[1] Often spelled "Daillon" or "d'Allion," the latter form suggesting
origin from the name of a place, as is common in the French. Charlevoix
sometimes wrongly has it "de Dallion." I follow the spelling as given in
the priest's own signature to a letter to a friend in Paris, dated at
"Tonachain [Toanchain], Huron village, this 18th July, 1627," and signed
"Joseph De La Roche Dallion." The student of seventeenth-century history
need not be reminded that little uniformity in the spelling of proper
names can be looked for, either in printed books or manuscripts. In
French, as in English, men spelled their names in different
ways--Shakespeare, it is said, achieving thirty-nine variations. The
matter bears on our present study because the diversity of spelling may
involve the young student in perplexity. Thus, the name of the priests
Lalemant (there were three of them) is given by Le Clercq as
"Lallemant," by Charlevoix (a much later historian) as "Lallemant" or
"Lalemant," but in the contemporary "Relations" of 1641-'42 as
"Lallemant," "Lalemant" or "L'allemant." Many other names are equally
variable, changes due to elision being sometimes, but not always,
indicated by accents, as "Brusle," "Brule." Thus we have "Jolliet" or
"Joliet," "De Gallinee" or "De Galinee," "Du Lu," "Du Luth," "Duluth,"
etc. When we turn to modern English, the confusion is much--and
needlessly--increased. Dr. Shea, the learned translator and editor of Le
Clercq, apparently aimed to put all the names into English, without
accents. Parkman, or his publishers, have been guilty of many
inconsistencies, now speaking of "Brebeuf," now of "Brebeuf," and
changing "Le Clercq" to "Le Clerc." The "Historical Writings" of
Buffalo's pre-eminent student in this field, Orsamus H. Marshall, share
with many less valuable works--the present, no doubt, among them--these
inconsistencies of style in the use of proper names.
[2] Mr. Consul W. Butterfield, whose "History of Brule's Discoveries and
Explorations, 1610-1626," has appeared since the above was written, is
of opinion that Brule did not visit the falls, nor gain any particular
knowledge of Lake Erie, as that lake is not shown on Champlain's map of
1632; but that he and his Indian escort crossed the Niagara near Lake
Ontario, "into what is now Western New York, in the present county of
Niagara," and that "the journey was doubtless pursued through what are
now the counties of Erie, Genesee, Wyoming, Livingston, Steuben and
Chemung into Tioga," and thence down the Susquehanna. It is probable
that Brule's party would follow existing trails, and one of the best
defined trails, at a later period when the Senecas occupied the country
as far west as the Niagara, followed this easterly course; but there
were other trails, one of which lay along the east bank of the Niagara.
So long as we have no other original source of information except
Champlain, Sagard and Le Caron, none of whom has left any explicit
record of Brule's journeyings hereabouts, so long must his exact path in
the Niagara region remain untraced.
[3] "Brehan de Gallinee," in Margry. Shea has it "Brehaut de Galinee."
[4] Why Joliet left the Lake Erie route on his way east, for one much
more difficult, has been a matter of some discussion. According to the
Abbe Galinee, he was induced to turn aside by an Iroquois Indian who had
been a prisoner among the Ottawas. Joliet persuaded the Ottawas to let
this prisoner return with him. As they drew near the Niagara the
Iroquois became afraid lest he should fall into the hands of the ancient
enemies of the Iroquois, the Andastes, although the habitat of that
people is usually given as from about the site of Buffalo to the west
and southwest. At any rate it was the representations of this Iroquois
prisoner and guide which apparently turned Joliet into the Grand River
and kept him away from the Niagara. The paragraph in de Galinee bearing
on the matter is as follows:
"Ce fut cet Iroquois qui montra a M. Jolliet un nouveau chemin que les
Francois n'avoient point sceu jusques alors pour revenir des Outaouacs
dans le pays des Iroquois. Cependant la crainte que ce sauvage eut de
retomber entre les mains des Antastoes luy fit dire a M. Jolliet qu'il
falloit qu'il quittast son canot et marchast par terre plustost qu'il
n'eust fallu, et mesme sans cette terreur du sauvage, M. Jolliet eust pu
venir par eau jusques dans le lac Ontario, en faisant un portage de
demi-lieue pour eviter le grand sault dont j'ay deja parle, mais entin
il fut oblige par son guide de faire cinquante lieues par terre, et
abandonner son canot sur lebord du lac Erie."
It is singular that so important a relation in the history of our region
has never been published in English. De Galinee's original MS. Journal
is preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, in Paris. It was first
printed in French by M. Pierre Margry in 1879; but five years prior to
that date Mr. O. H. Marshall of Buffalo, having been granted access to
M. Margry's MS. copy, made extracts, which were printed in English in
1874. These were only a small portion of the Abbe's valuable record. The
Ontario Historical Society has for some time contemplated the
translation and publication of the complete Journal--a work which
students of the early history of the lake region will hope soon to see
accomplished.
[5] Probably that now known as Patterson's Creek.
[6] A minot is an old French measure; about three bushels.
[7] Evidently at Four or Six Mile Creek.
[8] Probably what the English call scurvy-grass.
[9] Otherwise Fort Frontenac, now Kingston, Ont.
[10] Sullivan to Jay, Teaogo (Tioga), Sept. 30, 1779.
[11] I first struck the trail in London, among the Colonial Papers
preserved in the Public Records Office. Subsequently, in the Archives
Department at Ottawa, I found that trail broaden into a fair highway.
Something has been gleaned at Albany; more, no doubt, is to be looked
for at Washington; but it is an amazing fact that our Government is far
less liberal in granting access for students to its official records
than is either England or Canada. But the Niagara region was British
during the Revolution, and its history is chiefly to be sought in
British archives. Especially in the Haldimand Papers, preserved in the
British Museum, but of which verified copies are readily accessible in
the Archives at Ottawa, is the Revolutionary history of the Niagara to
be found. Besides the 232 great volumes in which these papers are
gathered, there are thousands of other MSS. of value to an inquirer
seeking the history of this region; especially the correspondence,
during all that term of years, between the commandants at Fort Niagara
and other upper lake posts, and the Commander in Chief of the British
forces in America; between that general and the Ministry in London, and
between the commandants at the posts and the Indian agents, fur traders
and many classes and conditions of men. For the incidents here recorded
I have drawn, almost exclusively, on these unpublished sources.
