April 9th, 1783.
My dear Brother,
I waited till this morning to deliver the Badge, &c., in hopes
of receiving your answer to the letter of the 1st instant; but
receiving last night, by messenger, yours of the 4th, and
perceiving that you had not then received it, I thought I could
not any longer delay it.
As it was late before I could get in, I had very little
conversation. I think it, however, right to mention to you, that
he asked me whether I had heard anything of their having written
a letter to you, pressing you to stay; and that when I said that
I knew nothing of it except from common report, but had heard
that His Majesty's name had been made use of to induce you to
stay, he answered that it might be so, but if it had, it was
without his consent, or even knowledge.
I send this to you by express, because I cannot help giving
credit to the report, and the rather, because I hear nothing of
any successor being appointed. The Duke of Devonshire has
positively refused; _so has Lord Derby_; and Lord Fitzwilliam
(the properest man they have to send) has declined it on account
of Lady Fitzwilliam's health, which makes it absolutely
impossible for her to undertake such a journey. My opinion,
however--and, I confess, my hope--is, that he will at last be
prevailed upon. I have as yet had no sort of communication with
our new Secretary, having sent your despatch to Lord Sydney, to
whom it was addressed.
Nothing is yet done on the Irish Bill. It has waited till now
for the appointment of a Government; and that being at last so
happily settled, I applied to Lord Sydney to proceed with it. He
told me he wished first to ask the Duke of Portland what his
intentions were on the subject, in order to give him an
opportunity of taking it up if he chose it. This coincided
perfectly with what has always been my idea on the subject, that
it ought to proceed from Government; and accordingly we went (in
the House of Lords) to the Duke of Portland, who seemed not a
little embarrassed, but, however, said he would take it up, and
would move for the second reading for Thursday or Friday
next--which he has _not_ done.
I mean to-morrow to ask him about it; and if he shuffles, shall
press Lord Sydney to go on with it. I do not think it impossible
that Ponsonby either has or will desire him to amend it. If this
should be the case, it must be returned into the House of
Commons, where I will certainly attend it, and speak my opinion
very freely and plainly upon it. Mornington tells us that
Yelverton is dissatisfied with it, as not recognising _the
original inherent right_ (you see the consistency of these
men!); but that Grattan defends it, and he himself approves.
Fitzpatrick, Secretary-at-War, selling his commission, but not
his rank; Conway being continued on the staff, in order to
prevent Fitzpatrick's issuing the military orders, to which
flattering solution Conway submits; Lord Hertford, Chamberlain;
Lord Dartmouth, Lord Steward; Duke of Manchester, Paris; Lord
Sandwich outrageous, and in violent opposition; Lord Townshend,
Ordnance; Sir W. Howe remains, at his brother's particular
request.
* Lord North ¯|
* Lord Stormont |
* Lord Carlisle |
Lord Hertford |
Lord Dartmouth |
Lord Townshend |
Lord Loughborough |
Lord Weymouth |
Charles Townshend } _Privy Council offices._
Eden |
Greville |
* Duke of Portland |
* Fox |
* Lord Keppel |
* Lord John Cavendish |
Burke |
Fitzpatrick _|
_Tibi Brachia contrahit ardens Scopiur, et c[oe]liæ plus justâ
parte reliquit._
Lord Mansfield, Speaker, House of Lords; Lord de Ferrars
resigns; Duke of Richmond, ditto, and violent.
April 11th.
So far, I wrote on Wednesday; but delayed sending it, in the
hopes of having something more to write to you on the Irish
Bill, and in the full confidence that their letter, even if it
has been sent, which I doubt, is not likely to make any very
great impression upon you.
To-day I attended the House of Lords, as it had been agreed that
the Irish Bill should come on. To my utter astonishment, the
Duke of Portland, so far from performing his promise, got up
when the order of the day was called for, and said, that as the
Bill was brought in before he came into office, he did not
consider himself as responsible for its contents. The Duke of
Richmond, on this, attacked him pretty warmly on the idea of a
Minister suffering a Bill of such magnitude to go on, without
having some settled opinion to declare upon it.
A little more conversation of this sort passed, of which you
will probably see the detail in the papers, better than I can
give it you. It ended by fixing the second reading for Monday,
for which day the Lords are summoned. The Chancellor paid you a
great many compliments, lamenting your departure, &c.; and
saying, at the same time, very justly, that if a new Government
was to take place in Ireland, they might possibly be to adopt a
system directly contrary to that to which the Bill is
calculated.
Lord Sydney is to move it on Monday; the Duke of Portland having
told him (in consequence of his having, at my desire, put the
question explicitly to him), that he meant to take no part in
it. Probably, however, this determination will last only till he
gets a fresh set of instructions from Fox.
The news of the day is, that they are quarrelling about having
Lord Loughborough of the Cabinet. I am going to the King to
deliver your letter, and if it be true, shall very likely hear
it.
12th.
Nothing material passed last night, as I was a very short time
with the King, and the conversation was quite general; so much
so, that I had no kind of opportunity to introduce what you
mentioned to me, and I am sure you agree with me, that it was
impossible for me to begin that sort of conversation.
I have delayed this letter till to-day, in order to send you the
papers containing the debate, which is very accurately stated in
them.
I have seen Lord Sydney to-day about this Bill, and I think we
have settled, at last, that on Monday he should move for the
second reading, stating a little the grounds of the Bill, and
should then proceed to say that the Bill was taken by us out of
Lord Beauchamp's hands, because we thought it proper that
whatever was done in a business of this nature should proceed
from Government; that, for the same reason, having brought it to
this stage, he would now resign it into the hands of the present
Government. It is a measure which cannot be indifferent: if it
accords with the new system to be pursued in Ireland, the
persons who are to carry on that system should adopt and forward
it. If their system is to be contrary to it, nothing can then be
so pernicious as a Bill upon the subject of Ireland passed in
opposition to the ideas of Government. The object of the Bill
certainly must be to conciliate the affections of the people of
Ireland to Government there, and in England. Would this object
be answered, if the Bill be passed without the express
concurrence and consent of that Government which now exists?
Will not the effect be the direct contrary, if they are to be
told--which was Yelverton's expression to Mornington--that the
Bill puts Ireland in a worse situation than before the Repeal?
The more I think all this over, the more I am convinced that we
ought not to commit ourselves to the event of a measure which is
already so much found fault with by the Duke of Portland's
people. If a Lord-Lieutenant of theirs is appointed, he will be
to condemn it, and to give fresh encouragement to another
ferment, which will be to be allayed by some new measure here.
Surely, all this is neither for the peace of Ireland, nor for
the dignity of Great Britain. Upon these grounds it is, that I
think Lord Sydney ought to leave the business to them.
The Duke of Dorset is turned out to make room for Lord
Cholmondely.
I hear not a word of your successor. Pray do not forget to
desire Fremantle to reform my household. Adieu, my dear brother.
Ever yours,
W. W. G.
Lord Northington and Lord Hillsborough, are most talked of for
Ireland.
The loan, said to be abominable, has been done for more than 6
per cent. profit. A large _private seal_.