimed a right, as the

nearest relative of the great Xolotl, to the title of Chichimecatl

Tecuhtli, and announced his intention to enforce his claims, naming

a day when his armies would again meet the Acolhuas on the field

of Chiuhnauhtlan. This may be the challenge already referred to as

recorded by Torquemada. At any rate, it was accepted, a large army was

concentrated at the point indicated, and another at Huexotla, which

place, as was ascertained, Tezozomoc really intended treacherously

to attack, and which he expected to find comparatively undefended.

Tlacateotzin crossed the lake as before in canoes with an immense army,

but as before was defeated in a succession of battles, and after some

days forced to retreat to the Tepanec capital, branches of the Acolhua

army in the meantime sacking several towns in the enemy's domain,

and punishing several lords who had deserted the emperor to join

Tezozomoc.[VII-27]

[Sidenote: IXTLILXOCHITL'S VICTORIES.]

Ixtlilxochitl's star was now in the ascendant; his valor and success

in war inspired new confidence; and many lords who had hitherto held

aloof, now declared their allegiance to the emperor. As usual, the

Tezcucan monarch was disposed to suspend his military operations, and

receive the allegiance which he supposed Tezozomoc would now be ready

to offer; but he soon learned that his adversary, far from abandoning

his projects, had succeeded, by new promises of a future division of

territory and spoils, in gaining over to his side the lords of two

powerful provinces, one of which was Chalco, adjoining the Acolhuan

domain on the north and south. Exasperated at his foe's persistence,

and having a larger army than ever before at his command, Ixtlilxochitl

determined to punish Tezozomoc and his allies in their own territory.

Leaving at and about Iztapalocan, and under the lord of that city, a

sufficient army to keep the Chalcas in check, he marched at the head

of a large army northward and round the lakes, taking in his course

Otompan and Tollan with many towns of minor importance. Now without

opposition, now after a bloody combat, town after town fell before the

advancing conqueror, whose fury was directed against Tepanec soldiers

and treacherous vassals, women and children being in all cases spared.

In the province of Tepotzotlan he was met by the regular Tepanec army

of 200,000 men under the Tlatelulcan king Tlacateotzin, who attempted

to stay the tide of invasion, but after a desperate conflict, was

forced back to Quauhtitlan, and then to Tepatec, where a second great

battle was fought. Defeated at every step, the allied rebels were at

last forced to retreat within the fortifications of Temalpalco, which

defended Tezozomoc's capital, Azcapuzalco. For four months, as some

authorities state, the siege of the city was prolonged, Ixtlilxochitl

endeavoring rather to harass the pent-up enemy, and gradually reduce

their number, than to bring about a general engagement. Finally, when

he could hold out no longer, Tezozomoc sent an embassy to the emperor,

throwing himself entirely upon his mercy, but pleading most humbly for

pardon, reminding Ixtlilxochitl of their near relationship, pledging

the submission of all his allies, and promising to come personally

to Tezcuco, on an appointed day, to swear the allegiance he had so

long and unjustly withheld. The too lenient emperor, tired of war and

bloodshed, granted the petition, raised the siege against the advice of

all his lords, returned to Tezcuco, and disbanded his armies. Brasseur

makes this campaign end in 1416; others in 1417. Ixtlilxochitl states

that the campaign lasted four years, and that Tezozomoc had under his

command 500,000 men.[VII-28]

[Sidenote: TREACHERY OF TEZOZOMOC.]

By this act Ixtlilxochitl sealed his fate. Some of his truest allies

who had fought for glory and loyalty, understanding Tezozomoc's

hypocrisy and deeming their labors thrown away, were disgusted at

their emperor's ill-timed clemency and withdrew their support. Many

more lords had undertaken the war with the expectation, in case

of victory, of sharing among themselves the Tepanec dominions. The

rank and file, with the lesser chieftains, had borne the toil and

danger of a long campaign, and now that it was ended, were denied the

spoils that belonged to them as victors. The discontent was loud and

wide-spread, and Ixtlilxochitl's prestige outside of Tezcuco and one or

two adjoining cities, was lost forever. The Tepanec king, without the

slightest idea of fulfilling his pledges, fomented the spirit of mutiny

by promising the lords as a reward of rebellion, what they had failed

to obtain in loyal combat, new domains from the Tezcucan possessions,

together with independence of imperial power. Another motive of

hatred on the part of Tezozomoc toward Ixtlilxochitl is mentioned by

Brasseur's documents as having come to the knowledge of the former

king about this time. His son's wife, a near relative of the Tezcucan

king, who had left her husband and Azcapuzalco for good reasons, was

now found to be living in or near Tezcuco as the mistress of an Acolhua

chief, thus degrading the honor of the Tepanec royal family.[VII-29]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF IXTLILXOCHITL.]

Having completed as secretly as possible his preparations for a

renewal of the war, Tezozomoc announced his readiness to swear

allegiance to his sovereign, and his intention to celebrate that

act and the return of peace by grand festivities. As his age and the

state of his health would not permit him, he said, to go to Tezcuco,

he appointed a suitable location[VII-30] for the ceremonies and invited

Ixtlilxochitl to be present with his son Nezahualcoyotl, accompanied

only by unarmed attendants, for the Tepanecs had not yet recovered,

he said, from their terror of the Acolhua soldiers. The emperor

at first consented, although by this time he had no faith in the

Tepanec monarch, and, abandoned in his capital by all his leading

nobles, bitterly repented of his unwise course; but at the last

moment he sent Prince Tecuiltecatl, his brother, or as some say his

natural son, in his stead to make excuses for his absence, and try

to have the ceremony postponed. The substitute was flayed alive on

his arrival at Tenamatlac, and Tezozomoc, finding that the prey had

temporarily escaped his trap, ordered his troops to march immediately

on Tezcuco, entered the Acolhua domains on the day after the murder,

and the following day surrounded the capital. The lords of Huexotla,

Iztapalocan, and Coatepec,[VII-31] were the only ones to render aid to the

emperor in this emergency. The city was gallantly defended by the small

garrison for many days,[VII-32] but at last the emperor with Nezahualcoyotl

and a few companions, by the advice of his lords, left the city at

night and took refuge in the forest of Tzincanoztoc, where he soon

learned that Toxpilli, chief of the Chimalpanec ward, had pronounced

for Tezozomoc and opened the city to the enemy. A scene of carnage and

plunder ensued, such of Ixtlilxochitl's partizans as survived fleeing

to Huexotzinco and Tlascala. From his retreat at Tzincanoztoc the

emperor sent to demand protection of the lord of Otompan, a man deeply

indebted to him for honors in the last campaign; but his petition was

denied, and his messenger, who was also his son or nephew, a famous

general, was murdered, his body torn in pieces, and his nails strung

on a cord for a necklace. By this time quite a company had gathered

about the emperor, and the enemy had also ascertained his whereabouts.