[12] A snow is a three-masted craft, the smallest mast abaft the
mainmast being rigged with a try-sail. Possibly, on the lakes where
shipyards were primitive, this type was not always adhered to; but the
correspondence and orders of the period under notice carefully
discriminate between snows and schooners.
[13] See "What Befel David Ogden," in this volume.
[14] "A Narrative of the Captivity and Sufferings of Benjamin Gilbert
and his Family; Who were surprised by the Indians, and taken from their
Farms, on the Frontiers of Pennsylvania, in the Spring, 1780.
Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Joseph Crukshank, in Market-street,
between Second and Third-streets. M DCC LXXXIV." 12mo, pp. iv-96. It was
reprinted in London (12mo, pp. 123) in 1785, and again (12mo, pp. 124,
"Reprinted and sold by James Phillips, George-Yard, Lombard street") in
1790. A "third edition, revised and enlarged," 16mo, pp. 240, bears date
Philadelphia, 1848. Of a later edition (8vo, pp. 38, Lancaster, Pa.,
1890) privately printed, only 150 copies were issued. The work was
written by William Walton, to whom the facts were told by the Gilberts
after their return. (Field.) Ketchum made some use of the "Narrative" in
his "Buffalo and the Senecas," as has Wm. Clement Bryant and perhaps
other local writers. See also "Account of Benjamin Gilbert," Vol. III.,
Register of Pennsylvania. A reissue of the original work, carefully
edited, would not only be a useful book for students of the history of
Buffalo and the Niagara region, but would offer much in the way of
extraordinary adventure for the edification of "the general reader."
[15] Ketchum says he could not have done so. ("History of Buffalo," Vol.
I., p. 328.) But Ketchum was misled, as many writers have been in
ascribing the leadership to Brant. My assertion rests on the evidence of
contemporary documents in the Archives at Ottawa, especially the MS.
"Anecdotes of Capt. Joseph Brant, Niagara, 1778," in the handwriting of
Col. Daniel Claus. Wm. Clement Bryant published a part of it in his
"Captain Brant and the Old King," _q. v._
[16] What became of all the scalps brought in to Fort Niagara during
these years, and delivered up to the British officers, if not for pay,
certainly for presents? The human scalp, properly dried, is not readily
perishable, if cared for. Very many of them--from youthful heads or
those white with age, the long tresses of women and the soft ringlets of
children--became the property of officers at this post. Little is said
on this subject in the correspondence; we do not see them with flags and
other trophies in the cathedrals and museums of England. What became of
them?
[17] In another letter to Lord George Germaine, dated Nov. 20, 1780, we
have a few additional particulars. It is probably the fullest account of
this calamity in existence. "It is with great concern," wrote Haldimand,
"I acquaint your Lordship of a most unfortunate event which is just
reported to me to have happened upon Lake Ontario about the 1st. [Nov.,
1780.] A very fine snow [schooner] carrying 16 guns, which was built
last winter, sailed the 31st ultimo from Niagara and was seen several
times the same day near the north shore. The next day it blew very hard,
and the vessel's boats, binnacle, gratings, some hats, etc., were found
upon the opposite shore, the wind having changed suddenly, by Lt. Col.
Butler about forty miles from Niagara, on his way from Oswego, so there
cannot be a doubt that she is totally lost and her crew, consisting of
forty seamen, perished, together with Lt. Col. Bolton of the King's
Regiment, whom I had permitted to leave Niagara on account of his bad
state of health, Lt. Colleton of the Royal Artillery, Lt. Royce and
thirty men of the 34th Regiment, who were crossing the lake to reinforce
Carleton Island. Capt. Andrews who commanded the vessel and the naval
armament upon that lake was a most zealous, active, intelligent officer.
The loss of so many good officers and men is much aggravated by the
consequences that will follow this misfortune in the disappointment of
conveying provisions across the lake for the garrison of Niagara and
Detroit, which are not near completed for the winter consumption, and
there is not a possibility of affording them much assistance with the
vessels that remain, it being dangerous to navigate the lake later than
the 20th inst., particularly as the large vessels are almost worn out.
The master builder and carpenters are sent off to repair this evil."
[18] "The Falls of Niagara, or Tourist's Guide," etc., by S. De Veaux.
Buffalo, 1839.
[19] Capt. Parrish became Indian agent, but Capt. Jones held the office
of interpreter for many years. "Their councils [with the Indians] were
held at a council house belonging to the Senecas situated a few rods
east of the bend in the road just this side of the red bridge across
Buffalo Creek on the Aurora Plank Road, then little more than an Indian
trail; but much of their business was transacted at the store of Hart &
Lay, situated on the west side of Main Street, midway between Swan and
Erie streets, and on the common opposite, then known as Ellicott
Square."--MS. narrative of Capt. Jones's captivity, by Orlando Allen, in
possession of William L. Bryant of Buffalo. Horatio Jones was captured
about 1777 near Bedford, Pa., being aged 14; was taken to a town on the
Genesee River, where he ran the gauntlet, was adopted, and lived with
the Indians until liberated by the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784. The
MS. narrative above quoted is Orlando Allen's chronicle of facts given
to him by Capts. Jones and Parrish, and is of exceptional value.
[20] Brig. Powell to Col. van Schaick, Feb. 13, 1780; Haldimand Papers,
"Correspondence relating to exchange of prisoners," etc., B. 175.
[21] I cannot better show the real state of affairs at Fort Niagara,
towards the close of the Revolutionary War, than by submitting the
following "Review of Col. Johnson's Transactions," which I copy from the
Canadian Archives. [Series B, Vol. 106, p. 123, _et seq._] I do not know
that it has ever been printed. Obviously written at the instigation of
Col. Johnson, it is perhaps colored to justify his administrative
conduct; but in any event it is a most useful picture of conditions at
the time. Except for some slight changes in punctuation in order to make
the meaning more readily apparent, the statement is given verbatim:
MONTREAL, 24th March, 1782.
