THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD.
The Chichimecs in Amaquemecan -- Migration to Anáhuac
under Xolotl -- The Invaders at Chocoyan and Tollan --
Foundation of Xoloc and Tenayocan -- Xolotl II., Emperor of
the Chichimecs -- Division of Territory -- The Toltecs at
Culhuacan -- Rule of Xiuhtemoc and Nauhyotl III. -- Pochotl,
Son of Acxitl -- Conquest of Culhuacan -- Death of Nauhyotl
-- Huetzin, King of Culhuacan -- Migration and Reception of
the Nahuatlaca Tribes -- The Acolhuas at Coatlichan and the
Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco -- Nonohualcatl, King of Culhuacan
-- Revolt of Yacanex -- Death of Xolotl II. -- Nopaltzin,
King at Tenayocan, and Emperor of the Chichimecs -- Reigns
of Achitometl and Icxochitlanex at Culhuacan -- Tendencies
toward Toltec Culture.
The Chichimec occupation of Anáhuac begins with the traditional
invasion under Xolotl, but in order to properly understand that
important event, it will be necessary to glance at the incidents which
preceded and led to it.
The little that is known of the early history of the Chichimecs has
been told in a former chapter; I will therefore take up the narrative
at the time of King Tlamacatzin's death at Amaquemecan,[V-1] which event
occurred in the same year as the final destruction of Tollan. As I have
already explained sufficiently my idea of the nature of the migrations
by which Anáhuac is represented as having been re-peopled, I may relate
these migrations literally, as they are given by the authorities,
without constantly reminding the reader of their general signification.
Tlamacatzin left two sons, Acauhtzin[V-2] and Xolotl,[V-3] who, after
wrangling about the succession for some time, finally agreed to divide
the kingdom between them.[V-4]
Now, for a great number of years a harassing system of border warfare
had been carried on between the Chichimecs and the Toltecs; the former
doubtless raided upon their rich and powerful neighbors for purposes of
plunder, and the latter were probably not slow to make reprisals which
served as an excuse for extending their already immense territory.
When the Toltec troubles arose, however, and the direful prophecies of
Hueman began to be fulfilled, the people of Anáhuac found that they had
enough to do to take care of themselves, and that their legions could
be better employed in defending the capital than in waging aggressive
wars upon the distant frontiers of the empire. They therefore recalled
their troops, and the Chichimec border was left undisturbed. It was not
long before the brother monarchs of Amaquemecan began to wonder at this
sudden cessation of hostilities, and determined to find out the cause,
for they were ignorant of the struggles and final overthrow of the
Toltec empire. They at once dispatched spies into the Toltec territory.
In a short time these men returned with the startling announcement that
they had penetrated the enemy's country for a distance of two hundred
leagues from Amaquemecan, and had found all that region deserted, and
the towns, formerly so strong and populous, abandoned and in ruins.
[Sidenote: XOLOTL'S INVASION.]
Xolotl, who seems to have been of a more ambitious and enterprising
disposition than his brother, listened eagerly to this report, which
seemed to promise the fulfillment of his dreams of independent and
undivided sway. Summoning his vassals to the capital, he told them
what his spies had seen, and in an eloquent speech reminded them that
an extension of territory was needed for their increasing population,
expatiated on the richness and fertility of the abandoned region,
pointed out to his hearers how easy it would be to avenge on their
crippled enemies the injuries of many years, and concluded by requiring
them to be ready to accompany him to conquest within the space of six
months.[V-5]
It is difficult to credit the statements of the old authors respecting
the number of Chichimecs that espoused Xolotl's cause. Ixtlilxochitl
and Veytia state that no less than three million two hundred and two
thousand men and women, besides children, rallied to his standard,
leaving one million six hundred thousand subjects of Acauhtzin,
and thus making it not a mere expedition, but a decided emigration.
Torquemada, who fears he will not be believed if he states the actual
number who took part in the exodus, takes pains to assure us that
the historic paintings mention over a million warriors, commanded by
six great lords, and over twenty (two?) thousand inferior chiefs and
captains, and as each of these had under him more than a thousand men,
the total number would approach nearer to the larger numbers than to
Torquemada's unwontedly modest statement. The number was ascertained
by census, taken at five different places to check the increase or
decrease caused by leaving colonists along the route, by new arrivals,
and especially by deserters. The counting was effected by each plebeian
casting a small stone into a heap set apart for his class, and each
lord or officer a larger stone into another heap. Ixtlilxochitl
mentions two of these _nepohualcos_, or 'counting-places,' one near
Oztotipac in Otompan district, and another three leagues from Ecatepec,
near Mexico; while Torquemada refers to twelve similar hillocks near
Tenayocan.[V-6]
[Sidenote: XOLOTL'S INVASION.]
Having taken leave of his brother Acauhtzin, Xolotl started on his
journey. Halts were made at a number of stations to gather supplies,
and when camp was broken, settlers were left--generally selected from
among the old and feeble--and their places filled by fresh recruits.
Owing to these detentions it took the army some time to reach Chocoyan,
or 'place of tears,' in Anáhuac, where many Toltec ruins were found.
After proceeding some distance farther, and making several halts,
Xolotl dispatched the six principal chiefs of his army, each with
an appropriate force, in various directions, with instructions to
explore the country, and reduce the inhabitants, if they found any, to
subjection; at the same time he recommended these officers to use the
people kindly, except where they offered resistance, in which case they
were to be treated as enemies.[V-7]
Xolotl himself proceeded with the body of the army, and after halting
in several places, he finally reached Tollan. But the ancient splendor
of the Toltec capital was departed, its streets were deserted and
overgrown with vegetation, its magnificent temples and palaces were
in ruins, and desolation reigned where so lately had been the hum
and bustle of a mighty metropolis.[V-8] The site of Tollan being too
important to be abandoned, Xolotl established some families there,
which formed the nucleus of a future population. He then continued
his march to Mizquiyahualan and Tecpan, and finally came to Xaltocan,
on the shore of the lake of the same name, where he and his followers
abode for a long time in the caves that abounded in that region, and
where they subsequently founded the town of Xoloc or Xolotl, which
afterwards became a city of considerable importance in Anáhuac.[V-9]
The narrative becomes somewhat confused at this point, owing to the
conflicting accounts of the various authorities. It seems, however,
that the Chichimecs remained for a long time, several years perhaps, at
the settlement of Xoloc, doing little but sending out scouting parties
to reconnoitre the immediately surrounding country. Finally, according
to the majority of the Spanish writers, Xototl dispatched certain
chiefs on regular exploring expeditions, and set out himself with
his son Nopaltzin and a large force; journeying by way of Cempoala,
Tepepulco, Oztolotl, Cohuacayan, and Tecpatepec, until he reached the
hill of Atonan. Here he descried a goodly region lying to the south and
east, which he at once sent his son Nopaltzin to take possession of,
while he returned to Xoloc.[V-10]
[Sidenote: CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY.]
Nopaltzin wandered for some time from place to place, seemingly making
it his object rather to search for an inhabited country than to take
possession of an uninhabited one. At first his efforts met with no
success, notwithstanding he ascended several high mountains for the
purpose of seeing afar off. At last he came to Tlalamoztoc, whence
his view extended over the country toward Tlazalan, and Culhuacan
valley,[V-11] and Chapultepec, on the other side of the lake; throughout
this region smoke arose in various places, denoting the presence of
human inhabitants. Without loss of time, the prince returned to his
father with the news of his discovery, passing the ruined city of
Teotihuacan on his way. Xolotl had in the meantime visited the large
Toltec city of Cuhuac (Culhuacan?), and had also received information
of Toltec settlements on the coast and in the interior. A consultation
was held, and it was decided that Tultitlan was the most eligible site
for a capital. Accordingly Xolotl left Xoloc in the care of a governor
and proceeded to that region and there founded Tenayocan opposite
Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake.[V-12]
Brasseur's version of these events is somewhat different. He does
not mention Xolotl's expedition to the hill of Atonan, though he does
not omit to relate that Toltec settlements were described from that
elevation by the reconnoitering parties sent out from the Chichimec
camp at Lake Xaltocan; neither does he in any way refer to Nopaltzin's
journey, at his father's command, to Tlalamoztoc. The reason of this
difference is that according to Brasseur's version Nopaltzin was not
the son of Xolotl, the first Chichimec emperor but of Amacui, one
of six great chiefs, who were the first to follow in the successful
invaders' wake, this they did not do, however, until after Xolotl had
established himself at Tenayocan.[V-13] It seems that this Amacui has
been confounded throughout with Xolotl by the majority of the Spanish
chroniclers; in their version of the events which followed the founding
of Tenayocan, during a period of nearly two hundred years, the deeds
of the former are all ascribed to the latter, or at least the narrative
is continued without any break, and no mention is made of any change of
kings.[V-14]
The Spanish writers relate that the chiefs of whom Amacui was one were
attracted to Anáhuac by the reports which reached them of Xolotl's
unopposed invasion, and of the richness of the land that he had
appropriated.[V-15] Upon their arrival in Anáhuac they respectfully asked
the Chichimec king's permission to settle near him, and to hunt in his
newly acquired territory. Xolotl evinced no jealousy, but welcomed the
new-comers with generous hospitality; doubtless the politic monarch
saw that such arrivals could not fail to strengthen his position, as
all who came were pretty sure to acknowledge his supremacy and ally
themselves to him, as chief of all the Chichimecs. From what source
Amacui derived the influence which he afterwards used for his own
aggrandizement is not known; it could scarcely have been from his
personal power as a prince, because we are told that the number of
his followers was small; but at all events, whatever were the means
he used, he succeeded, at Xolotl's death, in getting elected to the
throne.[V-16] This being in all probability the true version, the events
that are now to be recorded may be regarded as happening in the reign
of Amacui, or Amacui Xolotl, as he was styled on his accession.