Aided by the natural strength of his position, he defended himself for

many days, until, without food or hope of succor, he decided to strive

for life no longer. The authorities differ widely in the details of

his death, and the matter is not sufficiently important to warrant a

repetition of all that has been said about it. Torquemada and Clavigero

state that he was drawn out of his last retreat by promised favorable

conditions of surrender, and was treacherously murdered; but most agree

that at the last approach of the foe, a band of Chalcas and men of

Otompan, he induced his son to conceal himself in a tree, turned alone

upon the enemy, and fell covered with wounds. At the close of his last

conversation with Nezahualcoyotl, he urged him to escape to his friends

in Tlascala, always to deal leniently with his enemies, for he did not

repent of his own mercy, though it had cost him so dear; he concluded

by saying: "I leave to thee, my son, no other inheritance than thy bow

and arrow; strive to acquire skill in their use, and let thy strong

arm restore the kingdom of thy Chichimec ancestors."[VII-33] The emperor's

death took place probably in 1419.[VII-34]

* * * * *

Respecting Tezozomoc's short reign of eight years, we find in the

records a general account of the leading events, but learn very little

about the order of their occurrence. Of the lords that had remained

faithful to Ixtlilxochitl to the last, those in Anáhuac were forced to

submit for a time to Tezozomoc or flee for protection to the eastern

plateau; but the ruler of more distant provinces, like those in the

east about Huexotzinco and Tlascala, and those in the north in the

Tulancingo region, beyond the reach of Tepanec power, utterly refused

allegiance to the new sovereign. Of the powers that had supported

Tezozomoc, few or none seem to have done so from any friendship to him,

or respect for his claims, but for the direct benefit which they hoped

to gain from the change. Some fought simply to gain their independence,

or re-establish the old Chichimec feudal system broken up by Techotl,

and such, at the close of the war, simply assumed their independence,

the stronger provinces retaining it, and the weaker being kept in

subjection by force of arms only, and keeping the Tepanec king so busy

during his short term that he had hardly leisure to consolidate his

empire. The other class of Tepanec allies had been drawn into the war

by Tezozomoc's extravagant promises of new honors, domains, and other

spoils; these awaited the complete establishment and re-organization of

the empire, and the fulfillment of the emperor's promises.

Tezozomoc proposed as a basis of reconstruction of the empire, the

division of power in Anáhuac among seven kings according to the old

feudal system, the conquered Acolhua domains to be divided among

the seven--himself, of course, taking the largest share, and each of

the other six to be independent in the government of their realms,

but to acknowledge him as emperor and to pay a regular tribute. The

seven kingdoms were to be Azcapuzalco, Mexico, Tlatelulco, Chalco,

Acolman, Coatlichan, and Huexotla, the last two being given to the

lord of Otompan and his son.[VII-35] King Chimalpopoca of Mexico was to

receive the province of Tezcuco and certain Cuitlahuac districts; to

king Tlacateotzin of Tlatelulco, was to be given portions of Huexotla

and Cuitlahuac. Some minor rewards were also awarded to the lesser

allied chiefs. The conditions were accepted, although not without some

dissatisfaction on the part of the Mexicans, who had expected much

more, and of such chiefs as were not among the seven chosen kings.

Amid grand ceremonies and festivities in an assembly of the allied

lords, Tezozomoc proclaimed himself emperor, and the six kings as

his colleagues, to be consulted in all matters of general government;

announced the transfer of his capital to Azcapuzalco; offered a general

amnesty to the followers of Ixtlilxochitl on condition of submission

to the new political arrangement; offered a reward for the capture of

Nezahualcoyotl, dead or alive, proclaiming that all should be treated

as traitors and punished with death who should dare to give aid or

shelter to the fugitive prince; and appointed officers to publicly

proclaim his accession and the new measures that accompanied it, in

every city in the empire.[VII-36]

[Sidenote: REIGN OF TEZOZOMOC.]

Some authorities state that the amnesty proclaimed by Tezozomoc in

favor of the Acolhua provinces, included freedom from tribute for

one year; however this may have been, the matter of tribute was not

arranged until after the grand assembly and the swearing of allegiance

to the new emperor, but was reserved by the crafty Tepanec as a means

of practically retaining for himself what he had apparently given to

the six kings, and what had in most cases proved satisfactory to them.

Finally the system of tribute was announced. The amount of tribute and

of personal service required was made much more burdensome than it had

ever been, greatly to the dissatisfaction of the people and subordinate

chiefs; then each king was to collect the tribute from his dominions,

to retain one third for himself, and to pay over at Azcapuzalco the

remaining two thirds into the imperial treasury. Thus the allied powers

discovered that Tezozomoc had outwitted them; that he had taken for

himself in the division of territory the lion's share; that he had

greatly increased the burden of taxation throughout the country; that,

not content with the revenues of his own states, and a nominal tribute

from his colleagues as a token of their allegiance, he claimed two

thirds of that from other states; and that while they had gained the

empty titles of kings and associates in the imperial power, they were

in reality only governors, poorly paid for the labor of collecting

taxes and administering the government. The Mexicans and Tlatelulcas

had been promised, moreover, or at least had expected, an establishment

on the basis of the old Toltec alliance, with their own kings as the

two allies of Tezozomoc, owing him only a nominal allegiance. Moreover

Chimalpopoca had now succeeded to the throne of Mexico, and he was a

friend of Nezahualcoyotl and had never been favorably disposed toward

the Tepanec monarch. The Mexicans, however, masked their discontent,

until such time as they should see an opportunity for revenge; the

other powers made open and loud complaint, so far as they dared to do

so. The final establishment of Tezozomoc's empire, so far as it was

ever established, is placed by the Abbé Brasseur in 1425.[VII-37]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL.]

Prince Nezahualcoyotl, after the death of his father, had been joined

by a few faithful friends and had succeeded in making his escape to

Tlascala and Huexotzinco, where he found the people and lords true

to him, and confident of their ability to repel any force the Tepanec

usurper could send against them, but not strong enough at this time to

warrant them in undertaking an offensive war against the allied forces

of Anáhuac for the restoration of Nezahualcoyotl to his ancestral

throne. They advised him to put himself in communication with the many

disaffected chieftains of the valley, and to await his opportunity,

which was sure to come, and that soon, promising him their aid in such

an emergency. The prince thereupon turned boldly about and returned

to Anáhuac in disguise. His adventures and hair-breadth escapes during

his wanderings are related in detail by the Spanish writers, but must

be omitted here as having no special importance in connection with the

general history of the country. He found friends in every direction,

and was especially protected by Chimalpopoca of Mexico. It is said that

he was present in disguise at the assembly when Tezozomoc was crowned,

and when he heard a reward offered for his murder, was with difficulty

prevented by his friends from making himself known, so great was his

rage. Finally his aunts, the queens of Mexico and Tlatelulco, went with

a large company of ladies to the palace of Tezozomoc, and interceded

for their nephew with so much earnestness that the king countermanded

his previous orders, and granted him permission to reside, in a private

capacity, at Mexico; and soon after he was even allowed to live at

Tezcuco in a palace that had belonged to him personally from his

birth.[VII-38]

Tezozomoc was now very old and infirm; for several years he had been

kept alive only by means of artificial warmth and the most careful

attentions. By a temperate life and freedom from all excess, in

addition to a robust constitution, he had prolonged his life even

beyond the usual limit in those days of great longevity, and retained

the use of all his mental faculties to the last. In his last days he

repented of the pardon that he had extended to Nezahualcoyotl; for

he dreamed that an eagle tore his head in pieces and consumed his

vitals, while a tiger tore his feet. The astrologers informed him

that the eagle and the tiger were Nezahualcoyotl, who would surely

overthrow the Tepanec power, punish the people of Azcapuzalco, and

regain his father's imperial power, unless he could be put to death.