Before Colonel Johnson arrived at Niagara in 1779 the Six Nations lived
in their original possession the nearest of which was about 100 and the
farthest about 300 miles from that post. Their warriors were called upon
as the service required parties, which in 1776 amounted to about 70 men,
and the expenses attending them and a few occasional meetings ought to
have been and he presumes were a mere Trifle when compared with what
must attend their situation when all [were] driven to Niagara, exposed
to every want, to every temptation and with every claim which their
distinguished sacrifices and the tenor of Soloman [solemn] Treaties had
entitled them to from Government. The years 1777 & 1778 exhibited only a
larger number occasionally employed and for their fidelity and
attachment to Government they were invaded in 1779 by a rebel army
reported to be from 5 to 600 men with a train of Artillery who forced
them to retire to Niagara leaving behind them very fine plantations of
corn and vegetables, with their cloathing, arms, silver works, Wampum
Kettles and Implements of Husbandry, the collection of ages of which
were distroyed in a deliberate manner and march of the rebels. Two
villages only escaped that were out of their route.
The Indians having always apprehended that their distinguished Loyalty
might draw some such calamity towards them had stipulated that under
such circumstances they effected [expected] to have their losses made up
as well as a liberal continuation of favors and to be supported at the
expence of Government till they could be reinstated in their former
possessions. They were accordingly advised to form camps around Niagara
which they were beginning to do at the time of Colonel Johnson's arrival
who found them much chagrined and prepared to reconcile them to their
disaster which he foresaw would be a work of time requiring great
judgement and address in effecting which he was afterwards successful
beyond his most sanguine expectations, and this was the state of the
Indians at Colonel Johnson's arrival. As to the state and regulation of
Colonel Johnson's offices and department at that period he found the
duties performed by 2 or three persons the rest little acquainted with
them and considered as less capable of learning them, and the whole
number inadequate to that of the Indians, and the then requisite calls
of the service, and that it was necessary after refusing the present
wants of the Indians to keep their minds occupied by constant military
employment, all which he laid before the Commander in Chief who
frequently honoured his conduct with particular approbation.
By His Instructions he was to apply to Lieut. Colonel Bolton, more
especially regarding the modes of this place and the public accounts &c
from whom he received no further information, than that they were kept,
and made up by the established house at that post, and consider of
goods, orders and all contingencies and disbursements for Indians,
ranging parties, Prisoners, &c. That they were generally arranged half
yearly as well as the nature of them and of the changeable people they
had to deal with would permit; that he believed many demands were
therefore outstanding and that he was glad to have done with passing
[i. e., granting of passes] as it was impossible for him or any person
that had other duties to discharge to give them much attention. At which
Colonel Johnson expressed his concern but was told that the house was
established in the business and thro' the impossibility of having proper
circulating cash in another channell they advanced all monies and
settled all accounts and that that mode had been found most eligable.
Colonel Johnson thereupon issued the best orders he could devise for the
preventing abuses and the better regulation of matters relating to goods
payment of expenses, and proceeding to the discharge of the principal
objects of his duty, he, accordingly to a plan long since proposed,
formed the Indians into Companies and by degrees taught them to feel the
convenience of having officers set apart to each, which they were soon
not only reconciled to but highly pleased with, by which means he gave
some degree of method and form to the most Independent race of the
Indians, greatly facilitated all business with them and by a prudent
arrangement of his officers those who were before uninformed became in a
little time some of the most approved and usefull persons in his
department, being constantly quartered at such places or sent on some
services as tended most to their improvement and the public advantage,
whilst by spiriting up and employing the Indians with constant party's
along the frontiers from Fort Stanwix to Fort Pitt he so harrassed the
back settlements, as finally to drive numbers of them from their
plantation destroying their houses, mills, graneries, &c, frequently
defeating their scouting parties killing and captivating many of their
people amounting in the whole to near 900 and all this with few or no
instances of savage cruelty exclusive of what they performed when
assisted by His Majesty's Troops as will appear from his returns. By
these means he presented [? preserved] the spirit of the Indians and
kept their minds so occupied as to prevent their being disgusted at the
want of Military aid, which had been long their Topic and which could
then be afforded according to their requisitions; neither did he admit
any point of negociation during this period of peculiar hurry, for
knowing the importance the Oneidas &c., were off [of] to the rebels and
the obstruction they gave to all means of intelligence from that
quarter, he sent a private Belt and message on pretence of former
Friendship for them, in consequence of which he was shortly joined by
430 of them of [whom] 130 were men who have since on all occasions
peculiarly distinguished themselves, and after defeating the rebel
Invitation to the Indians he by the renewal of the great covenant chain
and war Belt which he sent thro' all the nations animation to the most
western Indians.
Soon after with intention to reduce the vast consumption of provisions,
he with much difficulty prevailed on part of the Indians to begin some
new plantation, that they might supply themselves with grain, &c; but
this being an object of the most serious and National concern, and urged
in the strongest terms by the commander-in-chief, Col. Johnson, during
the winter 1780, took indefatigable pains to persuade the whole to
remove and settle the ensuing season on advantageous terms. He had
himself visited for that purpose but finding that their treaties with
and expectations from Government, combined with their natural Indulgence
to render it a matter of infinite difficulty which would encrease by
delay and probably become unsurmountable he procured some grain from
Detroit and liberally rewarded the families of Influence at additional
expence to sett the example to the rest and assisted their beginning to
prevent a disappointment by which means he has enabled before the end of
May last to settle the whole about 3500 souls exclusive of those who had
joined the 2 farms that had not been distroyed by the rebels and thereby
with a little future assistance, and good management to create a saving
of L100,000 pr annum N. York currency at the rate of provision is worth
there to Government, together with a reduction of rum and of all Indian
Expenses, as will appear from the reduced accounts since these
settlements were made. The peculiar circumstances above mentioned and
the constant disappointment of goods from the Crown at the times they
were most wanted will easily account for the occasional expence. The
house which conducted the Business at Niagara was perpetually thronged
by Indians and others. Lieut. Colonel Bolton often sent verbal orders
for articles as did some other secretaries and sometimes necessity
required it and often they were charged and others substituted of equal
value with other irregularities, the consequence of a crew of Indians
before unknown, of an encrease of duties, and the necessity for sending
them to plant well satisfied.