[Sidenote: REMNANTS OF THE TOLTECS.]
One of the first acts of the new king, whom we may call Xolotl II.,
was to remove from his capital at Tenayocan and take up his residence
at Quauhyacac, at the foot of the mountains of Tezcuco. Calling
his chiefs together, he next proceeded to take formal possession
of the country. The ceremony, which consisted in discharging arrows
towards the cardinal points, and in burning wreaths of dry grass, and
scattering the ashes towards the four quarters, was performed in the
royal presence at a great number of places; the spots selected being
generally the summits of mountains. He also dispatched four lords,
with the necessary forces, in the direction of the four quarters,
instructing them to take possession of the country along their route,
but not to disturb the Toltecs, except those who offered resistance,
who were to be subjected by force. Either the progress made by
these four expeditions must have been very slow, or the extent of
country traversed by them must have been very great, for we are told
that they did not return until four years after their setting-out.
The most populous Toltec settlements were found at Culhuacan,
Quauhtitenco, Chapultepec, Totoltepec, Tlazalan, and Tepexomaco, all
ruled by lords, and at Cholula, where two priests held the reigns of
government.[V-17] The name of the ruler at Chapultepec was Xitzin, with
his wife Oztaxochitl and a son;[V-18] at Tlazalan was Mitl with his
wife Cohuaxochitl,[V-19] and two sons, Pixahua and Axopatl,[V-20] who,
instructed by their father, afterwards revived the art of working in
metals; at Totoltepec were Nacaxoc, his wife, and his son Xiuhpopoca;
at Tepexomaco were Cohuatl, his wife, and his son Quetzalpopoca; at
Cholula ruled Ixcax, the issue of the adulterous connection of the
pontiff with the high-priestess of the Goddess of Water. All these
princes hastened to acknowledge the supremacy of Xolotl II., though
without actually paying him homage. Besides this, the four lords who
had been dispatched to the four quarters, announced on their return
that they had visited a great number of places, among which were
Tehuantepec, Guatemala, and Goazacoalco.[V-21]
The invaders had hitherto met with no opposition from the few
Toltecs who were left in Anáhuac; their plans had all been effected
deliberately and slowly, but surely and without any trouble. Matters
having now begun to assume a settled aspect, the Chichimec king at once
turned his attention to a partition of lands among the nobles who had
accompanied him and assisted his enterprise, and, as is usual in such
cases, he dispensed with a free hand that which of right was not his to
give. To each lord he assigned a defined section of the territory and
a certain number of dependents, with instructions to form a town, to
be named after its founder.[V-22] Toltec cities retained their original
names, and orders were issued that their inhabitants should not be
interfered with, nor intruded upon by Chichimec settlers. One of the
most thickly settled districts was that lying north and north-east
of Tenayocan, named Chichimecatlalli, or 'land of Chichimecs.' Within
its boundaries were the towns of Zacatlan, Quauhchinanco, Totoltepec,
Atotonilco. Settlements were also formed on the coast, the whole
extent of country appropriated by the Chichimecs being, according to
Ixtlilxochitl, over two hundred leagues in circumference.[V-23] It was
about this time that Xolotl II., as supreme ruler, assumed the title
of Huey Tlatoani Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, 'great lord and king of the
Chichimecs.'[V-24]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: AFFAIRS IN CULHUACAN.]
At this juncture it will be necessary to glance at the state of affairs
in Culhuacan.[V-25] It has been related how Topiltzin, when he fled from
Anáhuac, left Culhuacan, the most populous of the Toltec settlements
at the time of the fall of the empire, to the care of Xiuhtemoc, an old
relative, who was to act as a kind of honorary king, or regent, and as
such receive obedience and tribute. The Toltec monarch also entrusted
to Xiuhtemoc the charge of his son Pochotl, then an infant, with
instructions that the young prince should be sent to the village of
Quauhtitenco, situated in a forest near the ancient capital, and there
brought up in secrecy and in ignorance of his royal birth. Another of
Topiltzin's relatives named Cocauhtli, who was married to Ixmixuch and
had a son called Acxoquauh, seems also to have assisted Xiuhtemoc in
governing Culhuacan, or at least to have had great influence there.[V-26]
For a number of years Xiuhtemoc continued to govern Culhuacan with
much wisdom, and the province flourished wonderfully under his
prudent administration. He never attempted to claim any other title
than 'father,' and was well beloved by his subjects. In the meantime
Pochotl, Topiltzin's son, grew to be a young man, of a suitable age
to be associated with Xiuhtemoc, according to his father's directions.
Xiuhtemoc seems, however, to have been in no hurry to draw the prince
from his obscurity. What his object was in this delay, is unknown; it
would appear at first sight as if he was scheming for the succession
of his own son Nauhyotl, but his patriotic conduct and loyal character
seems to render such a cause improbable. At all events Pochotl was
still at Quauhtenanco where Xiuhtemoc died.
His son Nauhyotl, a prince well liked by the people, immediately seized
the throne, and being of a more ambitious disposition than his father,
lost no time in assuming the royal titles and in causing himself to be
publicly proclaimed king and crowned with all the rites and ceremonies
sacred to the use of the Toltec monarchs, being the third of the
name on the throne of Culhuacan. According to Brasseur, two princes,
Acxoquauh and Nonohualcatl, were admitted in some way to a share in the
government.[V-27]
This bold act of usurpation[V-28] met with little or no outward
opposition, notwithstanding it was well known that Pochotl still lived.
This was doubtless due to the critical state of affairs in Culhuacan
at the time of Xiuhtemoc's death. The Chichimecs were steadily
increasing in power; Xolotl seemed disposed to adopt a more decided
policy toward the Toltecs than his predecessor, and it might at any
moment be necessary to check his encroachments. In this condition of
things it was natural that the energetic Nauhyotl, who had been brought
up at court under the immediate care and instruction of his politic
father, should be a more acceptable and fitting king than Pochotl, who
had been brought up in total ignorance of the duties of a prince, and
even of his own rights. Nevertheless, there were some who murmured
secretly on seeing Topiltzin's son defrauded of his rights, and
Nauhyotl being aware of this discontent, determined to set the public
mind at rest. He accordingly sent for Pochotl, publicly acknowledged
him as the descendant of the Toltec kings, declared his intention of
leaving the crown to him at his death, and gave him the hand of his
young and beautiful daughter Xochipantzin[V-29] in marriage, all of
which proceedings met with general approval both from the people and
from Pochotl himself, whose unexpected elevation does not seem to have
rendered him very exacting.[V-30]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: RULE OF XOLOTL II.]
Favored by the peaceful, non-interfering policy of Xolotl I., the
Toltecs at Culhuacan had increased rapidly in wealth and population.
Xolotl II. seems to have grown impatient of this rivalry, and to have
determined to define the position of Culhuacan and assert his own
supremacy in Anáhuac without farther delay. Of the way in which he
accomplished this end there is more than one version.
