CHAPTER VII.

THE LAST PILGRIMS IN THE LONG PROCESSION TO THE COMMON BOURNE.

The king and his royal brothers, immediately after the victory, rode

back to London to announce their triumph. The foot-soldiers still

stayed behind to recruit themselves after the sore fatigue. And

towards the eminence by Hadley church, the peasants and villagers of

the district had pressed in awe and in wonder; for on that spot had

Henry (now sadly led back to a prison, never again to unclose to his

living form) stood to watch the destruction of the host gathered in

his name; and to that spot the corpses of Warwick and Montagu were

removed, while a bier was prepared to convey their remains to London;

[The bodies of Montagu and the earl were exhibited bareheaded at St.

Paul's church for three days, "that no pretence of their being alive

might stir up any rebellion afterwards; . . . they were then carried

down to the Priory of Bisham, in Berkshire, where among their

ancestors by the mother's side (the Earls of Salisbury), the two

unquiet brothers rest in one tomb. . . . The large river of their

blood, divided now into many streams, runs so small, they are hardly

observed as they flow by." (Habington's "Life of Edward IV.," one of

the most eloquent compositions in the language, though incorrect as a

history).--"Sic transit gloria mundi."] and on that spot had the

renowned friar conjured the mists, exorcised the enchanted guns, and

defeated the horrible machinations of the Lancastrian wizard.

And towards the spot, and through the crowd, a young Yorkist captain

passed with a prisoner he had captured, and whom he was leading to the

tent of the Lord Hastings, the only one of the commanders from whom

mercy might be hoped, and who had tarried behind the king and his

royal brothers to make preparations for the removal of the mighty

dead.

"Keep close to me, Sir Marmaduke," said the Yorkist; we must look to

Hastings to appease the king: and, if he hope not to win your pardon,

he may, at least, after such a victory, aid one foe to fly."

"Care not for me, Alwyn," said the knight; "when Somerset was deaf

save to his own fears, I came back to die by my chieftain's side,

alas, too late! too late! Better now death than life! What kin,

kith, ambition, love, were to other men was Lord Warwick's smile to

me!"

Alwyn kindly respected his prisoner's honest emotion, and took

advantage of it to lead him away from the spot where he saw knights

and warriors thickest grouped, in soldier-like awe and sadness, round

the Hero-Brothers. He pushed through a humbler crowd of peasants and

citizens, and women with babes at their breast; and suddenly saw a

troop of timbrel-women dancing round a leafless tree, and chanting

some wild but mirthful and joyous doggerel.

"What obscene and ill-seasoned revelry is this?" said the trader to a

gaping yeoman.

"They are but dancing, poor girls, round the wicked wizard whom Friar

Bungey caused to be strangled, and his witch daughter."

A chill foreboding seized upon Alwyn: he darted forward, scattering

peasant and tymbestere with his yet bloody sword. His feet stumbled

against some broken fragments; it was the poor Eureka, shattered, at

last, for the sake of the diamond! Valueless to the great friar,

since the science of the owner could not pass to his executioner,--

valueless the mechanism and the invention, the labour and the genius;

but the superstition and the folly and the delusion had their value,

and the impostor who destroyed the engine clutched the jewel!

From the leafless tree was suspended the dead body of a man; beneath,

lay a female, dead too; but whether by the hand of man or the mercy of

Heaven, there was no sign to tell. Scholar and Child, Knowledge and

Innocence, alike were cold; the grim Age had devoured them, as it

devours ever those before, as behind, its march, and confounds, in one

common doom, the too guileless and the too wise!

"Why crowd ye thus, knaves?" said a commanding voice.

"Ha, Lord Hastings! approach! behold!" exclaimed Alwyn.

"Ha, ha!" shouted Graul, as she led her sisters from the spot,

wheeling, and screaming, and tossing up their timbrels, "ha! the witch

and her lover! Ha, ha! Foul is fair! Ha, ha! Witchcraft and death

go together, as thou mayest learn at the last, sleek wooer."

And, peradventure, when, long years afterwards, accusations of

witchcraft, wantonness, and treason resounded in the ears of Hastings,

and, at the signal of Gloucester, rushed in the armed doomsman, those

ominous words echoed back upon his soul!

At that very hour the gates of the Tower were thrown open to the

multitude. Fresh from his victory, Edward and his brothers had gone

to render thanksgivings at St. Paul's (they were devout, those three

Plantagenets!), thence to Baynard's Castle, to escort the queen and

her children once more to the Tower. And, now, the sound of trumpets

stilled the joyous uproar of the multitude, for in the balcony of the

casement that looked towards the chapel the herald had just announced

that King Edward would show himself to the people. On every inch of

the courtyard, climbing up wall and palisade, soldier, citizen, thief,

harlot, age, childhood, all the various conditions and epochs of

multiform life, swayed, clung, murmured, moved, jostled, trampled,--

the beings of the little hour!

High from the battlements against the weltering beam floated Edward's

conquering flag,--a sun shining to the sun. Again, and a third time,

rang the trumpets, and on the balcony, his crown upon his head, but

his form still sheathed in armour, stood the king. What mattered to

the crowd his falseness and his perfidy, his licentiousness and

cruelty? All vices ever vanish in success! Hurrah for King Edward!