The old monarch's last charge to his sons and to his nobles was that

Nezahualcoyotl should be killed, if possible, during his funeral

exercises, when he would probably be present. He died in 1427, naming

Tayauh, one of his sons, as his successor on the Tepanec and Chichimec

thrones, and charging him, after the Acolhua prince's death, to strive

by every means in his power to make friends among his vassal lords,

and to avoid all harsh measures. Maxtla, another son, seems to have had

more ability and experience than his brother, but his father feared the

consequence of his hasty temper and arbitrary manner, by which he had

already made a multitude of enemies.[VII-39] A large number of princes and

lords were assembled at the royal obsequies, among them Nezahualcoyotl

himself, against the advice of his friends, but relying on his good

fortune and on the assurance of a sorcerer in whom he had great faith,

that he could not be killed at that time. The heir to the throne was

disposed to have his father's recommendations carried out during the

funeral exercises, but Maxtla claimed that it would be bad policy--for

himself, probably, in consideration of his own ambitious plans--to

disgrace so solemn an occasion by murder. All the authorities agree

that Tezozomoc was the most unscrupulous and tyrannical despot that

ever ruled in Anáhuac; the only good that is recorded of him is his own

strict morality, and his strict and impartial enforcement of just laws

and punishment of crimes within his own dominions. His extraordinary

ability as a diplomatist and politician is evident from the events of

his career as related above.[VII-40]

[Sidenote: MAXTLA USURPS THE THRONE.]

Maxtla, although deprived of the succession to the imperial throne,

had been made king of Coyuhuacan, a province of which he had long

been ruling lord. He had, however, no intention of giving up his

claim to his father's crown; Tayauh was of a weak and vacillating

disposition, having no enemies, but also no friends except the kings

of Mexico and Tlatelulco who probably hated his brother rather than

favored him; Maxtla by reason of his high military rank had control of

the army; and only a few days after the funeral of Tezozomoc, he had

himself proclaimed emperor of the Chichimecs. He offered his brother

in exchange his lordship of Coyuhuacan, but the latter seems to have

gone to reside in Mexico. Chimalpopoca blamed the deposed sovereign

for having so easily relinquished his claims; and by his advice a plot

was formed some months later to assassinate the usurper. Tayauh was

to have a palace erected for himself at Azcapuzalco, Maxtla was to be

invited to be present at the ceremonies of dedication, and was to be

strangled with a wreath of flowers while being shown the apartments.

A page overheard and revealed the plot; Maxtla aided in the erection

of the palace for his brother, and had him stabbed in the midst of

the festivities, instead of waiting to be shown the rooms and himself

becoming the victim.[VII-41]

Chimalpopoca and Tlacateotzin had excused themselves from attending

the fêtes, else they very likely might have shared Tayauh's fate. Now

that the plot was revealed and their connection with it, they well knew

that Maxtla, who before had reasons to be unfriendly to them,[VII-42] would

neglect no opportunity of revenge. A strange story is here given, to

the effect that Chimalpopoca, overwhelmed by misfortune, resolved to

sacrifice himself on the altar of the gods, or, as some authorities

state, by announcing such a resolve to test the feelings of his people

and possibly to provoke a revolt in his favor. Maxtla, fearing the

latter motive, sent a force of men to Mexico and arrested the royal

victim just before the sacrifice was to be performed, taking him as a

prisoner to Azcapuzalco, or as others say, confining him in his own

prison at Mexico. Chimalpopoca died soon after this event, probably

killed by order of Maxtla, but there is no agreement as to the details

of his death, or that of Tlacateotzin which took place about the same

time.[VII-43] The death of the Aztec kings took place in 1428, and was

followed by a re-imposition, and even a doubling, of the tributes of

early days, accompanied by every kind of oppression and insult towards

the inhabitants of the lake cities.[VII-44]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL PREPARES FOR WAR.]

Maxtla had resolved that Nezahualcoyotl, as well as Chimalpopoca and

Tlacateotzin, must die. Whether he came to intercede for Chimalpopoca,

or as other authors say was summoned by Maxtla, the Acolhua prince

visited Azcapuzalco at this time, and very narrowly escaped death at

the hands of the soldiers posted about the palace with orders to kill

him, by fleeing through the royal gardens and returning to Tezcuco.

A Tepanec force was immediately dispatched to the latter city, with

instructions to kill or capture him at a banquet to which he was

to be invited by the governor of the city,--a bastard brother of

Nezahualcoyotl, but his deadly foe,--but he was again fortunate enough

to elude their pursuit, and after having received offers of aid from

several lords in Anáhuac, escaped to Huexotzinco and Tlascala. He found

the provinces of the eastern plateau, including Zacatlan, Tototepec,

Cempoala, Tepepulco, Cholula, and Tepeaca, more enthusiastic than

ever in his favor, and moreover convinced that the time had come for

decisive action with a view to restore him to the imperial throne of

his ancestors. Armies were raised and placed at his disposal; word

came that the Chalcas would join in the enterprise; the sympathy of

the Mexicans and Tlatelulcas he was already assured of; he consequently

returned to Anáhuac and established his headquarters at a small village

near Tezcuco.[VII-45] After having, according to Veytia, taken Otompan and

some of the adjoining towns, the allied army was divided into three

corps. The first, composed of the Huexotzinca and Tlascaltec forces,

was to move on Acolman; the second, made up chiefly of Chalca troops,

was to attack Coatlichan; while Nezahualcoyotl himself, with the

remaining allied forces, was to operate against Tezcuco. The first two

divisions were perfectly successful, capturing the capitals, Acolman

and Coatlichan, and laying waste the surrounding territory. According

to Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, Nezahualcoyotl was equally fortunate, took

possession of the Acolhua capital, and disbanded a large part of his

army; but the author of the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, partially confirmed

by Torquemada, and followed by the Abbé Brasseur, states that the

prince imperial failed at this time in his assault on the city, and

only succeeded in fortifying himself advantageously in the suburb of

Chiauhtla. Subsequent events make this the more probable version of the

matter.[VII-46]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ITZCOATL, KING OF MEXICO.]

The murder of Chimalpopoca and Tlacateotzin caused the wildest

excitement in Tenochtitlan and Tlatelulco. From these acts, together

with the burden of tribute and the many insults heaped upon them, the

people well knew Maxtla's intention to destroy forever their kingdoms

and reduce them to their former condition of abject vassalage. A mass

meeting composed of all classes was held in Mexico, which anxiously

awaited the decision of the senate, where the question of their future

condition and policy was long and hotly discussed. The old and the

timid members were in favor of yielding to the demands of an emperor

whose power they could not hope successfully to resist; they implored

their colleagues not to plunge the people into war and the horrors

of future slavery by their rash spirit of independence. But the young

men of all classes, seconded by most of the nobility, were in favor of

war, chiding the cowardice of the rest, and boldly proclaiming their

choice of death rather than a dishonorable submission to the tyrant's

commands. Moreover, the gods had foretold their future greatness,

and should they render themselves unworthy of divine favor, and bring

disgrace on the memory of their valiant ancestors?[VII-47] It was decided

by a large majority to proceed to the election of a king who should

lead them to victory. According to the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, the first

choice of the assembly was Montezuma, eldest son of Chimalpopoca, but

he declined to accept the crown, pleading youth and inexperience, and

urged the claims of his uncle Itzcoatl, for many years commander of the

armies. The other authorities do not mention the choice of Montezuma.