According to Veytia and others, he informed Nauhyotl that by right of
the cession of the land of Anáhuac made to the monarch of Amaquemecan
by Topiltzin,[V-31] he should require him to do homage and pay a small
tribute to the Chichimec empire in recognition of its supremacy; this
done, he would recognize him as king of the Toltecs. To this demand
Nauhyotl answered haughtily that Toltec kings acknowledged no superiors
but the gods, and paid tribute to no earthly sovereign. Xolotl I.,
he added, had been permitted to enter Anáhuac and people it, because
he had done so peaceably. Topiltzin's cession was invalid, and he,
Nauhyotl, merely governed during the minority of the rightful heir of
Pochotl, now deceased, and had no power to dispose of any rights to the
land.[V-32]
Such a reply could have but one effect on the fierce Chichimec. He
resolved to crush his rival at once before he became too strong, and
for this purpose gave orders to Nopaltzin to advance without delay
against Culhuacan. In the meantime Nauhyotl was not idle. A number
of canoes were brought out to defend the water-line, and he himself
issued forth at the head of a force which, though greatly inferior to
the Chichimec army in point of numbers, attacked the enemy without
hesitation, and succeeded in maintaining the field valorously until
evening. Gradually, however, Nopaltzin's numbers began to tell,
until at length the Toltecs were routed. The Chichimecs then entered
Culhuacan without difficulty, despite its advantageous position. The
carnage was immediately suspended and no disorder allowed. The Toltecs
had suffered great loss, and among the slain was Nauhyotl, whose death
was deeply deplored by his subjects and regretted by the conquerors.
[Sidenote: CULHUAS AND CHICHIMECS.]
Nopaltzin gave orders that the dead king should be buried with all the
usual honors, and after leaving a garrison in the town, departed to
carry the news of his success to his father. This battle was the first
in which the Chichimecs had engaged since their arrival in Anáhuac,
and Nopaltzin was much praised for its successful issue by Xolotl. The
Chichimec emperor now proceeded in person to Culhuacan, to assure the
inhabitants of his good will and to receive their homage. Pochotl's
first-born, Achitometl, then only five years of age, was solemnly
proclaimed king, with the condition that he should pay yearly a small
tribute in fish to the Chichimec government. After this amicable
arrangement, the intercourse between the two nations became daily
stronger, to the no small benefit of the Chichimecs.[V-33]
Torquemada gives another account of the events which led to the war.
Itzmitl, who succeeded to the lordship of Coatlichan on the death
of his father Tzontecoma, had a son named Huetzin by Malinalxochitl,
daughter of Cozcaquauhtli of Mamalihuasco,[V-34] for whom he was anxious
to secure a temporary regency until he should in natural course
succeed to the government of Coatlichan. Relying on a promise made
by Xolotl I. to Tzontecoma, Itzmitl asked Xolotl II. to award his
son a lordship, and pointed to Culhuacan as available since it was
an unappropriated Toltec settlement, to which he had a certain right
from the marriage of Tzontecoma with a member of its royal family.
Xolotl informed Achitometl, a grandson of Nauhyotl, of his wish that
Huetzin should stay with the king of Culhuacan until he succeeded to
his own inheritance.[V-35] Achitometl, pretending to favor the project,
immediately sent information to Nauhyotl, who at once took steps
to secure himself. Xolotl paid a visit to Culhuacan to make formal
arrangements for the reception of his protégé, and was received with
the most friendly assurances. But when Huetzin arrived, after the
departure of Xolotl, an armed force opposed his entrance, and he
precipitately retreated. This breach of faith caused a war, which
resulted in the death of Nauhyotl, and the elevation of Huetzin to the
throne.[V-36]
Brasseur's relation of these events, partly derived from the
manuscripts to which he had access, differs from the others in some
particulars, though it generally agrees with Torquemada's account.
According to this writer, Huetzin, who, it is here stated, was
Pochotl's grandson on the mother's side,[V-37] coveted and endeavored to
obtain the crown of Culhuacan prior to the arrangement made between his
father and Xolotl. To gain this end he had, on account of his descent,
the assistance of the Acolhuas, who were at all times disposed to
reëstablish the original Toltec dynasty, and the sympathy of Xolotl II.
and his son Nopaltzin, who were of course inclined to favor any scheme
that would cripple Nauhyotl. The king of Culhuacan defeated Huetzin's
plans for the time, however, by proclaiming Achitometl--Pochotl's
eldest son, by the princess Xochipantzin, and consequently Nauhyotl's
grandson--as his successor, thus restoring the ancient dynasty, and
doing away with the pretext under which the pretender had won so much
sympathy. It seems that the claims of Huetzin met with no farther
notice until the death of Quauhtexpetlatl, a son of Nauhyotl II., who
had accompanied his father into exile, and after his death had returned
to Culhuacan and been associated with Nauhyotl III., the present king.
Upon the death of this prince, which occurred in 1129, Xolotl entered
into an agreement with the lord of Coatlichan to procure for Huetzin,
the son of the latter, Quauhtexpetlatl's share in the government
of Culhuacan. Hence followed the struggle, detailed by Torquemada,
which resulted in Huetzin's elevation to the throne he had so long
coveted.[V-38]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: THE NAHUATLACA TRIBES.]
A digression is necessary at this point, in order to refer to the
traditional arrival in Anáhuac of the Nahuatlaca tribes, which occurred
at irregular intervals during a period extending from the early years
of the Chichimec occupation down to, and a little beyond, the events
recorded above.
[Sidenote: NAHUATLACA MIGRATION.]
The original home of the Nahuatlacas was Aztlan, the location of
which has been the subject of much discussion.[V-39] The causes that
led to their exodus from that country can only be conjectured;[V-40]
but they may be supposed, however, to have been driven out by their
enemies, for Aztlan is described as a land too fair and bounteous to
be left willingly in the mere hope of finding a better.[V-41] The native
tradition relates that a bird was heard for several days constantly
repeating the word _tihui, tihui_, meaning 'let us go,' 'let us go.'
This, Huitziton, foremost and wisest among the Nahuatlaca chiefs,
took to be a message from the gods directing the people to seek a new
home. In making a declaration of such moment he needed the support of
another influential man. He accordingly persuaded another chief called
Tecpatzin, who at first seemed sceptical, that the bird's note was
nothing less than a divine message, and the two announced it as such to
the people.[V-42]
Whether all the numerous tribes into which the Nahuatlacas were
divided, left Aztlan at the same time, or, if not, in what order they
left, it is impossible to tell. It seems, however, that after several
years' wandering, a number of them were together at a place called
Chicomoztoc, the famous 'seven caves.'[V-43] The little that is known of
their wanderings before reaching this point will be found in the next
chapter, in connection with the Aztec migration.
The list of tribes settled at Chicomoztoc at this time comprises only
seven according to most authors. They are named for the most part after
the locality in which they subsequently settled in and about Anáhuac,
and are as follows: the Xochimilcas, Chalcas, Tepanecs, Acolhuas,
Tlahuicas, Tlascaltecs, and Aztecs or Mexicans; to which some writers
add the Tarascos, Matlaltzincas, Malinalcas, Cholultecs, Huexotzincas,
Cuitlahuacs, Mizquicas, and Cohuixcas.[V-44] Some authors do not include
the Acolhuas and Tepanecs; no importance is, however, to be attached
to the traditional tribal divisions of the invading hordes before they
settled in Anáhuac.
It was at Chicomoztoc that the separation of the Aztecs from the rest
of the Nahuatlacas took place. The tradition relates that while the
people were seated beneath a great tree partaking of a meal, a terrible
noise was suddenly heard to issue from the summit of the tree; the
idol which stood upon the altar at its foot then called the chiefs of
the Aztec tribe aside and commanded them to order the other tribes to
depart in advance, leaving the Aztecs at Chicomoztoc. The number of
tribes that were thus sent in advance is not known; Torquemada says
eight, Acosta and Duran say six,[V-45] and others greater or smaller
numbers.
[Sidenote: ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS.]
From the time of the separation we hear little more of the Nahuatlaca
tribes until we find them coming into Anáhuac and settling in various
parts of the country. In this manner we hear of the Xochimilcas,
'cultivators of flowers,' coming into the valley and occupying a
district south of Tezcuco Lake, where they founded Xochimilco; but
all we know of their former history is that they left Aquilazco, their
original home, which we may suppose to have been a district of Aztlan,
under a chief named Huetzalin,[V-46] who, dying on the journey, was
succeeded by Acatonal, who conducted the tribe as far as the ruined
city of Tollan and there died, after having ruled twenty-three years.
The tribe then proceeded under the conduct of Tlahuil Tecuhtli[V-47]
to the Culhuacan territory and attempted to settle there, one year
after the accession of Huetzin.[V-48] But the people of Culhuacan were
suspicious of the new comers and drove them to the other side of
the lake to a place called Teyahualco, at the same time forbidding
them to settle on any part of the lands belonging to the capital.