THE MAN OF THE AGE suited the age, had valour for its war and cunning

for its peace, and the sympathy of the age was with him! So there

stood the king; at his right hand, Elizabeth, with her infant boy (the

heir of England) in her arms, the proud face of the duchess seen over

the queen's shoulder. By Elizabeth's side was the Duke of Gloucester,

leaning on his sword, and at the left of Edward, the perjured Clarence

bowed his fair head to the joyous throng! At the sight of the

victorious king, of the lovely queen, and, above all, of the young

male heir, who promised length of days to the line of York, the crowd

burst forth with a hearty cry, "Long live the king and the king's

son!" Mechanically Elizabeth turned her moistened eyes from Edward to

Edward's brother, and suddenly, as with a mother's prophetic instinct,

clasped her infant closer to her bosom, when she caught the glittering

and fatal eye of Richard, Duke of Gloucester (York's young hero of the

day, Warwick's grim avenger in the future), fixed upon that harmless

life, destined to interpose a feeble obstacle between the ambition of

a ruthless intellect and the heritage of the English throne!

NOTES.

I.

The badge of the Bear and Ragged Staff was so celebrated in the

fifteenth century, that the following extract from a letter addressed

by Mr. Courthope, Rouge Croix, to the author, will no doubt interest

the reader, and the author is happy in the opportunity afforded of

expressing his acknowledgments for the courteous attention with which

Mr. Courthope has honoured his inquiries:--

"COLLEGE OF ARMS.

"As regards the badge of Richard Nevile, Earl of Warwick,--namely, the

Bear and Staff,--I agree with you, certainly, as to the probability of

his having sometimes used the whole badge, and sometimes the Staff

only, which accords precisely with the way in which the Bear and Staff

are set forth in the Rous Roll to the early earls (Warwick) before the

Conquest. We there find them figured with the Staff upon their

shields and the Bear at their feet, and the Staff alone is introduced

as a quartering upon their shields.

"The story of the origin of these badges is as follows:

"Arth, or Arthgal, is reputed to have been the first Earl of Warwick,

and being one of the knights of King Arthur's Round Table, it behooved

him to have a cognizance; and Arth or Narth signifying in British the

same as Ursus in Latin, he took the Bear for such cognizance. His

successor, Morvidus, Earl of Warwick, in single combat, overcame a

mighty giant (who had encountered him with a tree pulled up from the

root, the boughs of which had been torn from it), and in token of his

success assumed the Ragged Staff. You will thus see that the origins

of the two were different, which would render the bearing of them

separately not unlikely, and you will likewise infer that both came

through the Beauchamps. I do not find the Ragged Staff ever

attributed to the Neviles before the match with Beauchamp.

"As regards the crest or cognizance of Nevile, the Pied Bull has been

the cognizance of that family from a very early time, and the Bull's

head, its crest, and both the one and the other may have been used by

the king-maker, and by his brother, the Marquis Montagu; the said Bull

appears at the feet of Richard Nevile in the Rous Roll, accompanied by

the Eagle of Monthermer; the crests on either side of him are those of

Montagu and Nevile. Besides these two crests, both of which the

Marquis Montagu may have used, he certainly did use the Gryphon,

issuant out of a ducal coronet, as this appears alone for his crest,

on his garter plate, as a crest for Montagu, he having given the arms

of that family precedence over his paternal coat of Nevile; the king-

maker, likewise, upon his seal, gives the precedence to Montagu and

Monthermer, and they alone appear upon his shield."

II.

Hume, Rapin, and Carte, all dismiss the story of Edward's actual

imprisonment at Middleham, while Lingard, Sharon Turner, and others,

adopt it implicitly. And yet, though Lingard has successfully

grappled with some of Hume's objections, he has left others wholly

unanswered. Hume states that no such fact is mentioned in Edward's

subsequent proclamation against Clarence and Warwick. Lingard

answers, after correcting an immaterial error in Hume's dates, "that

the proclamation ought not to have mentioned it, because it was

confined to the enumeration of offences only committed after the

general amnesty in 1469;" and then, surely with some inconsistency,

quotes the attainder of Clarence many years afterwards, in which the

king enumerates it among his offences, "as jeopardyng the king's royal

estate, person, and life, in strait warde, putting him thereby from

all his libertye after procuring great commotions." But it is clear

that if the amnesty hindered Edward from charging Warwick with this

imprisonment only one year after it was granted, it would, a fortiori,

hinder him from charging Clarence with it nine years after. Most

probable is it that this article of accusation does not refer to any

imprisonment, real or supposed, at Middleham, in 1469, but to

Clarence's invasion of England in 1470, when Edward's state, person,

and life were jeopardized by his narrow escape from the fortified

house, where he might fairly be called "in straite warde;" especially

as the words, "after procuring great commotions," could not apply to

the date of the supposed detention in Middleham, when, instead of

procuring commotions, Clarence had helped Warwick to allay them, but

do properly apply to his subsequent rebellion in 1470. Finally,

Edward's charges against his brother, as Lingard himself has observed

elsewhere, are not proofs, and that king never scrupled at any

falsehood to serve his turn. Nothing, in short, can be more improbable

than this tale of Edward's captivity,--there was no object in it. At

the very time it is said to have taken place, Warwick is absolutely

engaged in warfare against the king's foes. The moment Edward leaves

Middleham, instead of escaping to London, he goes carelessly and

openly to York, to judge and execute the very captain of the rebels

whom Warwick has subdued, and in the very midst of Warwick's armies!

Far from appearing to harbour the natural resentment so vindictive a

king must have felt (had so great an indignity been offered to him),

almost immediately after he leaves York, he takes the Nevile family

into greater power than ever, confers new dignities upon Warwick, and

betroths his eldest daughter to Warwick's nephew. On the whole, then,

perhaps some such view of the king's visit to Middleham which has been

taken in this narrative, may be considered not the least probable

compromise of the disputed and contradictory evidence on the subject.

THE END.

The Last of the Barons — Volume 12 · 第 7 / 7 章