However this may have been, Itzcoatl was unanimously elected, and

was crowned with the usual ceremonies and with something more than

the usual amount of speeches and advice, in view of the gigantic task

assumed by the new king, of shaking off the Tepanec yoke. Tempanecatl,

or Tlacaeleltzin, was sent to demand a confirmation of the people's

choice at the hands of the emperor Maxtla. But he found that the news

had preceded him and had been ill-received, war had practically begun,

and a blockade was established. The embassador succeeded in reaching

the royal presence; but though assured of Itzcoatl's loyalty, Maxtla

haughtily replied that Mexico must have no king, must be ruled by

Tepanec governors, or take the consequences of a fruitless revolt.

Tlacaeleltzin's return with these tidings caused a new panic among the

more timid of the Mexicans, but by renewed exhortations, by promises

of honors and booty in case of victory, their courage was brought to

the sticking point, and the same embassador was sent to Azcapuzalco

with a formal declaration of war.[VII-48] Only a few days after Itzcoatl's

coronation the Tlatelulcas also chose a king and joined the Mexicans

in their fight for national existence. There was some jealousy between

the two powers, but their interests were now identical. The choice of

the Tlatelulcas fell upon Quauhtlatohuatzin, a celebrated warrior, but

not of royal blood; and to this inferiority in the rank of her ruler is

attributed, by some authors, the inferior position thereafter occupied

by Tlatelulco, previously equal, if not superior, in power to her

sister city.[VII-49]

[Sidenote: SIEGE OF MEXICO.]

Such was the state of affairs in the early part of 1429, when the

news of Nezahualcoyotl's success reached Azcapuzalco and Mexico. All

communication had been cut off between the cities of the lake and

the mainland; many sharp attacks had been made by Itzcoatl on the

enemy's lines; but no general engagement had taken place. The Mexicans

began to find their condition critical; Maxtla expected to be at an

early date in possession of the Aztec strongholds, and deferred until

after such success all offensive operations against Nezahualcoyotl;

the besieged Aztecs naturally looked towards the Acolhua prince for

assistance against their common foe. Here the national prejudices of

the original native authorities, followed by Spanish writers, begin

to appear in the historic annals. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia favoring

the Acolhua interests, represent the Aztecs, hard pressed by the

Tepanecs, as having humbly implored the aid of Nezahualcoyotl, who

graciously came to their relief; Tezozomoc, Duran, and Acosta make

the Mexicans conquer the Tepanec king unaided, and render assistance

to the Acolhua prince afterwards; while Torquemada, Clavigero, and

the authorities followed by Brasseur state, what in the light of

future events is much more probable, that the two powers formed an

alliance on equal terms, and for mutual advantage against the usurping

emperor. At any rate Montezuma[VII-50]--identical, as Clavigero and

Brasseur think, with Tlacaeleltzin--was sent to Nezahualcoyotl, in

company with two other lords. The ambassador succeeded in penetrating

the enemy's lines, although one of his companions was captured, made

known to Nezahualcoyotl the wishes and condition of the Mexicans, and

received assurances of sympathy, with promises to consult with his

allies, render aid if possible, and at least to have an interview with

Itzcoatl. His chief difficulty would seem to have been that most of

his allies not without reason detested and feared the Mexicans more

than the Tepanecs, and by too hastily following his own inclinations

and espousing the Aztec cause, he might risk his own success. The

fact that an alliance was finally concluded between these powers shows

clearly that neither alone could overthrow the formidable Maxtla, and

that it was no act of condescension or pity on the part of either, but

rather of necessity, to join their forces. On his return Montezuma was

captured by the Chalcas, or being sent, as some authorities state,

to Chalco for aid was retained for a time as a prisoner, but set at

liberty by his jailer, and reached Mexico in safety.[VII-51] This action

of the Chalcas is said to have so displeased the surrounding nations

that neither party would accept their alliance, but this may well

be doubted, considering the strength of that people. The Huexotlas,

according to Torquemada, withdrew their allegiance on hearing that the

Aztecs were to be aided. Nezahualcoyotl and Itzcoatl had an interview

soon after at Mexico,[VII-52] where the former was received with great

rejoicing, and a plan settled for the campaign against Maxtla, whose

territory was to be invaded by the allied armies. At about this time,

according to the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, the province of Quauhtitlan

succeeded after a succession of reverses and victories in shaking

off the Tepanec yoke and announced their friendship to the Mexicans,

although they were unable to render any open assistance in the early

part of the campaign.[VII-53]

[Sidenote: SIEGE OF AZCAPULZALCO.]

The campaign by which Maxtla was overthrown and the imperial power

wrested from the hands of the Tepanecs, lasted over a hundred

days. To relate in detail all that the authorities record of this

campaign, the marches and counter-marches, the attacks and repulses,

the exploits of the leaders and lesser chieftains, noting all the

minute variations in statement respecting the names of chiefs, places

attacked, number of troops engaged, and the chronological order of

events, would require a chapter much longer than my space will allow,

would be monotonous to the general reader, and could not probably

be made sufficiently accurate to be of great value to the student

of aboriginal military tactics. The general nature of the war and

the results of the victory may be told in a few lines. The allied

Acolhua, Tlascaltec, Cholultec, Mexican, and Tlatelulcan forces, under

Nezahualcoyotl, Itzcoatl, Montezuma, and other leaders, amounted to

three or four hundred thousand men. Most entered Mexico in canoes from

the east; but some divisions marched round the lake. At a preconcerted

signal, the lighting of a fire on Mt Quauhtepec, all the forces

advanced--probably in canoes, for it is not certain that causeways had

yet been constructed--on the Tepanec territory. The lord of Tlacopan,

by a previous understanding with the allies, opened that city to the

invaders, thus giving them a sure footing in the country of their foe,

and in a few days Azcapuzalco was closely besieged. Maxtla had an army

somewhat smaller than that of his opponents but they fought for the

most part behind intrenchments. The emperor personally took no part

in the battles that ensued, but placed his greatest general, Mazatl,

at the head of his armies. Day after day the conflict was waged at

different points about the doomed capital without decisive result,

although many local victories were won by both sides. At last, by a

desperate effort, Mazatl succeeded in driving the Mexicans back to

the lake shore; in the panic that ensued many Mexican soldiers threw

down their arms and begged for quarter; Itzcoatl deemed the battle

and his cause lost. Cursing the cowardice of his troops, he called

upon his nobles and chieftains to rush upon the foe and die bravely;

his call was responded to by large numbers, the troops followed with

new courage, and, re-inforcements having arrived opportunely, the

tide of battle was turned, Mazatl was slain in hand-to-hand combat by

Montezuma, and the Tepanec capital carried by assault. Large numbers of

the soldiers were put to the sword, a few bands escaped to the marshes

and mountains, the city was plundered and burned, and the emperor

was found in a bath and slain. Azcapuzalco never regained a prominent

place among the cities of Anáhuac; it was chiefly noted in later times

as a slave mart, and the disgraceful traffic is said to have been

inaugurated by the sale of the Tepanec inhabitants after the Acolhua

and Aztec victory. For a short time the victorious armies ravaged the

territories on the west of the lakes, which still remained faithful to

Maxtla, and were then recalled, and the allied troops dismissed, laden

with spoils, to their own provinces. Itzcoatl and Nezahualcoyotl had

no doubt of their ability to keep their foes in check and complete the

conquest by the aid of their own troops; they consequently returned to

Mexico to celebrate their victory.[VII-54]