For some years the Xochimilcas remained quietly at Teyahualco, but
in 1141 Tlahuil Tecuhtli pounced suddenly upon Culhuacan, and before
its defenders could gain their arms he penetrated into the heart of
the city and sacked it remorselessly. The inhabitants soon rallied,
however, and not only drove the marauders out of the city, but pursued
them as far as the site of the ancient city of Ocopetlayuca. Here
Tlahuil Tecuhtli resolved to establish himself and, with the permission
of the king of Culhuacan, he forthwith founded the city of Xochimilco,
which subsequently became one of the principal places in Anáhuac.[V-49]
The Chalcas settled on the east side of the lake of Chalco and founded
a number of towns of which the principal was Chalco. For the Tlahuicas
no room could be found about the lake; they therefore proceeded to a
district south of Mexico, where before long a number of settlements
rose around their capital Quauhnahuac.[V-50] Of the other tribes
included by some authors among the Nahuatlacas, we find the Tarascos
settled in Michoacan, the Matlaltzincas in the province of that name,
and extending towards Michoacan; the Malinalcas in the province of
Malinalco; the Cuitlahuacs in the province of Cuitlahuac; the Mizquicas
in Mizquic; the Cohuixcas in Guerrero.[V-51]
[Sidenote: ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS.]
The Tepanecs and Acolhuas become prominent in the affairs of Anáhuac
at this period, that is, during the reign of the Chichimec emperor
Xolotl II. They were among the numerous bands that contributed to the
overthrow of the Toltec empire, and are classed by several writers
among the Nahuatlaca tribes.[V-52] One of their chiefs, Tzontecoma of
Coatlichan, was, as we have seen, the grandfather of Huetzin, the
present king of Culhuacan. The event that brings them into prominent
notice at this time is their tendering allegiance to Xolotl II. In
doing this they claimed descent from the Citin,[V-53] illustrious for
nobility of race and for heroic deeds. According to many of the Spanish
writers the Otomís came into Anáhuac and tendered their allegiance
to Xolotl II. in company with the Acolhuas and Tepanecs. We have
already seen, however, that the Otomís were one of the most ancient
nations of Anáhuac, and were there long before the Toltecs; this
reputed entry of theirs was perhaps nothing more than their coming
in from the mountains and adopting, to a certain extent, a civilized
life.[V-54] The story goes that Xolotl II. and his son Nopaltzin were
flattered by the propositions of these powerful chiefs and entertained
their guests right royally. Nor did the Chichimec monarch delay
to confer upon the three principal chiefs substantial marks of his
favor and consideration. To the lord Acolhua with the Tepanecs he
assigned several districts south of Tenayocan, with Azcapuzalco for a
capital, and gave him the hand of his eldest daughter, Cuetlaxochitl,
in marriage; the lord of the Otomís received the emperor's second
daughter, and a district four or five leagues north of Azcapuzalco,
with Xaltocan for its capital; Tzontecoma, the third chief, a young
man, was awarded for the Acolhua home a district one league south of
Tezcuco, with Coatlichan for a capital, and, as Xolotl had no more
daughters, he was given for a wife the princess next in rank.[V-55] It
was in compensation for this inferior marriage that Xolotl afterwards
obtained the throne of Culhuacan for Tzontecoma's grandson, Huetzin,
according to Torquemada's account given on a preceding page. The
three marriages were celebrated at Tenayocan with extraordinary
pomp, and were followed by a succession of public games, gladiatorial
exhibitions, and amusements of all sorts, which lasted sixty days.
It is difficult to say in what relation the Acolhua and Tepanec princes
stood towards the Chichimec emperor. According to most of the Spanish
authorities, they swore allegiance to Xolotl, and took rank as the
first vassals of the empire, though they were exempted from payment of
tribute. It is Brasseur's opinion, however, that this statement must
not be accepted too literally. Nothing was more jealously guarded by
all these peoples than their independence and sovereign rights in the
land they occupied. At the same time, the right of first occupation
being held sacred by them, it was natural that the tribes that came
in after the Chichimecs, should address themselves to Xolotl, before
attempting any formal settlement. The act of the new tribes was,
therefore, an observance of international etiquette rather than an
acknowledgment of vassalage.[V-56]
[Sidenote: THE TOLTECS IN ANÁHUAC.]
The settlement of the Acolhuas and Tepanecs in Anáhuac resulted in
an improved order of things, and in the rapid advance of culture
throughout the country. Their comparatively high state of civilization
was not slow to impart itself to the ruder Chichimecs, who were proud
to ally themselves by marriage to the polished strangers, and eager
to emulate their refinement. For the same reasons the name Acolhua
soon came to designate the Chichimecs of the capital and surrounding
districts. Nor was it the people alone who received this impulse
from the new-comers. Xolotl began to perceive that if he wished to
establish a permanent and hereditary monarchy it would be necessary to
cure his fierce nobles of their nomadic tastes and habits by giving
them possessions, and thus making it to their interest to lead an
orderly and settled life. To this end he created a number of fiefs, and
distributed them among his lords, according to their rank and quality.
Those lying nearest to the centre of the empire were granted to the
princes of the royal family, or to chiefs of undoubted loyalty; while
to the more turbulent nobles distant provinces were assigned.[V-57]
* * * * *
For some time after the accession of Huetzin to the throne of
Culhuacan, where, the reader will recollect, he had been placed by
Xolotl II. after the defeat and death of Nauhyotl, it seems that
Nonohualcatl, Nauhyotl's eldest son,[V-58] and Ameyal, Pochotl's eldest
son by Nauhyotl's daughter, were permitted to retain their position as
heirs to the throne which they had enjoyed during the reign of the late
king. But this did not last very long; the ruse by which Ameyal had
endeavored to frustrate Xolotl's designs upon the throne of Culhuacan
was not forgotten, and before many months had elapsed the young prince
was despoiled of his dignities and cast into prison, where he was kept
closely confined for several years.
Although the Toltec element in Anáhuac was growing weaker every year,
and threatened to totally disappear in a short time, yet what little
there was left of it possessed great importance in the eyes of Xolotl
II. The Chichimec emperor, partly perhaps from motives of pride, partly
because he saw that it would tend to ensure his son's succession,
desired nothing so much as to ally his family by blood with the ancient
Toltec dynasty. With this end in view, the old monarch had for some
time been looking about for a suitable bride for his son Nopaltzin. At
length the lady was found in the person of Azcatlxochitl, sister of
Ameyal, and therefore daughter of Pochotl, the son of Topiltzin, the
last Toltec king. This princess, who was then about twenty-five years
of age, was possessed of singular beauty and rare accomplishments, and
was withal a model of modesty. Her father being dead, and her brother
in captivity, she lived in seclusion with her mother at Tlaximaloyan,
a town on the frontier of Michoacan. Whatever dislike the Chichimec
nobles may at first have had for this alliance, was speedily overcome;
the hand of the Toltec princess was formally demanded and given, and
soon afterwards the marriage was celebrated with great magnificence.
By this union Nopaltzin had three sons, Tlotzin Pochotl,[V-59] who
subsequently succeeded his father as Chichimec emperor, Huizaquen
Tochin Tecuhtli, and Coxanatzin Atencatl.[V-60] When these came of age,
their father obtained Tlazatlan from Xolotl for the eldest son to rule,
until he should succeed to the imperial throne; for the second son
he obtained a grant of Zacatlan, and for the third Tenamitec. Before
departing to his fief, Tlotzin was married to Tocpacxochitzin, daughter
of the lord of Quahuatlapal, one of the great chiefs that came with
Xolotl from Amaquemecan.[V-61]
Brasseur states that the tributes of the seigniory of Oztoticpac,
in the province of Chalco, were granted to Tlotzin at his birth,[V-62]
and there the prince usually resided during his youth, under the able
instruction of a noble Toltec named Tecpoyo Acauhtli, who, it is said,
accompanied his pupil to Tlazatlan, whither he went after his marriage,
and continued to educate him there.[V-63] It was at this latter place
that Tlotzin's son Quinantzin, who afterwards became emperor, was born.
[Sidenote: REIGN OF XOLOTL II.]
About this time Xolotl's peace was much disturbed by a conspiracy
which nearly put an end to his life. It seems that for a long time a
number of powerful Chichimec nobles had regarded with growing disfavor
the civilization which the emperor, his son, and his grandson, were
so anxious to advance, though whether this was their only reason for
conspiring against the old monarch's life is not clear. Of course
any plot which tended to weaken the Chichimec empire called for
the sympathy of the people of Culhuacan and the Toltecs generally
throughout the country,[V-64] and thus the discontented faction grew to
be quite formidable. At first the conspirators confined themselves
to grumbling, and made no active demonstration; but as time went on
and the aged emperor showed no signs of failing, their impatience for
his death grew unbearable, and finally they deliberately plotted his
assassination.
