Whitehall, April 1st, 1788.
My dear Brother,
I am extremely obliged for the trouble you have been so good as
to take about the mode in which it will be most advisable to
frame the grant of Rigby's office, in case of its becoming
vacant. I have consulted Pitt upon the subject, and his opinion
entirely agrees with mine, that the present form is much
preferable to the other; for this, amongst other reasons, that a
grant of a judicial office, to be held during good behaviour,
might be vacated on account of non-administration of justice, or
even of non-residence in the kingdom. He says that, after what
has passed with the King, there can clearly be no difficulty
whatever when the case arises; and that it will be better not to
open it previously to Lord Sydney, as it might by that means
become a subject of conversation previous to its taking place,
which it is very desirable to avoid. I imagine, by what I now
hear from Bath, that it cannot be very long before the event
happens. I shall certainly be on the spot, and will immediately
take the necessary steps for having the warrant sent over to
you; after which you may expect to see me as soon as possible,
unless it should be necessary that the admission should take
place in Term time, which I will trouble you to ascertain. It
would, I think, be very advantageous to me, in case of future
discussions which may arise on this subject, if you could
procure from the Chancellor and Lord Earlsfort, and perhaps
Carleton (when the event happens), written opinions that the
making it an efficient _judicial_ office would be attended with
no advantage or benefit. It would still remain necessary that
some officer should be appointed to have custody and charge of
the Rolls; and the only questions then would be, whether such an
office was one fit to be made the sort of sinecure which
Parliament here have admitted ought to exist as a reward of
public service, and whether your humble servant was a fit object
for such reward.
The point which I was desirous of mentioning to you in cypher
relates to my having been informed by Pitt, a few days before I
wrote to you, that Lord Howe has intimated an intention of
resigning his office at the close of this session. The
particular reason for secrecy is, that it is of the utmost
importance that this should not be publicly known till a new
arrangement is framed; but especially not till after the motion
on the subject of the late promotion is completely disposed of.
Notwithstanding this intimation, and the resolution which Lord
Howe appears to have taken, Pitt thinks it not impossible that
when the time for carrying it into execution draws nearer, he
may be induced to remain. Pitt feels it a point of the utmost
importance that he should, notwithstanding the sort of
objections which exist against him, and of which you are
perfectly apprized. But if he retires, there will be the utmost
difficulty in finding a proper person to supply his place. I
apprehend, that even before your appointment to Ireland you had
made up your mind on the subject; but that you would certainly
not be inclined to quit your present situation for one in so
many respects less agreeable, particularly at this moment. I
trust, however, that if you feel the least hesitation, or doubt,
in your mind, you will immediately let me know it, in order that
I may take the proper steps. If your decision remains the same,
I know no person at all fit for the employment that can take it.
The most likely person to be fixed upon is, I think, Lord Hood;
but there are great objections to him. Whatever he may be in the
Navy, which I know not, he is very far from being popular in the
House of Commons; and what is worse, he has spoken there,
whenever he has opened his lips, with a degree of indiscretion
which has been distressing, even in his present situation, but
which would be absolutely intolerable if he were to answer for
the execution of so responsible an office, made, as it certainly
will be, one of the great objects of attack on the part of
Opposition. This will make it necessary to send him up to the
House of Lords, for which he has neither fortune nor calibre
sufficient. It has been a question with Pitt and myself, whether
it would be possible for me to accept of it. At one time, he
appeared much disposed to this; but I must confess that my mind
has never gone to it at all. The situation would unquestionably
be highly flattering to me, at my time of life, and in my rank,
&c. The patronage annexed to it is so considerable as to be a
real object, in a political point of view, to any person engaged
in a public line of life, where the acquisition of friends is
always an important point. Add to this, the opportunity of
distinguishing oneself in a department entirely separate from
all others, and the temptation is certainly very great. But I
feel two material, and as they now strike me, insuperable
objections. First, I think it is not prudent for a person who
has already been put forward beyond what many people think his
pretensions entitle him to, and who has still much way to make
for himself, to incur the risk of shocking and revolting the
feelings of almost every one, but those who are most partial to
him, by accepting a situation for which he must be thought so
little qualified, and which will be judged so much above his
rank, either in point of general situation in the country, or
with respect to any official situation in which he has yet been
engaged. Besides this, I am unwilling--after having been
endeavouring for four or five years to qualify myself, in some
degree, for almost any other line of public service--that my
first ostensible _début_ should be in one where I should have
the first A B C to learn.