The fêtes in honor of the victory and victors were long continued,

and conducted on a scale unprecedented in the Mexican capital. After

Itzcoatl and Nezahualcoyotl, Montezuma seems to have carried off the

highest honors. The altars ran with the blood of sacrificed human

victims, rites most repulsive, as is stated, to the Acolhua king, but

which he could not prevent on such an occasion. A prominent feature

of the ceremonies was the rewarding by lands and honors of the chiefs

who had distinguished themselves for bravery in the war, and, as

some authorities say, the punishment by exile of such as had shown

cowardice. The fêtes were immediately followed, perhaps interrupted,

by the tidings that Huexotla, Coatlichan, Acolman, and the adjoining

towns, had revolted; and the Mexican, Acolhua, and Tlatelulca forces,

with some assistance from the eastern plateau, marched through the

eastern part of the valley, and after a series of hard-fought battles

conquered the cities mentioned, together with Teotihuacan and in

fact nearly all the towns from Iztapalocan to the northern mountains,

excepting probably Tezcuco, although some authors include the conquest

of that capital in this campaign. In some of the cities no mercy was

shown to any class, but all were slain. Veytia moreover divides this

campaign into two, and places in the interval between them the final

establishment of the empire to be given later. Torquemada and Clavigero

connect the latter part of this campaign with a subsequent one against

Coyuhuacan.[VII-55]

[Sidenote: THE TRI-PARTITE ALLIANCE.]

At this time, in the year 1431, and before Nezahualcoyotl had regained

the capital of his father's empire, as Brasseur insists, took place

the events which closed the Chichimec period of aboriginal history,

the division of Anáhuac between the victors, the re-establishment of

the empire on a new basis. The result is well known, but respecting

the motives that led to it there is great confusion. It was decided to

re-establish with slight modifications the ancient Toltec confederacy

of three kingdoms, independent so far as the direction of internal

affairs was concerned, but allied in the management of foreign affairs

and in all matters affecting the general interests of the empire,

in which matters neither king could act without the consent of his

two colleagues. The three kingdoms were Acolhua with its capital at

Tezcuco, under Nezahualcoyotl with the title of Chichimecatl Tecuhtli;

the Aztec with Mexico for its capital, under Itzcoatl bearing the

title of Culhua Tecuhtli; and the Tepanec capital Tlacopan, under

Totoquihuatzin with the title Tepaneca Tecuhtli. A line drawn in a

general north and south direction through the valley and lake just east

of the city of Tenochtitlan, divided the Acolhua domains on the east

from those of Mexico on the west. The capital Tlacopan, with a few

surrounding towns, and as some say the Otomí province of Mazahuacan

in the northwest, made up the limited Tepanec domain.[VII-56] Tezcuco and

Mexico seem to have been in all respects equal in power, while Tlacopan

was far inferior to either. As a descendant and heir of the Chichimec

emperors, Nezahualcoyotl nominally took precedence in rank, presiding

at meetings, occupying the place of honor at public ceremonies with his

colleagues on his right and left, but had no authority whatever over

them, and was probably in respect to actual military power somewhat

inferior to Mexico. Provinces conquered by the allied forces, together

with all the spoils of war, were to be divided equally between Mexico

and Tezcuco after deducting one fifth for Tlacopan.[VII-57]

[Sidenote: TERMS OF THE ALLIANCE.]

[Sidenote: CLOSE OF THE PERIOD.]

The confusion among the authorities about the circumstances and motives

that led to the tri-partite alliance on the above basis, arises chiefly

from the patriotism of the native authors. The narrative as given by

Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, to the effect that Nezahualcoyotl suspended

his triumphal march through his old dominion of Acolhuacan to assist

his friend and relative in overthrowing Maxtla, dismissed his allies,

and then, out of kindness, admitted Itzcoatl to an equal share with

himself in the empire, before completing the conquest of Tezcuco,

must evidently be accepted with many allowances. There is still more

evident exaggeration in the tale of Clavigero, Tezozomoc, and Duran,

that Itzcoatl overthrew the Tepanecs, held the power in his own hands,

and graciously put the Acolhua prince on the throne of Tezcuco in

consideration of his friendship and assistance. It is evident, as

already stated, that the alliance between Itzcoatl and Nezahualcoyotl

was formed for the protection of mutual interests; that no allied

troops were disbanded which could be retained; that if the conquest of

Tezcuco was postponed after the fall of Azcapuzalco, it was because the

allies had their hands full in other directions; and that in the final

division and establishment of the empire necessity and policy played a

much more prominent part than friendship or condescension. On the one

hand, if we suppose that the Aztec military force, as is very probable,

was at the time superior to that of the Acolhuas, it must be remembered

that Nezahualcoyotl had the prestige of being the legitimate heir to

the imperial throne of the Chichimecs, that he was popular in Anáhuac

and had the support of the eastern cities; while the Aztecs were

universally hated and could depend only on the valor of their chiefs

and the numbers of their army. It is not impossible that the delay

in taking possession of the Acolhua capital, was because the allies

of Nezahualcoyotl refused to complete the conquest until their prince

had some guaranty against the ambition of the Mexicans. On the other

hand, if we credit the statements of those who represent Nezahualcoyotl

as holding the balance of power in the first alliance, it is to be

noted that the struggle had been a desperate one, even with the aid of

Mexico; that it was yet far from ended, that revolts were occurring

in every direction, and that with the Aztecs as foes, the success of

Nezahualcoyotl was more than doubtful. On this supposition the delay

in taking Tezcuco is to be attributed, as indeed some authors claim,

to the fear of Itzcoatl that if he contributed further to increase

his ally's power he would soon be in a position to dictate terms.

Neither power could stand alone, Mexico against all Anáhuac, Tezcuco

against Mexico and her own independent and revolting vassals; hence the

foundation of the alliance on equal terms is perfectly comprehensible.

To account for the admission of Tlacopan to the alliance, we have the

facts that that city had rendered important service in the defeat of

Maxtla at Azcapuzalco; that she may very likely have been promised

a place in the empire in case of success; that in any event it was

policy to concentrate the yet powerful Tepanec element in a friendly

kingdom; and finally, as several authors state, that the families of

Totoquihuatzin and Nezahualcoyotl were closely related by marriage.