During the later years of his life Xolotl left the government almost
entirely in the hands of his son Nopaltzin, and passed the greater
part of his time in the royal gardens at Tezcuco. He had several times
expressed a wish to have an additional supply of water brought into
these grounds, and it was in gratifying his desire that the traitors
attempted to take his life. The new supply having been introduced
from a neighboring mountain stream, the conspirators waited until a
time when the emperor was supposed to be reposing in a low-lying part
of the gardens, and then suddenly breaking down a dam which had been
constructed for the purpose, they let the water overflow the grounds.
But their design was happily frustrated. It happened that Xolotl had
not lain down in the usual spot, but had sought an elevation, where
the flood could not reach him. From his conduct it would seem that he
had been apprised of the plot, for instead of being disconcerted, he
made merry over the disaster, saying: "I have long been convinced of
the love of my subjects; but I now perceive that they love me even
more than I imagined; I wished to increase the supply of water for
my gardens, and, behold, they even exceed my wishes; therefore I will
commemorate their devotion with feasts." And he accordingly gave orders
that the next few days should be devoted to public rejoicing, to the
great confusion of his enemies. But the old monarch's heart was sore
within him, nevertheless, and the treachery of his subjects weighed
heavily upon him.[V-65]
But the disaffection that had given rise to this iniquitous plot
was not quelled by its failure, and received a new impulse from a
love-quarrel which led to serious consequences. Before narrating
this event, it should be stated that Ameyal, henceforth known as
Achitometl,[V-66] had been released from captivity, probably through the
influence of his sister, Nopaltzin's wife, and that Nonohualcatl[V-67]
had succeeded to the throne of Culhuacan by reason of Huetzin's falling
heir to his father's seigniory of Coatlichan.[V-68]
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF YACANEX.]
Now, Achitometl had a daughter named Atotoztli, whose exceeding beauty
and high rank brought countless admirers to her feet. Most favored
among these, or most daring, it is not clear which, was Yacanex,[V-69]
lord of Tepetlaoztoc, and vassal of Huetzin. This noble presented
himself before Achitometl, and imperiously demanded his daughter's
hand. Angered at his insolence, the Culhua prince responded that
Atotoztli was promised to Huetzin, but that if she were not he could
never entertain a request made in such a manner. Yacanex, furious
at this rebuff, but not in a position to proceed to extremes at the
moment, returned to his fief and set about stirring up a rebellion
against his rival and suzerain, Huetzin. His own people rose to a man
at his call, and he was soon joined by several powerful neighboring
chiefs.[V-70] According to Brasseur, Yacanex, having gathered his forces,
marched to Culhuacan, and there repeated his demand to Achitometl; but
that prince reminded the rebellious noble of his promise to Huetzin,
and declared his determination to yield his daughter's hand to no one
else. Upon this Yacanex returned, with threats, to Tepetlaoztoc.[V-71]
There his army was swelled by a number of malcontents, among whom
were two of Huetzin's sons, who thought themselves robbed of their
inheritance, because their father had left the crown of Culhuacan to
Nonohualcatl when he succeeded his father at Coatlichan. The provinces
of Otompan and Tezcuco also broke out into open revolt, and before long
there was danger that the whole of Anáhuac would be involved in war.
Xolotl and Nopaltzin now began to feel seriously alarmed. Tochin
Tecuhtli, who, as we have seen, had been previously disgraced,[V-72]
and who had therefore joined the rebels, was secretly sent for, and
induced by fair promises to desert Yacanex and take command of the
imperial troops. He immediately proceeded to join Huetzin, and the two
with their united forces then marched against the rebels. But Yacanex
had taken up an unassailable position in the mountains, and for some
months could not be drawn into an engagement. At length, his strength
being greatly increased by the numbers that flocked to his standard, he
decided to risk a battle and descended into the plain. The engagement,
which lasted an entire day and was attended with great loss on both
sides, ended in the rout and almost total annihilation of the rebels.
Yacanex, with his ally Ocotox and a small remnant of his followers,
escaped to the mountains in the east; and Huetzin's two sons[V-73] fled
to Huexotzinco.[V-74]
[Sidenote: NOPALTZIN EMPEROR.]
At this time Nopaltzin, with his son Tlotzin and his grandson
Quinantzin, then about nine or ten years old, were sojourning in the
forest of Xolotl, near Tezcuco. Ocotox, who had escaped with Yacanex,
conceived the bold idea of capturing this royal party. But the princes
were secretly informed of the plot, and, gathering what men they could,
they rushed suddenly upon the concealed enemy with such fury that but
few escaped. Quinantzin, though so young, is said to have been foremost
in the melée and to have fought so valorously that Xolotl rewarded him
with the lordship of Tezcuco, and ceded him its revenues.[V-75] Tochin
Tecuhtli was well rewarded for his services; he received in marriage
the hand of Tomiyauh, daughter or grand-daughter of Upantzin, king
of Xaltocan, and was made lord of the seigniory of Huexotla, which
comprised the towns of Teotihuacan and Otompan; Huetzin returned to
Coatlichan and there married the Helen of the war, Atotoztli, daughter
of Achitometl.[V-76] Thus was this rebellion brought to an end in the
year 1151.[V-77]
A few years after these events Xolotl II. expired at Tenayocan in the
arms of his son Nopaltzin, to whom he left the crown, exhorting him to
maintain peace in the empire if possible.[V-78]
After the body of the late emperor had been interred with the customary
ceremonies, Nopaltzin was crowned Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, and formally
received the homage of his vassals. The coronation fêtes were on a
scale of unusual magnificence, and lasted forty days.[V-79]
In spite of the wishes of the late emperor, Nopaltzin's reign was
anything but a peaceful one. Anáhuac was at this time divided into a
great number of states, many of which had their peculiar languages,
manners, and customs. The principal of these divisions were Tenayocan,
Coatlichan, Azcapuzalco, Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Huexotla, and
Culhuacan. Each of these communities was exceedingly watchful of its
own interests and regarded all the others with more or less jealousy.
In the early part of his reign the people of Tulancingo rebelled, and
Nopaltzin marched in person to subdue them; it is doubtful, however, if
he would have succeeded had not Tlotzin opportunely come to his aid,
when, after a campaign of nineteen days, victory was obtained.[V-80] On
another occasion, Aculhua, King of Azcapuzalco, usurped the lands of
Chalchiuhcua, lord of Tepotzotlan, at a time when Nopaltzin was too
busy to prevent it.
In 1171 Nonohualcatl, king of Culhuacan, died and was succeeded by
Achitometl, or Ameyal.[V-81] This prince, whose life had been such an
eventful one, labored hard to advance civilization, and during his life
the city of Culhuacan made great progress. But his reign was a short
one, and he had been on the throne but a few years, when he died, and
was succeeded by his son Icxochitlanex.
Nopaltzin, following the example set by his father, did all in
his power to further Toltec culture. Great attention was paid to
agriculture; masters were appointed in the several towns to teach the
various arts, new laws were made and old ones revised, and civilization
began to assume a higher phase than it had hitherto done since the fall
of the Toltec empire.
FOOTNOTES:
[V-1] Whether this Amaquemecan was the original home of the Chichimecs
or not is uncertain. According to Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
i., p. 355, it certainly was not, since he states that it was founded
in 958 by Xolotl Tochinteuctli. The ancestors of the Xolotl who
invaded Anáhuac, he adds, tom. ii., p. 199, 'sortis de Chicomoztoc,
avaient conquis le royaume d'Amaquemé, où ils avaient établi leur
résidence.' Concerning the location and extent of Amaquemecan the
authorities differ greatly. Thus Ixtlilxochitl gives its area as 2000
by 1000 leagues, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 335. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 40, places its frontier 200 leagues north
of Jalisco, which Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p.
132, thinks too near, since no traces of it exist, he says, within
1200 miles. Boturini, _Idea_, p. 141, places Amaquemecan in Michoacan.
Arlegui, _Chrón. Zacatecas_, p. 7, among the wild tribes north of New
Mexico. Cabrera, _Teatro_, p. 58, in Chiapas.
[V-2] Spelled also Achcauhtzin, and Axcauhtzin.
[V-3] 'L'étymologie du nom de _Xolotl_ offre de grandes difficultés.
Dans son acceptation ordinaire, il signifie esclave, valet, servant,
et cependant on le voit appliqué à plusieurs princes comme un titre
très-élevé. Lorenzana, dans ses annotations aux Lettres de Fernand
Cortès, le traduit par _Ojo_, œil, et on le lui donna, dit-il, à cause
de sa vigilance. Mais dans quelle langue a-t-il cette signification?'
_Brasseur_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 199.