The number of prisoners thrown upon Colonel Johnson from time to time
and of Indian Chiefs and their families about his quarters was attended
with vast trouble and an Expense which it was impossible to ascertain
with exactness and when he directed the moiety of certain articles of
consumption to be placed to the account of the Crown, he soon found
himself lower. The merchants have since been accused of fraud by a clerk
who lived some time with them, the investigation of which he was called
suddenly to attend and he now finds that many articles undoubtedly
issued have been placed to his account instead of their [the] Crown, and
many false and malicious insinuations circulated to the prejudice of his
character and his influence with the Indians which is rendered the more
injurious by his abrupt departure from the shortness of the time, which
did not permit his calling and explaining to the chiefs the reasons for
his leaving them as [he] undoubtedly should have done, and therefore,
and on every public account, his presence is not only effected
[expected], but is become more necessary among them than ever. This
brief summary is candidly prepared and is capable of sufficient proof
and Illustration.
[22] Site of Rome, N. Y.
[23] Perhaps more correctly, according to eminent authority (Lewis H.
Morgan), "Ga-nun-da-sa-ga." It was one of the most important of the
Seneca towns, situated near the site of the present town of Geneva. Gen.
Sullivan destroyed it in September, 1779, and no attempt was ever made
to rebuild it.
[24] Except perhaps in the case of Capt. Alexander Harper and his party,
for whom the ordeal was made light, most of the Indians having been
enticed away from the vicinity of the fort; but this was apparently due
to Brant, rather than to the British.--_See_ Ketchum's "History of
Buffalo," Vol. I., pp. 374, 375.
[25] I have followed the old narrative in the spelling of these Indian
names, which, no doubt, students of Indian linguistics will discover are
not wholly in accord with the genius of the Seneca tongue.
[26] Ketchum gives Capt. Powell a better character than this incident
would indicate; and says that he "visited the prisoners among the
Senecas, at Buffalo Creek, several times during the time they remained
there, not only to encourage them by his counsel and sympathy, but to
administer to their necessities, and to procure their release; which was
ultimately accomplished, mainly through his efforts, assisted by other
officers at the fort, which [_sic_] the example and interest of Jane
Moore, the Cherry Valley captive had influenced to cooeperate in this
work of mercy." ["History of Buffalo," Vol. I., p. 376.] I have adhered
to the spirit and in part, to the language, of Ogden's own narrative.
[27] Address delivered at Fort Niagara, N. Y., at the celebration of the
centennial of British evacuation, August 11, 1896. Amplification on some
points, not possible in the brief time allotted for the spoken address
on that occasion, is here made in foot-notes.
[28] See Oliver Wendell Holmes's beautiful poem, "Francis Parkman," read
at the meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society in memory of the
historian, who died November 8, 1893.
[29] The first official step towards such fortification was taken by
Frontenac. On Nov. 14, 1674, he wrote to the Minister, Colbert: "Sieur
Joliet ... has returned three months ago, and discovered some very fine
Countries, and a navigation so easy through the beautiful rivers he has
found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Frontenac in a
bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a
league in length, where Lake Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A
settlement would be made at this point and another bark built on Lake
Erie. These are projects which it will be possible to effect when Peace
will be firmly established, and whenever it will please the King to
prosecute these discoveries." [Paris Docs. I., N. Y. Colonial MSS.]
Joliet, it must be remembered, was never on the Niagara; whatever
representations he made to Frontenac regarding it were based on hearsay,
very likely on reports made to him by La Salle at their meeting in 1669;
so that priority in promoting the Niagara route reverts after all to
that gallant adventurer.
[30] In 1896.
[31] In the palisaded cabin on the site of Lewiston.
[32] Father Watteaux (also spelled "Watteau," "Vatteaux," etc.) was
first only in the sense of being assigned to a located mission. "Father
Gabriel [de la Ribourde] was named Superior.... Father Melithon was to
remain at Niagara and make it his mission." (Le Clercq, Shea's
translation, Vol. I., p. 112.) "Father Melithon remained in the house at
Niagara with some laborers and clerks." (_Ib._, p. 113.) This was in the
summer of 1679; but six months earlier mass had been celebrated on the
New York side of the Niagara by Father Hennepin.
[33] This statement, which I have elsewhere accepted (_See_ "The
Cross-Bearers," p. 28 of this volume), is on the usually unimpeachable
authority of Dr. John Gilmary Shea, the historian of the Catholic Church
in America. (_See_ "The Catholic Church in Colonial Days," p. 322.) I
find, however, on referring to the authorities on which Dr. Shea rests
his statement that the particular grant made on the date named--May 27,
1679--was not at Niagara but at Fort Frontenac. (Hennepin, "Nouvelle
Decouverte," p. 108.) At Frontenac La Salle had seigniorial rights, and
could pass title as he wished; but on the Niagara he had no right to
confer title, for he held no delegated power beyond the letters patent
from the King, which permitted him to explore and build forts, under
certain restrictions.
[34] This would seem to fix the date of the northeast blockhouse at
1790; but on examination of other sources of information I discover
strong evidence that the original construction was earlier. The Duke de
la Rochefoucault Liancourt, who visited Fort Niagara in June, 1795,
wrote: "All the buildings, within the precincts of the fort, are of
stone, and were built by the French." ("Travels," etc., London ed.,
1799, Vol. I., p. 257.) This would make them antedate July, 1759, which
is not true of the bakehouse. The Duke may therefore have erred
regarding other buildings, the northeast blockhouse among them; yet had
it been but four or five years old, he would not be likely to attribute
it to the French. Pouchot's plan of the fort (1759) does not show it. I
have seen the original sketch of a plan in the British Museum, dated
Niagara, 1773, which shows, with several buildings long since destroyed,
two constructions where the blockhouses now stand, with this note: "Two
stone redoubts built in 1770 and 1771." An accompanying sketch of the
southwest redoubt shows a striking similarity to the southwest
blockhouse as it now stands, although a roadway ran through it and a gun
was mounted on top. These redoubts may have been remodeled by Gother
Mann.
[35] Although I am aware that some American writers, and probably all
Canadian writers who touch the subject, are offering evidence that there
was no "massacre" at Wyoming, I still find in the details of that affair
what I regard as abundant warrant for the designation of "massacre."
[36] Haldimand to T. Townshend, October 25, 1782.