It is on these grounds that I have discouraged the idea when
Pitt threw it out to me, and I think they have had weight with
him. I have no doubt, that as far as respects my own interest
only, they are well founded; and that it will be infinitely more
advantageous to me to go on as I now am, waiting for such events
as may happen to open to me other objects, which I could accept
with less hazard. The same considerations operate, also, with a
view to the general interests of the system of Government in
which I am embarked. If I could essentially serve that, even at
a greater personal hazard than this, I should certainly feel
myself bound to do it. But the very same circumstances which
would make my appointment hurtful to my own character in the
present moment, would make it prejudicial to the general credit
of Pitt's Government; and the consequences of any failure would
hardly be more injurious to myself, personally, than to the
Administration of which I should then form a part. I have had an
explanation with Pitt, in the course of these discussions, on
the subject of Lord Sydney's office. He told me that he was
unwilling to remove him abruptly, without the means of making
him, at the same time, some sort of compensation; but that,
whenever any such opportunity offered, he should willingly and
eagerly embrace it. Lord Hardwicke's life, Barré's, the Duke of
Montagu's, Orde's and the Duke of Bolton's, with some others,
were mentioned as holding out no unreasonable or distant
prospect of such an arrangement. And I can with perfect
sincerity say to you--to whom I think aloud--that I am by no
means desirous that the interval should be so much shortened, as
to make the appointment immediate. I am in the train of making
myself fitter for it: in the enjoyment of as much confidence as
that office ever could give me, and with the consciousness of
being admitted to many opportunities of doing real service to
the Government that I act with. My present income is
sufficient--such an appointment would not in reality increase
it--and your goodness holds out to me a near prospect of that
future independence, which was the only thing wanting to make my
present situation perfectly happy. You see how little temptation
I have to exchange it even for that to which I have hitherto
looked; but much more for that which is so unexpectedly put
within my reach, but which is attended with so many hazards to
myself, and to the general system of Administration.
I much wish to receive your opinion on this whole subject, not
only as it is connected with myself, but as to the means of
finding any other person to undertake the office supposing me
out of the question. It is perfectly understood that the Duke of
Grafton would not accept it, which I certainly consider as a
very fortunate circumstance. With respect to yourself, I have
written the whole of what is above; and have listened to any
conversation on the subject, only in the idea that your opinion
will remain the same. I feel too much confidence in your good
opinion of me, to think it necessary to take up your time in
saying what you must unquestionably feel, that no conception of
competition on this point could ever enter into my head; and
that, even if I have taught myself to look to other situations
to which you have so much better a claim, it has only been in
consequence of what you have said to me on that subject, and
subject always to any alteration in your feelings with respect
to it.
I am prevented from saying more than a few words on the
different questions you ask. I mentioned to you, in my other
letter, the line which has been taken here with respect to the
Russian fleet, and to their application for transports. The same
line ought certainly to be followed in Ireland; but I think it
would be very important, for your own security, in so delicate a
business, that you should, whenever you receive any intimation
of anything of the sort being likely to occur in Ireland,
immediately state the particular point to Lord Sydney, in order
to receive precise orders upon it, for you see the line of
distinction which we draw here is a nice one.
Our Dutch alliance has passed the States of Holland, where alone
any difficulty was apprehended, and will probably be signed in
about a week. It will be immediately followed by a treaty, by
which Prussia and we shall bind ourselves to guarantee to each
other our engagements with Holland; but this treaty will not
extend to any general alliance between this country and Prussia.
The reason for this is, the apprehension that such an alliance
would rivet the connection between the two Imperial Courts and
France. In the meantime, there is an entire and perfect
understanding between this Court and that of Berlin. We have no
very accurate knowledge of the views of Spain. She is certainly
arming, though to much less extent than is talked of. I imagine
that France is trying to persuade her to acquiesce in the
Porte's being compelled to submit to the present demands of the
two Imperial Courts, which seem confined to Oxacow, Belgrade,
and some pecuniary compensation for the expense incurred. But I
think the Porte will clearly not submit to this, till she has
tried the success of one campaign; and what part Spain may take
in this event it is not easy to say.
Our accounts from India, by the 'Ravensworth,' are in general,
very good; but we are a little uneasy, on account of Tippoo, who
had made peace with the Marattas, and was collecting his forces
with a view of attacking the Nizam, or the Raja of Gravancore,
whom we must protect, or the Camatre itself. Campbell was
preparing for him; and I have little doubt of the event; but the
offence and mischief are formidable to us.
I have just received your letter of the 2nd, with the
usquebaugh, for which I am much obliged to you. I think there
can be no question of the King's acquiescence, and the
mentioning it to him now might set him talking. I have been
hindered, by a variety of accidents, from sending this letter
off before. It has been written at five or six different times.
Adieu, my dear brother,
Believe me ever most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
We have the same accounts from many different quarters, as that
which Miles sends you. The idea is certainly much talked of on
the continent; but I have no faith in it. France is, I think,
evidently in no better condition for war now than last year.
Their annual _compte_, which was promised for January in every
year, is not yet out. The report is, that the deficiency has
been found much greater than was ever imagined. Our revenue is
most prosperous.
Lord Buckingham appears to have pressed his views respecting the Home
Office so earnestly upon Mr. Grenville, that the latter, some months
afterwards, grew a little impatient of his zeal. The obstacle was, how
to provide for Lord Sydney.
I cannot (says Mr. Grenville, writing in September), even if I
wished it, drive Lord Sydney from his situation, without such an
opportunity as has not yet presented itself, and may not for a
considerable time to come. Even if that were done, I am by no
means clear that the difficulty would be removed.
The subject of the Rolls is resumed in subsequent letters.