[V-4] So says Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 39; but
according to Boturini, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., p.
231, Ixtlilxochitl, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 337, and Brasseur,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 200, Acauhtzin reigned alone.
Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 133, affirms that
the old king divided the kingdom equally between his two sons.
[V-5] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 40-1, gives in full
Xolotl's speech to his lords. Ixtlilxochitl, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 337, relates that he appointed Oyome as the
rendezvous. Brasseur de Bourbourg, as before stated, does not suppose
Xolotl to have shared the Chichimec throne with his brother Acauhtzin;
he therefore tells the story as if Xolotl induced the great nobles to
favor his project of invasion by his eloquence and argument, but used
no kingly authority in the matter.
Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 302-3, tom. ii., pp. 3-4, 13,
assigns an altogether different cause for the Chichimec invasion of
Anáhuac. He affirms that when Topiltzin (Acxitl), the Toltec monarch,
fled from Tollan, he went to Acauhtzin, the Chichimec sovereign, to
whom he was distantly related, told him his sorrows, and ceded in his
favor all rights to a land which he refused to revisit; whereupon
Acauhtzin invested his brother Xolotl with the sovereignty of Tollan.
The date of the events recorded above is very uncertain. Veytia states
that the Chichimecs left their country for Anáhuac in 1117, one year
after the fall of the Toltec dynasty. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p.
7. Ixtlilxochitl allows a period of four to six years to elapse before
their arrival at Tollan; as usual, this writer is not consistent with
himself in different parts of his work, and places the arrival in
various years between 962 and 1015. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 208, 337, 395, 451. Torquemada, always avoiding exact dates,
gives on one page an interval of five years between the destruction of
the Toltec empire and the arrival of the Chichimecs, and on another
page an interval of nine years between the former event and the
departure from Amaquemecan. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 45-6.
Clavigero places the Chichimec arrival at Anáhuac in 1170. _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 132, tom. iv., pp. 40-51. Boturini, in
_Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., p. 233, allows a lapse of
nine years between the Toltec fall and the Chichimec arrival.
[V-6] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 44; _Boturini_, in
_Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., pp. 231-2; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 337, 375; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 4, 8-9. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., p. 134, expresses his disbelief in the numbers
given. 'Rien ne justifie les millions que lui assignent les auteurs;
ils ont compris évidement sous ce chiffre exagéré les diverses
émigrations qui se succédèrent depuis lors sans interruption dans la
vallée jusqu'à la fondation du royaume d'Acolhuacan.' _Brasseur_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 202.
[V-7] Brasseur gives the names of these six chiefs, as: Acatomatl,
Quautlapal, Cozcaquauh, Mitliztac, Tecpan, and Itzaquauh, giving
Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada as his authorities; the latter writer,
however, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 44, distinctly affirms that only
one chief, Acatomatl, was sent in advance.
[V-8] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 134, states
that they reached Tollan in eighteen months from the time of their
departure from Amaquemecan. Ixtlilxochitl gives the date as 5 Tecpatl.
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 395.
[V-9] 'Les auteurs sont généralement d'accord pour placer la date de
cet établissement de l'an 1070 à 1080. Quelques-uns le portent
exactement à l'an 1068. _Xoloc_, aujourd'hui _Xoloque_, village de
fort peu d'importance, à 12 l. environ au nord de Mexico, et à 3 l. du
lac de San-Cristoval. Une autre explication met cette localité au pied
d'une colline, à une lieue environ vers le nord de Xaltocan.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._; tom. ii., p. 214. See
also, _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 8-10.
[V-10] Cempoala was twelve leagues north of Mexico; Tepepulco was four
leagues farther east. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 42.
[V-11] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 43, writes Tlatzalan
and Coyohuacan.
[V-12] Founded 1120, _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 12.
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 338-9;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 42-4.
[V-13] 'Le _Codex Xolotl_, qui fait partie de la coll. de M. Aubin,
donne positivement Amacui pour père et pour prédécesseur de
Nopaltzin.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p.
224.
[V-14] 'Xolotl étant le titre du chef principal des Chichimèques, il
convenait à l'un aussi bien qu'à l'autre. Tout concourt, d'ailleurs, à
prouver que, dans le Xolotl des auteurs, il y a eu divers personnages;
c'est le seul moyen d'expliquer cette longue vie de près de deux cents
ans qu'ils lui accordent.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 224.
[V-15] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 46-7;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 339-40; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 28; _Boturini_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._,
série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p.
14.
[V-16] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.
224-6.
[V-17] 'Porque fué una de las que ménos padecieron en el estrago
pasado.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 18.
[V-18] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 44, spells this ruler's
name Ecitin, which, says Brasseur, 'signifie les trois lièvres, de
_Citli_, qui est le singulier, au pluriel _Citin_. S'agit-il ici d'un
seul individu ou de trois du nom de _Citin_, cité ailleurs comme celui
d'une famille célèbre de laquelle prétendaient descendre les
Alcohuas?' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 209.
[V-19] 'Descendants du grand Nauhyotl.' _Id._
[V-20] Spelled Acxopal by Brasseur.
[V-21] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 17-19;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 333-4, 339;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 226-8.
[V-22] 'Repartióla por las sinosidades, cuevas, y rincones de las
serranias, proporcionándola á la caza.' _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes
Amer._, p. 18; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
pp. 232-3.
[V-23] For names of places peopled by the Chichimecs see
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 460, 209. See also
_Id._, pp. 339, 395, 451; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p.
45; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 134; _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 14-5; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt
ii., pp. 12-13.
[V-24] To which his descendants added Huactlatohuani, 'lord of the
world.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 451.
[V-25] The inhabitants of this province were known as Culhuas, and are
not to be confounded with the Acolhuas, notwithstanding many of the
old writers make no distinction between the two peoples.
[V-26] Veytia writes the names of those who governed at Culhuacan;
Xiuhtemoc, with his wife Ozolaxochitl, and son Nauhyotl; and
Catauhtlix with his wife Ixmixuch and son Acxocuauh. _Hist. Ant.
Mej._, tom. ii., p. 18. Torquemada writes them respectively:
Xiuhthemal, Oceloxroch, Coyol; Cocauhtli, Yhuixoch, Acxoquauh.
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 45. Boturini writes: Xiuchtimatl,
Oceloxochitl, Coyotl; Cocoahtli, Yhyozochtl, Acxoquauhtli. _Doc. Hist.
Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; _Ixtlilxochitl_, in
_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 333.
[V-27] Brasseur states that according to the _Codex Chimalpopoca_,
Acxoquauh was a younger brother of Nauhyotl; we have already seen this
prince spoken of, however, as the son of Cocauhtli, Xiuhtemoc's
associate; see note 26. Nonohualcatl, says Brasseur, was, without
doubt, Nauhyotl's eldest son. 'C'est ce qui parait d'après la manière
dont ce prince succéda au trône après Huetzin, avant Achitometl ou
Ameyal.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 222.
[V-28] Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 222, objecting to the
term usurpation in this connection, writes: 'La loi toltèque excluait
du sang suprême tout prince qui se montrait d'avance incapable de
l'occuper. C'était probablement le cas où se trouvait Pochotl.
Ixtlilxochitl et Veytia, qui accusent Nauhyotl d'usurpation, avaient
oublié ou ignoraient la loi de succession toltèque.' It is not
probable, however, that Topiltzin either forgot or was ignorant of the
Toltec law of succession, when he directed that his son should be
associated with Xiuhtemoc when he came of suitable age.
[V-29] Also called Texochipantzin. Torquemada gives the name of
Pochotl's wife Huitzitzilin, though whether he refers to the same lady
is not certain. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 56.
[V-30] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 18-23;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 340;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 220-3.
[V-31] The reader will recollect that Veytia affirms that Topiltzin
Acxitl fled to his relative Acauhtzin, brother of Xolotl I., and ceded
to him his right to Anáhuac.
[V-32] According to Brasseur, these or similar overtures occurred in
the reign of Xolotl I. Xolotl's ambassadors, he says, 'avaient plus
d'une fois pressenti Xiuhtemal à ce sujet, mais celui-ci, trop prudent
et trop ami de sa patrie, appréhendant, sans doute, de rendre les
Chichimèques trop puissants, avait constamment éludé ses propositions
en faisant valoir les droits de Pochotl, à qui seul il appartiendrait
de prendre une décision dans cette matière délicate, une fois qu'il
aurait été mis en possession du trône.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
p. 221.
[V-33] Year 1141. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 30-5. 984
to 1190. _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.,
pp. 209, 342-3, 396, 452.
[V-34] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 45-6. According to
Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 238, this lady was the
eldest daughter of Pochotl. Tzontecoma was one of the Acolhua chiefs,
as will be seen hereafter.