[37] Haldimand to Lord North, June 2, 1782. In the same letter he wrote
"I have lately received a letter from Brig.-Gen. Maclean who commands at
Niagara.... Affairs with the Indians are in a very critical state. I
have ordered and insisted upon Sir John Johnson's immediate departure
for Niagara in hopes that his influence may be of use in preventing the
bad consequences which may be apprehended. I have been assured by the
officers who brought me the accounts of the cessation of arms, via New
York, that Gen. Schuyler and the American officers made no secret of
their hostile intentions against the Indians and such Royalists as had
served amongst them. It is to be hoped that the American Congress will
adopt a line of conduct more consonant to humanity as well as Policy."
[38] The full story of the efforts of the United States Government to
obtain possession of Fort Niagara and the other posts on the northern
frontier would make a long chapter. I have barely touched a few features
of it. One episode was the mission of the Baron Steuben to Haldimand, to
claim the delivery of the posts. Washington selected Steuben because of
his appreciation of that general's tact and soundness of judgment in
military matters. The President's instructions under date of July 12,
1783, were characteristically precise and judicious. Steuben was to
procure from General Haldimand, if possible, immediate cession of the
posts; failing in that, he was to get a pledge of an early cession; "but
if this cannot be done," wrote Washington, "you will endeavor to procure
from him positive and definite assurances, that he will as soon as
possible give information of the time that shall be fixed on for the
evacuation of these posts, and that the troops of his Britannic Majesty
shall not be drawn therefrom until sufficient previous notice shall be
given of that event; that the troops of the United States may be ready
to occupy the fortresses as soon as they shall be abandoned by those of
his Britannic Majesty." An exchange of artillery and stores was also to
be proposed. Having made these arrangements with Haldimand, Steuben was
to go to Oswego, thence to Niagara, and after viewing the situation, and
noting the strength and all the military and strategic conditions, was
to pass on to Detroit. Armed with these instructions from the
Commander-in-Chief, Steuben went to Canada, and on the 8th of August met
Gen. Haldimand at Sorel. For once, the man who had disciplined the
American Army met his match. His report to Washington indicates an
uncommonly positive reception.
"To the first proposition which I had in charge to make," he wrote to
Washington, Aug. 23, 1783 ["Correspondence of the Revolution," IV., 41,
42], "Gen. Haldimand replied that he had not received any orders for
making the least arrangement for the evacuation of a single post; that
he had only received orders to cease hostilities; those he had strictly
complied with, not only by restraining the British troops, but also the
savages, from committing the least hostile act; but that, until he
should receive positive orders for that purpose, he would not evacuate
an inch of ground. I informed him that I was not instructed to insist on
an immediate evacuation of the posts in question, but that I was ordered
to demand a safe conduct to, and a liberty of visiting the posts on our
frontiers, and now occupied by the British, that I might judge of the
arrangements necessary to be made for securing the interests of the
United States. To this he answered that the precaution was premature;
that the peace was not yet signed; that he was only authorized to cease
hostilities; and that, in this point of view, he could not permit that I
should visit a single post occupied by the British. Neither would he
agree that any kind of negotiation should take place between the United
States and the Indians, if in his power to prevent it, and that the door
of communication should, on his part, be shut, until he received
positive orders from his court to open it. My last proposal was that he
should enter into an agreement to advise Congress of the evacuation of
the posts, three months previous to their abandonment. This, for the
reason before mentioned, he refused, declaring that until the definite
treaty should be signed, he would not enter into any kind of agreement
or negotiation whatever."
[39] The inability of the New York State Government to accomplish
anything in the matter at this time is illustrated by the following
extract from Gov. Clinton's speech to the Senate and Assembly, January
21, 1784: "You will perceive from the communication which relates to the
subject that I have not been inattentive to the circumstances of the
western posts within this State. They are undoubtedly of great
importance for the protection of our trade and frontier settlements, and
it was with concern I learnt that the propositions made by the State for
governing those posts were not acceded to by Congress. It affords me,
however, some satisfaction to find that the Commander-in-Chief was in
pursuit of measures for that purpose, but my expostulations proved
fruitless. The British commander in that Department treating the
Provisional Articles as a suspension of hostilities only, declined to
withdraw his garrisons and refused us even to visit these posts. It is
necessary for me to add that it will now be impracticable to take
possession of them until spring, and that I have no reason to believe
that Congress have, or are likely to make any provision for the expense
which will necessarily occur, it therefore remains for you to take this
interesting subject into your further consideration."
To this the Senate made answer: "The circumstances of our western posts
excite our anxiety. We shall make no comment on the conduct of the
British officer in Canada as explained by your Excellency's
communication. It would be in vain. Convinced that our frontier
settlements, slowly emerging from the utter ruin with which they were so
lately overwhelmed, and our fur trade which constitutes a valuable
branch in our remittances, will be protected by these posts, we shall
adopt the best measures in our power for their reestablishment."
[40] "Lt.-Col. Fish," the Governor General's report continues, "gave me
the strongest assurances that the proceedings against the Loyalists were
disapproved by the leading men in the different States, and gave me a
recent instance of Gov. Clinton having [? saving] Capt. Moore [?] of the
53d Regiment from the insolence of the mob in New York."
[41] "Lt.-Col. Hull in the American service, arrived here on the 10th
inst. with a letter from Major Gen. Knox, dated New York the 13th
June.... I did not think myself, from the tenor of Yr Lordship's letter
of the 8th of April, authorized to give publicly, any reason for
delaying the evacuation of the Posts, tho' perhaps it might have had
some effect in quickening the efforts of Congress to produce the
execution of the Article of the Difinitive Treaty in favor of the
Royalists, tho' I held the same private conversation to Lt.-Col. Hull as
I had to Lt.-Col. Fish."--Haldimand to Lord Sydney Quebec, July 16,
1784.
[42] Haldimand to Thos. Steile, Esq., of the Treasury; Quebec, Sept. 1,
1784.