Some authorities state that Tlacopan was admitted through the influence

of Itzcoatl, others insist that it was Nezahualcoyotl's idea. The

inauguration of the new order of things, including the crowning of

Nezahualcoyotl, king of Acolhuacan, and the conferring of the proper

titles upon each of the colleagues, was celebrated in Mexico with great

pomp in 1431. Thus ends the Chichimec period, during which a small band

of turbulent marauders had passed through oppression and misfortune

to a leading place among the American nations. Many strong tribes were

yet to be persuaded or forced to submit to the new order of political

affairs; the measures by which this was accomplished, and the Aztec

power spread far and wide from Anáhuac as a centre, until it came

in contact with a greater power from beyond the ocean, will form the

subject of the following chapters.[VII-58]

FOOTNOTES:

[VII-1] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 99. In

the explanation of the _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v.,

p. 148, vol. vi., p. 134, it is stated that king Acamapichtli burned

the temple of Culhuacan in 1399, probably referring to the quarrels of

Acamapichtli I. with Coxcoxtli, or Achitometl, at an earlier period.

[VII-2] _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 213;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 176-7; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 95-8;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 100; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.

302; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xii.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de

las Ynd._, pp. 470-3; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xiii; _Mendieta_,

_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 148-9; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol.

v., p. 43.

[VII-3] _Codex Mendoza_, in Kingsborough, vol. v., p. 92; _Mendieta_,

_Torquemada_, _Acosta_, _Brasseur_, and _Clavigero_, as in preceding

note.

[VII-4] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 111.

[VII-5] Date, 1404, _Duran_; 1402, after reigning 41 years, _Veytia_;

1405, _Boturini_; 1389, 37 years, _Clavigero_; 1406, 7 years, _Codex

Tell. Rem._; 1396, _Mendieta_; reigned 21 years, _Torquemada_,

_Sahagun_, _Codex Mendoza_; 1271, 51 years, _Ixtlilxochitl_; 46 years,

_Gomara_ and _Motolinia_; 40 years, _Acosta_ and _Herrera_; 1403, 53

or 21 years, _Brasseur_.

[VII-6] Acosta and Herrera write the name of Huitzilihuitl's wife

Ayauchigual. Veytia says her name was Miahuaxochitl, and that she was

the daughter of Tezozomoc. Torquemada, Clavigero, and Gomara make him

marry, first, Ayauhcihuatl, daughter of Tezozomoc, and afterwards,

Miahuaxochitl, princess of Quauhnahuac, the latter of whom bore

Montezuma I. Ixtlilxochitl says the king married his niece,

Tetzihuatzin, grand-daughter of Tezozomoc, one of whose children was

Chimalpopoca. Brasseur, relying on the _Codex Chimalp._ and _Mem. de

Culhuacan_, gives the account I have presented in the text. The _Codex

Tell. Rem._ says Huitzilihuitl married a daughter of the princess of

Coatlichan, and a grand-daughter of Acamapichtli, having by her no

sons. Tezozomoc and Duran name Chimalpopoca as Huitzilihuitl's first

son; Veytia says it was Montezuma I., and Torquemada, Clavigero, and

Brasseur name the first son Acolnahuacatl.

[VII-7] On the death of Acamapichtli II., and the succession and

marriage of Huitzilihuitl II., see _Duran_, MS. tom. i., cap. vi, vii;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 176-80; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 98-106;

_Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 268; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 218,

353, 456-7; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 219-26; _Tezozomoc_, in

_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 10-11; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Id._,

vol. v., pp. 148-9; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 302; _Motolinia_, in

_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 6; _Herrera_, dec. iii.,

lib. ii., cap. xii.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 473-5;

_Sigüenza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. i., p. 50;

_Boturini_, in _Id._, p. 239; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 149;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 110-17.

[VII-8] According to Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 216-7, 246, 249-51,

Mixcohuatl reigned 75 years, was succeeded by Quaquauhpitzahuac in

1400, and he by Tlacateotzin in 1414. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 213, 218,

353, 356, 453, 462, says Mixcohuatl died in 1271, reigned 51 years,

and was succeeded by his son Quaquauhpitzahuac; or that he died in

Techotl's reign and was followed by Tlacateotzin; or that

Quaquauhpitzahuac died in 1353; or was succeeded by Amatzin; or again,

that Tlacateotzin succeeded his father; and that he married a daughter

of Tezozomoc. Sahagun, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 273, ignores

Mixcohuatl, as do Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 94-5, 99, 127-8, and

Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 175, 184. Both the latter authors make the

first king a son of Tezozomoc. Clavigero places his accession in 1353,

and that of Tlacateotzin, his successor, in 1399. Torquemada says the

first king reigned 35 years, and was followed by Tlacateotzin in the

tenth year of Huitzilihuitl's rule. Both Mexicans and Tlatelulcas seem

to have claimed the honor of having had the first king. See also

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 123.

[VII-9] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 120.

[VII-10] _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. vii.; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.

106; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 226-8, 246; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.

iii., pp. 127-8.

[VII-11] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 149; _Codex Mendoza_, in

_Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 43; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib. viii., p.

268.

[VII-12] Date 1414, _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 246-7; _Boturini_, in

_Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., p. 239; _Codex Tell. Rem._,

in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 149; 1353, _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Id._,

vol. ix., pp. 218, 356, 457; 1409, _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 186; 1417,

_Codex Chimalp._ in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 129, and _Codex

Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 43.

[VII-13] On death of Huitzilihuitl II. and succession of Chimalpopoca,

see _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 246-9; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 105-7;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 182-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 218, 355-6, 457;

_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 475-8; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib.

viii., p. 268; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. vii, viii; _Mendieta_,

_Hist. Ecles._, p. 149; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 129-31;

_Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 43; _Codex Tell.

Rem._, in _Id._, p. 149.

[VII-14] _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 231-3, 236, 245; _Torquemada_, tom.

i., pp. 108-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 185; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp.

218-19, 356, 358-9, 401; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 142; _Brasseur_,

_Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 87-92.

[VII-15] _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 234-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, p. 356.

[VII-16] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 219, 356-7; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.

108-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 185; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,

pp. 93-5.

[VII-17] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 95-6.

[VII-18] _Id._, pp. 97-106.

[VII-19] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 219, 357, 401-2; _Torquemada_, tom. i.,

pp. 108-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 185-6; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp.

234-45; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 106-8.

[VII-20] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 108-9.

[VII-21] The former also called Tozquentzin and Atotoztli; and the

latter, Acolmiztli and Yoyontzin.

[VII-22] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 218, 359, 401, 405, 453; _Duran_, MS.,

tom. i., cap. vi.; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 110; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos

Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 41-2; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

109-10; _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 146.

[VII-23] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

117-18.

[VII-24] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 219, 358-9, 402. Dates according to this

author, April 15, 1359; Dec. 30, 1363; 1415. _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp.

255-6; date, Aug. 6, 1415. _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 109; _Clavigero_,

tom. i., pp. 185-6; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 120-1.

[VII-25] Sahagun, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 277-8, gives a list of the

succession of lords at Huexotla from the earliest Chichimec times.