[V-35] The meaning of this request is not clear. It was probably
Xolotl's design to get Huetzin into Culhuacan under pretense of
learning the art of government--though it would seem he might have
done this at his father's court--and then by some strategem place him
upon the throne.
[V-36] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 57-8. Ixtlilxochitl
and Veytia give a different version of this affair of Huetzin's.
Itzmitl, or Ixmitl, (known also as Tlacoxin, or Tlacoxinqui) proceeded
to Tezcuco, where Xolotl was superintending the construction of a
palace and garden, and reminded him of a promise of extra favors made
to Tzontecoma, by way of compensation for the inferior bride which he
had been compelled to accept; whereupon Xolotl gave the lordship of
Tepetlaoztoc to his son Huetzin. This occurred, says Veytia, in 1207,
more than 60 years after the Culhuacan war. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
ii., pp. 46-7; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 341-2.
[V-37] See note 34.
[V-38] _Brasseur_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 237-51.
[V-39] Aztlan 'était située au nord-ouest de la Californie.... C'est
l'opinion d'un grand nombre d'écrivains. M. Aubin croit qu'ils
habitaient la péninsule appelée aujourd'hui la basse Californie, et
que là était Aztlan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
ii., p. 292. Humboldt, _Vues_, tom. ii., p. 179, and _Essai Pol._,
tom. i., p. 53, followed by Gondra, in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._,
tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 19, place Aztlan north of 42° N. lat.; Foster,
_Pre-Hist. Races_, pp. 340-1, Vetancvrt, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 20,
refer to the account of Oñate's explorations in New Mexico, _Doc.
Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., pp. 32, 47-8, 111-12, 625, and
point to the golden Copalla, with its rumored Aztec-speaking people.
See also, _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 454; _Schoolcraft's
Arch._, vol. i., p. 68; _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._,
1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 40-9. Fontaine, _How the World was Peopled_,
pp. 149-50, reminds us that the Aztec _tl_ sound is found in the N.W.,
and considers the mounds in the N.E. to be evidences of Aztec
wanderings. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 41;
_Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 54-5. Prichard, _Nat. Hist. Man_, vol.
ii., pp. 514-16, regards the Moquis in Arizona as the most northern
Aztec remnants. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp.
156-9, places Aztlan north of the Colorado River, in accordance with
some maps of the 16th century, and regards this stream as the water
said to have been crossed on the migration, whilst Boturini, _Idea_,
pp. 126-8, holds this to be the Gulf of California. _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 298, 301; _Rios_, _Compend.
Hist. Mex._, p. 11. Orozco y Berra, _Geografía_, pp. 79-82, 134-5,
traces Nahuatlaca routes north of Mexico. Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS.,
tom. i., cap. 1, looks to Florida for the ancient home. Mendieta,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 144, identifies Aztlan with the later Chicomoztoc,
like Acosta and Duran, but locates it in the Jalisco region.
_Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 283. Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,
tom. ii., p. 91, ventures a little farther north, to Sonora; see also,
_Möllhausen_, _Reisen_, tom. ii., pp. 143-55. Gallatin, in _Amer.
Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 128, considers Aztlan to have
been near Culiacan, but on p. 205, and in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 281, he seems to favor the more direct
north. Cabrera, _Teatro_, pp. 94-6, advances some argument for its
location in Chiapas. See also, _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_,
pp. 532-3. Waldeck, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 45, remarks that the palm-tree on
the migration-map indicates a southern origin, but Gondra, in
_Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. iii., p. 7, considers that this
may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter. See remarks on pp.
216-18 of this volume, and pp. 681-4, 788-9 of vol. iv. For further
remarks on position of Aztlan, and origin of Nahuatlacas, see:
_Norman's Rambles in Yuc._, pp. 266-7; _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p.
54, et seq., _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Esquisses_, pp. 27-8; _Id._,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 191-7; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, pp.
clxxxiii.-cxcvi.; _Bradford's Amer. Antiq._, pp. 203-5; _Ruxton's
Adven. Mex._, pp. 192-4; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 89-90; _Gregg's Com.
Prairies_, vol. i., p. 284; _Smith's Human Species_, pp. 252-3;
_Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 323.
[V-40] Gallatin, _Amer. Ethno. Soc._, _Transact._, vol. i., p. 205,
thinks they may have had a share in the dismemberment of the Toltec
empire, or may have seized the opportunity offered by the Toltec
emigration to enter into the deserted lands. Cabrera states that they
were driven from Aztlan. _Teatro_, p. 94.
[V-41] Duran gives the description of Aztlan given by Cueuhcoatl to
Montezuma the elder: 'Nuestros Padres moraron en equel felice y
dichoso Lugar que llamáron Aztlán, que quiere decir "Blancura." En
este Lugar hay un gran Cerro en medio del agua, que llamaban
Culhuacan, por que tiene la punta algo retuerta hácia abajo, y à esta
causa se llama Culhuacan, que quiere decir "Cerro tuerto." En este
Cerro habia unas bocas ó cuebas ó concavidados donde habitáron
nuestros Padres y Abuelos por muchos años: alli tubiéron mucho
descanso debajo de este Nombre Mexitin y Azteca: alli gozaban de mucho
cantidad de Patos, de todo género de gazzas; de cuerbos marinos, y
Gallinas de agua, y de Gallaretas; gozaban del canto y melodia de los
Pájaros de las cabezas coloradas y amarillas; gozáron de muchas
diferencias de grandes y hermosos Pescados; gozáron de gran frescura
de arboledas, que habia por aquellas riberas, y de Fuentes cercadas de
sauces y de Sabinas y de Alisos grandes y hermosos; andaban en canoas,
y hacian camellones en que sembraban maiz, chile, tomates, huauhtli,
frisoles, y de todo genero de semillas de las que comemos,' &c. _Hist.
Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 27.
[V-42] _Ramirez_, in _García y Cubas_, _Atlas_; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom., i., p. 78; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., pp. 157-8; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 17; _Villa-Señor
y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. i., p. 3; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., pp. 399-300. The date of the departure is shown by the
maps to be Ce Tecpatl, which is calculated by Chimalpain, Gallatin,
Gama, and Veytia to be 1064, based on the hypothesis that the
adjustment of the calendar in the year Ce Tochtli, which took place
during the journey, corresponds to 1090. Brasseur would probably
assign a later date, since he writes: 'Les annales mexicaines nous
montrent généralement les premières tribus de cette nation à Aztlan en
l'an 1 Tecpatl, 1064.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 292.
[V-43] Chicomoztoc is placed by Clavigero about twenty miles south of
Zacatecas, but is regarded by Duran, Acosta, and others, as identical
with, or within the region of Aztlan. According to Brasseur, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 293, they arrived here 1116. Hellwald, in
_Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 339, agrees with this date, by making
them arrive at Chicomoztoc 26 years after their departure from Aztlan,
which, he says, took place in 1090. Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
ii., p. 92, states that they arrived 104 years after their departure.
On the Gemelli map Oztotlan, 'place of grottoes,' is given as a place
where they halted for a long time, from 160 to 200 years after leaving
Aztlan, and may be the same as Chicomoztoc. Camargo, in _Nouvelles
Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 145, says that the
Tlascaltecs, who according to most authors were one of the Nahuatlaca
tribes, arrived at Chicomoztoc in the year 5 Tochtli.
[V-44] See _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 455-6; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom.
i., cap. 2; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 228, 247;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 151; _Hellwald_,
in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 339; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. i., p. 78; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 17;
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., pp. 7-9; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 154; _Purchas his
Pilgrimes,_ vol. v., p. 864; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col.
Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 482; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 168-71;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 145. Brasseur de
Bourbourg gives as the tribes that left Aztlan: the Huexotzincas,
Chalcas, Xochimilcas, Quitlahuacas, Malinalcas, Chichimecas,
Tépanecas, and Matlaltzincas. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 292.
[V-45] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 78-9; _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 454;
_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 2. On Boturini's map the
hieroglyphs of the eight tribes are seen at Chicomoztoc for the last
time; the priests or leaders of the Aztecs alone pursue the remainder
of the course. As the Aztec hieroglyph does not appear to be included
among these eight, it might be assumed that the Aztecs were composed
of certain families belonging to one or more of the eight tribes, but
this does not appear to be the view taken by the authorities. Gondra,
in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. iii., pp. 25-6, remarks that
the map indicates a consultation of six of the families with their
god, and the departure of two. The non-recurrence of the tribal
hieroglyphs he explains by saying that the families are henceforth
designated only by the chiefs who lead them. This map cannot, however,
be expected to be more accurate than the sources from which
Torquemada, Acosta, and others, derived their information.