[43] At the risk of overloading my pages with citations from this old
correspondence, I venture to give the following letter from Lord
Dorchester to Lt.-Gov. Simcoe, so admirably does it illustrate the
British apprehensions at the time. It is dated Quebec, Apr. 3, 1796:
"Circumstances have arisen, which will probably, for a time, delay the
evacuation of the Upper Posts, among which some relating to the
interests of the Indians do not appear the least important. By the 8th
article of the treaty entered into the 3d August last, between Mr. Wayne
and them, it is stipulated that no person shall be allowed to reside
among or to trade with these Indian tribes, unless they be furnished
with a license from the Government of the United States, and that every
person so trading shall be delivered up by the Indians to an American
Superintendent, to be dealt with according to law, which is inconsistent
with the third article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation,
previously concluded between His Majesty and the United States by which
it is agreed that 'it shall at all times be free to His Majesty's
subjects and to the citizens of the United States and also to the
Indians, dwelling on either side of the Boundary Line, freely to _pass
and repass_, by land or inland navigation, into the respective
territories and countries of the two parties on the Continent of America
(the country within the limits of the Hudson Bay Co. only excepted), and
to navigate the lakes, rivers and waters thereof, and freely to carry on
trade and commerce _with each other_.'
"Previously therefore to the actual execution of the treaty on our part,
it is requisite that we should be convinced that the stipulations
entered into by the United States will also be fulfilled by them; and on
a point so interesting to His Majesty's subjects and more especially to
the Indians, it is indispensably necessary that all doubts and
misconceptions should be removed. His Majesty's Minister at Philadelphia
is accordingly instructed to require an explanation on this subject.
Till therefore the same shall be satisfactorily terminated I shall delay
the surrender of the Posts. These matters you will be pleased to explain
to the Indians, pointing out to them at the same time the benevolent
care and regard always manifested towards them by the King their Father,
and particularly the attention that has been shown to their interests on
the present occasion."
[44] Dorchester to Robert Liston (British Minister at Philadelphia),
June 6, 1796.
[45] Under date of Niagara, August 6, 1796, Peter Russell wrote to the
Duke of Portland: "All the posts we held on the American side of the
line in the vicinity of this province, are given up to the United States
agreeable to the treaty, excepting that of Niagara, which remains
occupied by a small detachment from the 5th Regiment, until the garrison
they have ordered thither may arrive from Oswego. And I understand that
they have not yet taken possession of Michillimackinac from the want of
provisions. I have directed the officers commanding his Majesty's troops
in this Province to make me a return of the effective number that may
remain after the departure of the 5th and 24th Regiments, and of their
distribution." On August 20th he wrote: "The Fort of Niagara was
delivered up to a detachment of troops belonging to the United States of
America on the 11th inst. and the guard left in it by the 5th Regiment
has sailed for Lower Canada." Mackinac, the last of the posts to be
surrendered, did not pass into the hands of the Americans until the
following October.
[46] This must not be confounded with the wreck of the steamer
President, which was never heard from after the storm of March 13, 1841.
The President of which Mr. Lay wrote was obviously a bark, ship, or
other sailing craft.
[47] In one Canadian work, John Charles Dent's "Story of the Upper
Canadian Rebellion," statements are printed to show that the Caroline
did not go over the falls, but that her hull sank in shallow water not
far below the Schlosser landing. There is however a mass of evidence to
other effect. It is striking that so sensational an episode, happening
within the memory of many men yet living, should be thus befogged. The
contemporary accounts which were published in American newspapers were
wildly exaggerated, one report making the loss of life exceed ninety.
(There was but one man killed.) Mackenzie himself is said to have spread
these extravagant reports. He had a gift for the sort of journalism
which in this later day is called "yellow," a chief iniquity of which is
its wanton perversion of contemporary record, and the ultimate confusion
of history.
[48] By the end of December, 1837, about 600 men had resorted to Navy
Island in the guise of "Patriots." Although this number was later
somewhat increased, the entire "army" at that point probably never
numbered 1,000.
[49] There were about 150 Patriots, claiming to be citizens of the
United States, who were taken prisoners in Upper Canada, and transported
to Van Dieman's Land. Among those taken near Windsor, besides Marsh,
were Ezra Horton, Joseph Horton and John Simons of Buffalo, John W.
Simmons and Truman Woodbury of Lockport. Taken at Windmill Point, near
Prescott, was Asa M. Richardson of Buffalo. Taken at Short Hills,
Welland Co., was Linus W. Miller of Chautauqua Co., who afterwards wrote
a book on the rebellion and his exile; and Benjamin Waite, whose
"Letters from Van Dieman's Land" were published in Buffalo in 1843.
Waite died at Grand Rapids, Mich., Nov. 9, 1895, aged eighty-two. It is
not unlikely that some Americans who underwent that exile are still
living. I have seen no list of Americans captured during the outbreak in
Lower Canada.
[50] _See_ "Reminiscences of Levi Coffin," p. 253.
[51] _See_ "John Brown and His Men," p. 171.
[52] _See_ Siebert's "The Underground Railroad," pp. 35, 36.
[53] "Narrative of William W. Brown," 1848, pp. 107, 108. Quoted by
Siebert.
[54] There is a considerable literature on the specific subject of the
Underground Railroad, and a great deal more relating to it is to be
found in works dealing more broadly with slavery, and the political
history of our country. Of especial local interest is Eber M. Pettit's
"Sketches in the History of the Underground Railroad," etc., Fredonia,
1879. The author, "for many years a conductor on the Underground
Railroad line from slavery to freedom," has recorded many episodes in
which the fugitives were brought to Buffalo, Black Rock, or Niagara
Falls, and gives valuable and interesting data regarding the routes and
men who operated them in Western New York and Western Pennsylvania.
[55] I have drawn these facts from Mrs. Jameson's "Winter Studies and
Summer Rambles in Canada," published in London in 1838. Mrs. Jameson was
at Niagara in 1837, apparently during or soon after the riot. She called
on one of the negro women who had been foremost in the fray. This woman
was "apparently about five-and-twenty," had been a slave in Virginia,
but had run away at sixteen. This would indicate that she may have come
a refugee to the Niagara as early as 1828. William Kirby, in his "Annals
of Niagara," has told Moseby's story, with more detail than Mrs.
Jameson; he reports only one as killed in the _melee_--the schoolmaster
Holmes--and adds that "Moseby lived quietly the rest of his life in St.
Catharines and Niagara." Sir Francis Bond Head's official communication
to the Home Government regarding the matter reports two as killed.
[56] _See_ "A Narrative," by Sir Francis Bond Head, Bart., 2d ed.,
London, 1839, pp. 200-204.
[57] "Letters from the United States, Cuba and Canada," London, 1856, p.