[VII-26] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 219-20, 359, 402. He states that in this

meeting, or another held about the same time, there were many other

lords present, including those of Acolman and Tepechpan, who, although

pretending to be faithful, kept Tezozomoc posted as to the course

events were taking. See also _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 257-8;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 110; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

121-2.

[VII-27] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 359-60, 402-3; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp.

257-68; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 108-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p.

186; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 122-5.

[VII-28] Clavigero, tom. i., p. 186, states that Ixtlilxochitl granted

this peace, not because he had any faith in Tezozomoc or was disposed

to be lenient to his allies, but because his army was equally

exhausted with that of the enemy, and he was unable to continue

hostilities. This is hardly probable, although he had doubtless

suffered more than the records indicate. See also _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp.

220, 360-2, 403, 453; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 268-76; _Torquemada_,

tom. i., pp. 108-10; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 122-7.

[VII-29] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

129-30.

[VII-30] Chiuhnauhtlan, as the Spanish writers say; Brasseur says it

was at Tenamatlac, a Tepanec pleasure-resort in the mountains of

Chiucnauhtecatl.

[VII-31] Brasseur says Coatlichan, which is more likely.

[VII-32] 50, and 16, are Ixtlilxochitl's figures in different places;

Veytia says 10, and Brasseur 40.

[VII-33] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 220-3, 362-4, 403-4, 453-4, 462-3;

_Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 278-99; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 110-13;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 187-9; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

129-38.

[VII-34] Oct. 29, 1418, _Veytia_; 1410, _Clavigero_; 1410,

_Ixtlilxochitl_, p. 463; April 22, 1415, _Id._, p. 454; Sept. 21,

1418, _Id._, p. 404; 1419, _Brasseur_. Torquemada implies that

Ixtlilxochitl's reign lasted only seven years. Sahagun, tom. ii., lib.

viii., p. 276, says he ruled 61 years, during which time nothing

worthy of mention occurred. Ixtlilxochitl in one place, p. 223, says

that the last Tepanec wars lasted 3 years and 273 days; elsewhere, p.

364, that they lasted 50 consecutive years, and that millions of

people perished.

[VII-35] Torquemada states that Tezozomoc reserved Coatlichan for

himself.

[VII-36] Ixtlilxochitl tells a strange story, to the effect that

Tezozomoc's officers were directed to ask the children in each

province, who was their king; such as replied 'Tezozomoc,' were to be

caressed and their parents rewarded; but those that answered

'Ixtlilxochitl,' or 'Nezahualcoyotl,' were put to death without mercy.

Thus perished thousands of innocent children. In _Kingsborough_, vol.

ix., pp. 223, 463.

[VII-37] _Veytia_, tom. i., pp. 300-6, 315-17; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp.

224-5, 365-8, 404, 454, 463; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 113-16;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 190-3; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

138-48; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 143-4; _Motolinia_, in _Icazbalceta_,

_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 254.

[VII-38] On Nezahualcoyotl's adventures during this period, down to

about 1426, see _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 224-5, 366-9, 404-5, 463-4;

_Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 304, 311-14, 317-19; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.

190-1, 193-4; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 116-7; _Brasseur_, _Hist._,

tom. iii., pp. 148-50.

[VII-39] There is much confusion respecting these sons of Tezozomoc.

Ixtlilxochitl in one place, pp. 368-9, names Maxtla, Tayauh, and

Atlatota Icpaltzin, or Tlatecaypaltzin, as the sons summoned to his

death-bed. In another place, p. 464, he calls two of them Tiatzi, or

Tayatzi, and Tlacayapaltzin. Torquemada names them Maxtla, Tayatzin,

and Tecuhtzintli. All imply that Maxtla was the eldest son. Brasseur,

following the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, states that Tezozomoc had eight

legitimate sons, of whom Maxtlaton was the seventh and Quetzalayatzin

(Tayauh, or Tayatzin), the sixth.

[VII-40] _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 321-9, tom. iii., pp. 3-11; date,

Feb. 2, 1427. _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 217, 225-7, 368-70, 405, 454, 464;

dates, March 20, 1427, March 24, 1427, 1424. _Torquemada_, tom. i.,

pp. 68, 117-21, 253; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 194-6; date, 1422.

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 148-54; date, March 24, 1427.

[VII-41] See on the usurpation of Maxtla and the death of his brother,

_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 226, 371, 464-5; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 11-18;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 119-21; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 196-8;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 155-7; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt

ii., p. 26.

[VII-42] On account of their friendship for Nezahualcoyotl and Tayauh.

Another cause of enmity between Chimalpopoca and Maxtla, is said to

have been the dishonor of the former's wife by the latter, she having

been enticed to Azcapuzalco by the aid of two Tepanec ladies.

[VII-43] Veytia, tom. iii., pp. 18-32, says that immediately after the

assassination of Tayauh, a posse of men was sent to seize

Chimalpopoca, whom they found engaged in some religious rites in the

temple. Several authors state that the king died in prison, having

been previously visited by Nezahualcoyotl, who risked his own life to

save him. Veytia says Nezahualcoyotl found him much reduced from

starvation, went for food, and found him dead on his return.

Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 122-8, following Sigüenza, says he hung

himself to avoid starvation. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 226-8, 371-3, 457,

464-5, in one place states that he died in Nezahualcoyotl's arms. In

another relation he says that Maxtla in his rage at Nezahualcoyotl's

escape sent to Mexico and had Chimalpopoca killed in his stead, the

assassins finding him in the temple carving an idol. Acosta, _Hist. de

las Ynd._, pp. 475-9; Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xii.;

Tezozomoc, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 11-12, and Duran, MS.,

tom. i., pp. 129-37--state that during Tezozomoc's reign the Tepanec

nobles, fearful that Chimalpopoca, as the grandson of Tezozomoc would

succeed to the Tepanec throne, sent to Mexico and had him assassinated

while asleep; adding that the grandfather Tezozomoc, died of grief at

this act! Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 158-9, 164, implies that

Maxtla only arrested the proposed sacrifice, and agrees with

Ixtlilxochitl's statement that the king was murdered at Mexico while

at work in the temple.

The Tlatelulcan king was killed by the same party. He at first escaped

from his palace, but was overtaken on the lake while striving to reach

Tezcuco, and his body was sunk. Such is the account given by most

authors; Ixtlilxochitl says he drowned himself; while Torquemada

records two versions--one that he was killed for treason against

Nezahualcoyotl; and the other, that he was killed by Montezuma I. of

Mexico. See also on the death of the Aztec kings--_Clavigero_, tom.

i., pp. 200-3; _Motolinia_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i.,

p. 6; _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, p. 154; _Vetancvrt_,

_Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 26-7; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol.

v., p. 44; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Id._, vol. vi., p. 135.

[VII-44] Date, July 23, 1427, or 1424, _Ixtlilxochitl_; May 31, 1427,

_Sigüenza_; March 31, 1427, _Vetancvrt_; July 19, 1427, _Veytia_;

1423, _Clavigero_; 1427, _Codex Mendoza_; 1426, _Codex Tell. Rem._;

1428, _Codex Chimalpopoca_.