[V-46] Quetzalin according to Brasseur, who adds: 'Dans le texte, il y
a _Huetzalin_, ce qui est probablement une faute du copiste.' _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 263. This chief may possibly be the same as
Huitziton.
[V-47] Veytia names this chief Xochimilco, which Brasseur says 'ne
peut être qu'une erreur.' _Id._, p. 264.
[V-48] _Id._ Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia place the arrival of the
Xochimilcas in Tlotzin's reign. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 458; _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 88. Duran says they were
the first to leave Chicomoztoc, and the third to arrive in Anáhuac.
This writer gives a number of places founded by them besides
Xochimilco. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 2., 13. Acosta says
they were the first to arrive. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 488.
[V-49] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 88-9;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 458;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 263-4.
[V-50] Now Cuernavaca.
[V-51] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 92-3, 141-3.
[V-52] Many writers who do not directly connect the Acolhuas with the
Nahuatlacas, assert that they came from the same region, and were of
the same race. Clavigero places the ancient home in Teoacolhuacan,
near Amaquemecan. Veytia considers them to be the descendants of
Toltec colonists who were settled along the Pacific coast.
Ixtlilxochitl affirms that they were neighbors of the Huehue Tlapallan
Toltecs and of Chichimec stock.
[V-53] '_Citin_, pluriel de _Citli_, lièvre, nom apparemment d'une
tribu du Nord, comme les Pied-Noir, les Serpents, etc.' _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 232. Rios, _Compend. Hist.
Mex._, p. 7, says they derived their origin from the family of Citin
or Ulcua. Motolinia says of the Acolhuas: 'Este nombre los quedó de un
valiente capitan que tuvieron ... Acoli, que así se llama aquel hueso
que vá desde el codo hasta el hombro, y del mismo hueso llaman al
hombro Acoli.' He was very brave, and taller than other men. _Hist.
Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 11. Gomara,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 301, says that they claimed descent from a valiant
chief named Chichimecatlh, who once tied a strap round the arm of
Quetzalcoatl, near the shoulder. This was regarded as a great feat,
for it was said that he that could bind a god could bind all men.
[V-54] Brasseur de Bourbourg says nothing about the Otomís coming in
with the Acolhuas and Tepanecs at this time.
[V-55] This, according to Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp.
51-4, who is followed by Brasseur, was Coatetl, daughter of
Chalchiuhtlatonac, or Chalchiuhtlanetzin, lord of Chalco, who, says
Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 231, 'paraît avoir été l'un
des frères ou des fils de Nauhyotl II.' According to other authors,
Tzontecoma's bride was named Cihuatetzin, and her father was a Toltec,
lord of Tlalmanalco. Each of these names is spelled in a great variety
of ways. See _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., pp. 341, 395, 452; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp.
39-43; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 136-7;
_Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 19, 142-3; _Müller_,
_Reisen_, tom. iii., p. 45; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p.
526; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. i., p. 3; _Orozco y
Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 92.
[V-56] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.
233-4.
[V-57] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp.
236-7.
[V-58] See note 27.
[V-59] Named also Huetzin, says Brasseur.
[V-60] Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 47, writes the names
Tlotzin Pocothl, Toxtequihuatzin, and Atencatzin. Ixtlilxochitl, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 210, Tlotzinpochotl,
Huixaquentochintecuhtli, Coxanatzin Atencatl; on p. 342 he differs in
the following: Toltzin, Toxtequihuatzin, Atencatzin Apotzoetzin; on p.
395, Tloxtequihuatzin; on p. 461, Tlotzinpochotl, Atzotgocoltzin,
Totzin. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 62, Tlotzin,
Quauhtequihua, or Tochintecuhtli, Popozoc. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.
del Messico_, tom. i., p. 141, Apopozoc. Nopaltzin had also another
son, named Tenancacaltzin, who in later years gave much trouble to the
emperor Quinantzin, and who, according to the Spanish authorities, was
a bastard. Brasseur, however, finds reason to believe that this prince
was Nopaltzin's legitimate son by a former marriage. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 254.
[V-61] _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp.
342, 395, 452; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 47-9;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 63; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 141.
[V-62] Commenting upon the statement of Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 211, that Xolotl
abandoned to Tlotzin not only the revenues of the province of Chalco,
but also of several other provinces as far as Mizteca, Brasseur
writes: 'Il y a évidemment exagération; jamais les armes de Xolotl
n'allèrent aussi loin, et il est douteux même que les provinces
renfermées dans la vallée lui fussent toutes tributaires.' _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. ii., p. 258.
[V-63] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 262.
[V-64] See _Id._, tom. ii., pp. 266-71.
[V-65] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 59-60;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 343;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 138-9.
[V-66] See _Brasseur_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 265. This
writer and Torquemada are the only authorities who use the name Ameyal
at any time.
[V-67] See note 27.
[V-68] Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 272, writes: 'C'était
probablement sur la promesse de recevoir la main de sa (Achitometl's)
fille que Huetzin avait renoncé au trône de Culhuacan.'
[V-69] Spelt also Yanex, Yacazozolotl, Yacatzotzoloc, and
Ixcazozolot.
[V-70] Among these were Ocotox, or Acotoch, and Coacuech, who,
according to _Ixtlilxochitl_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 212, were disaffected towards the empire because agriculture
had been forced upon them and tribute exacted in field produce;
Quauhtla, lord of Oztoticpac, and Tochin Tecuhtli, lord of Coyuhuacan,
who had fallen into disgrace in the following manner: Chiconquauhtli,
Xolotl's son-in-law, died suddenly, and was buried without notice
being sent to the emperor. Xolotl thereupon dispatched Tochin
Tecuhtli, to offer condolence to the widow, his daughter, and to
appoint Omicxipan, a noted noble of that province, governor. Tochin
Tecuhtli did as he was ordered, but instead of returning to Xolotl
with a report of his mission, he went to Huetzin of Coatlichan. To
punish this disrespect, or treason, as Torquemada calls it, Xolotl
deprived Tochin Tecuhtli of his lordship of Coyuhuacan and exiled him
to Tepetlaoztoc. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 58, 65;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 142; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 15; _Brasseur_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii.,
pp. 267-9.
[V-71] This is the account given by Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
ii., p. 274. Most writers do not mention this expedition to
Culhuacan.
[V-72] See note 70.
[V-73] Ixtlilxochitl, p. 212, says he fled toward Pánuco, and
afterwards, p. 343, states that he was pardoned and re-instated.
Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 65, affirms that the rebel
chief was slain in battle, and that his allies fled to Huexotzinco,
where they died in misery. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., pp. 142-3, follows Torquemada. We must accept the former version,
however, as Yacanex subsequently re-appears upon the scene.
[V-74] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., p. 277.
[V-75] 'Para que en ella y su contorno mandase en calidad de
soberano.' _Veytia_, tom. ii., p. 56. He could scarcely have been sole
lord of Tezcuco, for Veytia himself says that Tlotzin reigned there.
[V-76] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 212, 396-7; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 50-8;
_Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 65; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 278;
_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 271-7.
[V-77] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., p. 277.
[V-78] The exact year in which Xolotl II. died is uncertain. Brasseur,
whose chronology I have followed, does not give the date, though he
says it occurred some years after the death of Huetzin, which occurred
in 1154. Xolotl, says this author, at his death, 'ne pouvait guère
avoir plus de cent ou cent dix ans, et, en calculant les années de son
règne, à commencer de son arrivée dans l'Anahuac, il aurait pu durer
tout au plus de soixante à soixante-cinq ans.' _Hist._, tom. ii., pp.
277-8. Veytia, tom. ii., p. 69, writes that Xolotl died in 1232.
Torquemada, tom. i., p. 60, says that he was nearly 200 years of age
when he died. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 212, 343, 397, 452, says, 117 years
after his departure from Amaquemecan, in the 112th year of his reign
in Anahuac, and gives, as usual, several dates for Xolotl's death,
namely: 1075, 1127, 1074, and 1121. _Rios_, _Compend. Hist. Mex._, p.
7, says that he died at the age of 160, after a reign of 99 years.
[V-79] Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 61-2, gives the speeches delivered on
the occasion.
[V-80] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 66; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 212-13;
_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 140-2; _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 71-3, 78;
_Rios_, _Compend. Hist. Mex._, p. 8; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 281-8.
[V-81] We have seen that according to the account given by Veytia, and
others, of the events which led to the first trouble between the
Chichimecs and the people of Culhuacan, Achitometl succeeded to the
throne immediately after the death of Nauhyotl, no mention being made
of the reigns of Huetzin or Nonohualcatl. See pp. 303-4.