118.
[58] "Canada, Its Defences, Condition and Resources," by W. Howard
Russell, LL. D., London, 1865, pp. 33, 34.
[59] Mr. Butler's name does not appear in Siebert's history, "The
Underground Railroad." The "operators" for Erie County named therein (p.
414) are Gideon Barker, the Hon. Wm. Haywood, Geo. W. Johnson, Deacon
Henry Moore, and Messrs. Aldrich and Williams. For Niagara County he
names Thomas Binmore, W. H. Childs, M. C. Richardson, Lyman Spaulding.
Chautauqua and Wyoming counties present longer lists, and thirty-six are
named for Monroe County. As appears from my text, the Erie County list
could be extended.
[60] No doubt an investigator could find a number of former slaves, rich
in reminiscences of Underground days, still living in the villages and
towns of the Niagara Peninsula, though they would not be very numerous,
for, as Aunt Betsy says, "the old heads are 'bout all gone now." Between
Fort Erie and Ridgeway lives Daniel Woods, a former slave, who came by
the Underground. Harriet Black, a sister-in-law of Mrs. Robinson, still
living near Ridgeway, was also a "passenger." Probably others live at
St. Catharines, Niagara and other points of former negro settlement, who
could tell thrilling tales of their escape from the South. There are
many survivors on the Canada side of the Niagara, of another class; men
or women who were born in slavery but were "freed by the bayonet," and
came North with no fear of the slave-catchers. Of this class at Fort
Erie are Melford Harris and Thomas Banks. Mr. Banks was sold from
Virginia to go "down the river"; got his freedom at Natchez, joined the
102d Michigan Infantry, and fought for the Union until the end of the
war. His case is probably typical of many, but does not belong to the
records of the Underground Railroad.
[61] H. Clay to Lewis L. Hodges; original letter in possession of the
Buffalo Historical Society.
[62] Anonymous reminiscences published in the Buffalo Courier, about
1887.
[63] Apparently the greatest travel, at least over these particular
routes, was during 1840-41. It was a justifiable boast of the
"conductors" that a "passenger" was never lost. In a journal of notes,
which was annually kept for many years by one of the zealous
anti-slavery men of that day, I find the following entry in 1841:
"Nov. 1.--The week has been cold; some hard freezing and snow; now warm;
assisted six fugitives from oppression, from this land of equal rights
to the despotic government of Great Britain, where they can enjoy their
liberty. Last night put them on board a steamboat and paid their passage
to Buffalo."
[64] When I knew Frank Henry, he was light-house keeper at Erie. He died
in October, 1889, and his funeral was a memorable one. After the body
had been viewed by his friends, while it lay in state in the parlor of
his old home in Wesleyville, the casket was lifted to the shoulders of
the pall-bearers, who carried it through the streets of the little
village to the church, all the friends, which included all the villagers
and many from the city and the country round about, following in
procession on foot. The little church could not hold the assemblage, but
the overflow waited until the service was over, content, if near enough
the windows or the open door, to hear but a portion of the eulogies his
beloved pastor pronounced. Then they all proceeded to the graveyard
behind the historic church and laid him away. He was a man of an
exceptionally frank and lovable character. Prof. Wilbur H. Siebert
mentions him in his history, "The Underground Railroad from Slavery to
Freedom"; but nowhere else, I believe, is as much recorded of the work
which he did for the refugee slaves as in the incidents told in the
following pages; and these, we may be assured, are but examples of the
service in which he was engaged for a good many years.
[65] Afterwards long known as the Lowry Mansion, on Second Street,
between French and Holland streets. It is still standing.
[66] Capt. D. P. Dobbins was for many years a distinguished resident of
Buffalo. As vessel master, Government official, and especially as
inventor of the Dobbins life-boat, he acquired a wide reputation; but
little has been told of his Underground Railroad work. He died in 1892.
[67] I had the facts of this experience from Mr. Frank Henry, and first
wrote them out and printed them in the Erie Gazette in 1880. (Ah, Time,
why hasten so!) In 1894 H. U. Johnson of Orwell, O., published a book
entitled "From Dixie to Canada, Romances and Realities of the
Underground Railroad," in which a chapter is devoted to Jack Watson, and
this experience at the Wesleyville church is narrated, considerably
embellished, but in parts with striking similarity to the version for
which Frank Henry and I were responsible. Mr. Johnson gives no credit
for his facts to any source.
[68] Such an one was the anti-slavery worker, Sallie Holley, who had
formerly taken great pleasure in the sermons of Mr. Fillmore's pastor,
the Rev. Dr. Hosmer of the Unitarian Church. When Mr. Fillmore returned
to Buffalo and was seen again in his accustomed seat, Miss Holley
refused to attend there. "I cannot consent," she wrote, "that my name
shall stand on the books of a church that will countenance voting for
any pro-slavery presidential candidate. Think of a woman-whipper and a
baby-stealer being countenanced as a Christian!"--_See_ "A Life for
Liberty," edited by John White Chadwick, pp. 60, 69.
[69] _See_ Seward's "Works," Vol. I., p. 65, _et seq._
[70] _See_ Chamberlain's "Biography of Millard Fillmore," p. 136.
[71] For the knowledge that the first mention of Niagara Falls is in
Champlain's "Des Sauvages," we are indebted to the Hon. Peter A. Porter
of Niagara Falls, who recently discovered, by comparison of early texts,
that the allusions to the falls in Marc Lescarbot's "Histoire de la
Nouvelle France" (1609), heretofore attributed to Jacques Cartier, are
really quotations from "Des Sauvages," published some five years before.
There is, apparently, no warrant for the oft-repeated statement that
Cartier, in 1535, was the first white man to hear of the falls. That
distinction passes to Champlain, who heard of them in 1603, and whose
first book, printed at the end of that year or early in 1604, gave to
the world its first knowledge of the great cataract.--_See_ "Champlain
not Cartier," by Peter A. Porter, Niagara Falls, N. Y., 1899.
[72] Champlain a bien ete jusqu'a Mexico, comme on peut le voir dans son
voyage aux Indes Occidentales; mais il ne s'est pas rendu au Perou, que
nous sachions.--_Note in Quebec reprint, 1870._ Nor had he been to
Niagara.