[VII-45] The Spanish writers state that about this time the king of

Chalco became disaffected, and a messenger, Xolotecuhtli, was sent to

win him over through the influence of his wife, who was a sister of

Huitzilihuitzin, Nezahualcoyotl's chief counselor. The Chalca king

said his change of allegiance was on account of his hatred and fear of

the Mexican king, but consented at last to leave the matter to his

people, who decided unanimously in favor of Nezahualcoyotl.

[VII-46] I have omitted in this account of Nezahualcoyotl's flight,

return, and victorious campaign, the numerous details of the prince's

adventures and escapes, the names of lords to whom he applied and the

tenor of each reply, the wonderful omens that on many occasions

foretold success to his plans, told at so great length by the

authorities, but comparatively unimportant, and altogether too bulky

for my space. See on this period of history: _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.

14, 33-79, 92-107; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 228-35, 373-81, 405-6, 465-7;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 125-40; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 202-10;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 171-3; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt

ii., pp. 26-7.

[VII-47] This discussion is placed by different authorities before or

after the choice of a king. This is a matter of no great importance;

the opposition to war probably continued down to the commencement of

hostilities, but the election of a warlike king was of itself

equivalent to a declaration of war, in view of Maxtla's well-known

designs; consequently, I have placed it before the election.

[VII-48] An extraordinary treaty is spoken of by Tezozomoc, Duran,

Acosta, and Clavigero, by the terms of which the nobles bound

themselves in case of defeat to give up their bodies to be sacrificed

to the gods; while the people bound themselves and their descendants

in case of victory to become the servants of the nobles for all future

time. Veytia states that titles of nobility, and permission to have

many wives, were among the inducements to bravery held out to the

plebeians. It is not impossible that the contract alluded to may have

been invented or exaggerated in later times by the nobles to support

their extravagant claims upon the people. Torquemada and Ixtlilxochitl

refer to no such contract, and to no claim for the Tepanec recognition

of their king; but state that the election of Itzcoatl on the one

side, and the heavy tributes with the dishonor of Itzcoatl's wife on

the other, led to the establishment of the blockade.

[VII-49] On the succession and declaration of war in Mexico,

see--_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 128-34. This author says nothing of

the succession of a new king in Tlatelulco. _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.

206-13; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 78-91, 137; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las

Ynd._, pp. 479-83; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. viii., ix.,

_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 235-6, 381, 383, 406, 465; _Tezozomoc_, in

_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 11-15; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii.,

pp. 165-8; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 27; _Granados y Galvez_,

_Tardes Amer._, p. 154.

[VII-50] This name is written in many ways; Moteuhzoma or Moteuczoma

being probably more correct than the familiar form of Montezuma.

[VII-51] Totzintecuhtli, king of Chalco, is said to have sent the

prisoner first to Huexotzinca and then offered him to Maxtla to be

sacrificed; but the kings sent him back and refused to do so

dishonorable a deed.

[VII-52] Brasseur says the first interview was at Tenayocan.

[VII-53] See _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 91-2, 108-22; _Clavigero_, tom.

i., pp. 209-11; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 236, 381-2, 406-7, 464-6;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 136-40; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.

173-9; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. ix.

[VII-54] The chief point of difference between the authorities on this

campaign, is the relative honor due to the different allies and

leaders, and especially the share which the Mexicans and Acolhuas

respectively had in the overthrow of the Tepanec tyrant. Clavigero

places this war in 1425, and thinks that causeways were already built.

Veytia gives the date 1428, notes that the Mexican troops were richly

clad, while the forces of Nezahualcoyotl wore plain, white garments,

and makes the siege last 140 days. Ixtlilxochitl also gives the date

1428, and the length of the war 100 and 115 days. According to

Brasseur, Nezahualcoyotl found time during the siege of Azcapuzalco to

reconquer Acolman and Coatlichan, which had revolted. He calls the

Tepanec leader Mazatzin, and gives the date as 1430. See

_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 236-7, 382-4, 407, 466; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.

120-39; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. ix.; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.

214-20; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 140-3; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.

iii., pp. 180-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 483-5.

[VII-55] See _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 221-3; _Torquemada_, tom. i.,

pp. 142-6; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 136-47, 155-60; _Ixtlilxochitl_,

pp. 237-8, 383-5, 407, 466-7; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol.

ix., pp. 16-17; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. ix.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de

las Ynd._, pp. 484-5; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt. ii., p. 28;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 187-9.

[VII-56] The line is said to have extended from Totoltepec in the

north to a point in the lake near Mexico, which would be in a S.W.

course. Thence it extended to mount Cuexcomatl probably towards the

S.E. Subsequent events seem often to indicate that these lines were

intended to be indefinitely prolonged, and to bound future conquests.

Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 266, takes this view of the matter,

although on p. 191 he implies the contrary.

[VII-57] Such was the basis of the alliance according to

Ixtlilxochitl, Veytia, Zurita, and Brasseur. All agree respecting the

inferior position of Tlacopan and her share of the spoils, but

Ixtlilxochitl, p. 455, makes both pay a small tribute to Tezcuco.

Veytia makes Nezahualcoyotl superior in nominal rank as above;

Ixtlilxochitl in most of his relations makes him and Itzcoatl equal in

this respect; while Torquemada, Clavigero, Gomara, and Duran make

Itzcoatl supreme, and give to Mexico two thirds instead of one half of

the spoils after deducting the share of Tlacopan. The chief support of

the latter opinion is the great proportional growth of the Mexican

domains in later times; but practically Mexico received much more even

than the two thirds allotted to her by these authors. I think it more

likely that Mexico in her great military power and love of conquest

took much more than her proper share, at first with the consent of her

colleagues and later without such consent; and it is also possible

that the division agreed upon referred only to conquests accomplished

under certain conditions not recorded, or, a supposition which agrees

very nearly with the actual division in later times, that each of the

three kingdoms was to have the conquered provinces that adjoined its

territory, and that Mexico obtained the largest share, not only on

account of her ambition, but because the most desirable field for

conquest proved to be in the south-east and south-west. See preceding

note.

[VII-58] Totoquihuatzin was the grandson of Tezozomoc, and his

daughter was either concubine or wife of Nezahualcoyotl. Torquemada

and Clavigero state that the people of the region about Tezcuco

petitioned Itzcoatl to allow Nezahualcoyotl to rule over them,

because, as the latter suggests, this territory had been given to

Chimalpopoca by Tezozomoc. To Nezahualcoyotl, during his stay in

Mexico, are attributed a palace and hunting-park at Chapultepec,

together with several reservoirs and the idea of an aqueduct to supply

water to the city. Veytia claims to have seen traces of the boundary

line between the Aztec and Acolhua domains. It extended from Mount

Cuexcomatl in the south, between Iztapalapan and Culhuacan, through

the northern lake at Zumpango to Totoltepec. This would, however, be

far from a straight line. See respecting the establishment of the new

alliance:--_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 237-8, 383, 407, 454, 467; _Veytia_,

tom. iii., pp. 155-68; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 143-4, 154-6;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 221-5; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. ix., x.,

xiv.; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 187-93; _Gomara_, _Conq.

Mex._, fol. 303; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 19; _Vetancvrt_,

_Teatro_, pt ii., p. 28.