[73] Mocosa est le nom ancien de la Virginie. Cette expression, _saults
Mocosans_, semble donner a entendre que, des 1603 au moins, l'on avait
quelque connaissance de la grande chute de Niagara.--_Note in Quebec
reprint, 1870._
[74] "Lescarbot ecrit, en 1610, une piece de vers dans laquelle il parle
des grands sauts que les sauvages disent rencontrer en remontant le
Saint-Laurent jusqu'au voisinage de la Virginie."--_Benj. Sulte,
"Melanges D'Histoire et de Litterature" p. 425._
[75] The pronunciation of "Niagara" here, the reader will remark, is
necessarily with the primary accent on the third syllable; the correct
pronunciation, as eminent authorities maintain; and, as I hold, the more
musical. "Ni-ag'-a-ra" gives us one hard syllable; "Ni [or better,
-nee]-a-ga'-ra" makes each syllable end in a vowel, and softens the word
to the ear. "Ni-ag'-a-ra" would have been impossible to the Iroquois
tongue. But the word is now too fixed in its perverted usage to make
reform likely, and we may expect to hear the harsh "Ni-ag'-a-ra" to the
end of the chapter.
[76] Dr. Samuel Johnson, as is well known, was responsible for a number
of lines in "The Traveller." In the verses above quoted the line
"To stop too fearful and too faint to go"
is attributed to him. Thus near does the mighty Johnson, the "Great Cham
of Literature," come to legitimate inclusion among the poets of Niagara!
[77] This is not necessarily hyperbole, by any means. Before the Niagara
region was much settled, filled with the din of towns, the roar of
trains, screech of whistles and all manner of ear-offending sounds,
Niagara's voice could be heard for many miles. Many early travelers
testify to the same effect as Moore. An early resident of Buffalo, the
late Hon. Lewis F. Allen, has told me that many a time, seated on the
veranda of his house on Niagara Street near Ferry, in the calm of a
summer evening, he has heard the roar of Niagara Falls.
[78] Introduced in the Epistle to Lady Charlotte Rawdon. In Moore's day
there was a tiny islet, called Gull Island, near the edge of the
Horseshoe Fall. It long since disappeared.
[79] It had prior publication, serially, with illustrations, in the
"Portfolio" of Philadelphia, 1809-'10.
[80] Tom Moore's infantile criticisms of American institutions have
often been quoted with approbation by persons sharing his supposed
hostile views. What his maturer judgment was may be gathered from the
following extract from a letter which he wrote, July 12, 1818, to J. E.
Hall, editor of the "Portfolio," Philadelphia. I am not aware that it
ever has been published. I quote from the original manuscript, in my
possession:
"You are mistaken in thinking that my present views of politics are a
_change_ from those I formerly entertained. They are but a _return_ to
those of my school & college days--to principles, of which I may say
what Propertius said of his mistress: _Cynthia prima fuit, Cynthia finis
erit_. The only thing that has ever made them _librate_ in their _orbit_
was that foolish disgust I took at what I thought the _consequences_ of
democratic principles in America--but I judged by the _abuse_, not the
_use_--and the little information I took the trouble of seeking came to
me through twisted and tainted channels--and, in short, I was a rash boy
& made a fool of myself. But, thank Heaven, I soon righted again, and I
trust it was the only deviation from the path of pure public feeling I
ever shall have to reproach myself with. I mean to take some opportunity
(most probably in the Life of Sheridan I am preparing) of telling the
few to whom my opinions can be of any importance, how much I regret &
how sincerely I retract every syllable, injurious to the great cause of
Liberty, which my hasty view of America & her society provoked me into
uttering....
"Always faithfully & cordially Yours,
"THOMAS MOORE."
[81] John Neal, or "Yankee Neal," as he was called, is a figure in early
American letters which should not be forgotten. He was of Quaker
descent, but was read out of the Society of Friends in his youth, as he
says, "for knocking a man head over heels, for writing a tragedy, for
paying a militia fine and for desiring to be turned out whether or no."
He was a pioneer in American literature, and won success at home and
abroad several years before Cooper became known. He was the first
American contributor to English and Scotch quarterlies, and compelled
attention to American topics at a time when English literature was
regarded as the monopoly of Great Britain. His career was exceedingly
varied and picturesque. He was an artist, lawyer, traveler, journalist
and athlete. He is said to have established the first gymnasium in this
country, on foreign models, and was the first to advocate, in 1838, in a
Fourth-of-July oration, the right of woman suffrage. His writings are
many, varied, and for the most part hard to find nowadays.
[82] Those interested in scarce Americana may care to know that this
"Wonders of the West" is said by some authorities to be the second
book--certain almanacs and small prints excluded--that was published in
Canada West, now Ontario. Of its only predecessor, "St. Ursula's
Convent, or the Nuns of Canada," Kingston, 1824, no copy is believed to
exist. Of the York school-master's Niagara poem, I know of but two
copies, one owned by M. Phileas Gagnon, the Quebec bibliophile; the
other in my own possession. It is at least of interest to observe that
Ontario's native poetry began with a tribute to her greatest natural
wonder, though it could be wished with a more creditable example.
[83] It is a striking fact that "The Culprit Fay," which appeared in
1819, was the outgrowth of a conversation between Drake, Halleck and
Cooper, concerning the unsung poetry of American rivers.--_See_
Richardson's "American Literature," Vol. II., p. 24.
[84] Lord Morpeth made three visits to Niagara. He was the friend and
guest, during his American travels, of Mr. Wadsworth at the Geneseo
Homestead; and was also entertained by ex-President Van Buren and other
distinguished men. His writings reveal a poetic, reflective temperament,
but rarely rise above the commonplace in thought or expression.
[85] The lines are not included in ordinary editions of Campbell's
poems. The original MS. is in the possession of the Buffalo Public
Library.
[86] _See_ "Five Books of Song," by R. W. Gilder, 1894.
[87] Dedicatory sonnet in "Younger American Poets, 1830-1890," edited by
Douglas Sladen and G. B. Roberts.
[88] The only edition I have seen was printed in the City of Mexico in
1871.
[89] _See_ Scribner's Monthly, Feb., 1881.
[90] _See_ "Beauties and Achievements of the Blind," by Wm. Artman and
L. V. Hall, Dansville, N. Y., 1854.