CHAP. XXVII.

Continuation of the Travels of Peter the Great.--Conspiracy of baron

Gortz.--Reception of the czar in France.

He plainly saw that his allies were jealous of his power, and found that

there is often more trouble with friends than with enemies.

Mecklenburg was one of the principal subjects of those divisions, which

almost always subsist between neighbouring princes, who share in

conquests. Peter was not willing that the Danes should take possession

of Wismar for themselves, and still less that they should demolish the

fortifications, and yet they did both the one and the other.

He openly protected the duke of Mecklenburg, who had married his niece,

and whom he regarded like a son-in-law, against the nobility of the

country, and the king of England as openly protected these latter. On

the other hand, he was greatly discontented with the king of Poland, or

rather with his minister, count Flemming, who wanted to throw off that

dependance on the czar, which necessity and gratitude had imposed.

The courts of England, Poland, Denmark, Holstein, Mecklenburg, and

Brandenburg, were severally agitated with intrigues and cabals.

Towards the end of the year 1716, and beginning of 1717, Gortz, who, as

Bassewitz tells us in his Memoirs, was weary of having only the title of

counsellor of Holstein, and being only private plenipotentiary to

Charles XII. was the chief promoter of these intrigues, with which he

intended to disturb the peace of all Europe. His design was to bring

Charles XII. and the czar together, not only with a view to finish the

war between them, but to unite them in friendship, to replace Stanislaus

on the crown of Poland, and to wrest Bremen and Verden out of the hands

of George I., king of England, and even to drive that prince from the

English throne, in order to put it out of his power to appropriate to

himself any part of the spoils of Charles XII.

There was at the same time a minister of his own character, who had

formed a design to overturn the two kingdoms of England and France: this

was cardinal Alberoni, who had more power at that time in Spain, than

Gortz had in Sweden, and was of as bold and enterprising a spirit as

himself, but much more powerful, as being at the head of affairs in a

kingdom infinitely more rich, and never paid his creatures and

dependants in copper money.

Gortz, from the borders of the Baltic Sea, soon formed a connexion with

Alberoni in Spain. The cardinal and he both held a correspondence with

all the wandering English who were in the interest of the house of

Stuart. Gortz made visits to every place where he thought he was likely

to find any enemies of king George, and went successively to Germany,

Holland, Flanders, and Lorrain, and at length came to Paris, about the

end of the year 1716. Cardinal Alberoni began, by remitting to him in

Paris a million of French livres, in order (to use the cardinal's

expression) to set fire to the train.

Gortz proposed, that Charles XII. should yield up several places to the

czar, in order to be in a condition to recover all the others from his

enemies, and that he might be at liberty to make a descent in Scotland,

while the partisans of the Stuart family should make an effectual rising

in England: after their former vain attempts to effect these views, it

was necessary to deprive the king of England of his chief support, which

at that time was the regent of France. It was certainly very

extraordinary, to see France in league with England, against the

grandson of Lewis XIV., whom she herself had placed on the throne of

Spain, at the expence of her blood and treasure, notwithstanding the

strong confederacy formed to oppose him; but it must be considered, that

every thing was now out of its natural order, and the interests of the

regent not those of the kingdom. Alberoni, at that time, was carrying on

a confederacy in France against this very regent.[97] And the

foundations of this grand project were laid almost as soon as the plan

itself had been formed. Gortz was the first who was let into the secret,

and was to have made a journey into Italy in disguise, to hold a

conference with the pretender, in the neighbourhood of Rome; from

thence he was to have hastened to the Hague, to have an interview with

the czar, and then to have settled every thing with the king of Sweden.

The author of this History is particularly well informed of every

circumstance here advanced, for baron Gortz proposed to him to accompany

him in these journies; and, notwithstanding he was very young at that

time, he was one of the first witnesses to a great part of these

intrigues.

Gortz returned from Holland in the latter part of 1716, furnished with

bills of exchange from cardinal Alberoni, and letters plenipotentiary

from Charles XII. It is incontestable that the Jacobite party were to

have made a rising in England, while Charles, in his return from Norway,

was to make a descent in the north of Scotland. This prince, who had not

been able to preserve his own dominions on the continent, was now going

to invade and overrun those of his neighbours, and just escaped from his

prison in Turkey, and from amidst the ruins of his own city of

Stralsund, Europe might have beheld him placing the crown of Great

Britain on the head of James III. in London, as he had before done that

of Poland on Stanislaus at Warsaw.

The czar, who was acquainted with a part of Gortz's projects, waited for

the unfolding of the rest, without entering into any of his plans, or

indeed knowing them all. He was as fond of great and extraordinary

enterprises as Charles XII., Gortz, or Alberoni; but then it was as the

founder of a state, a lawgiver, and a sound politician; and perhaps

Alberoni, Gortz, and even Charles himself, were rather men of restless

souls, who sought after great adventures, than persons of solid

understanding, who took their measures with a just precaution; or

perhaps, after all, their ill successes may have subjected them to the

charge of rashness and imprudence.

During Gortz's stay at the Hague, the czar did not see him, as it would

have given too much umbrage to his friends the states-general, who were

in close alliance with, and attached to, the party of the king of

England; and even his ministers visited him only in private, and with

great precaution, having orders from their master to hear all he had to

offer, and to flatter him with hopes, without entering into any

engagement, or making use of his (the czar's) name in their conferences.

But, notwithstanding all these precautions, those who understood the

nature of affairs, plainly saw by his inactivity, when he might have

made a descent upon Scania with the joint fleets of Russia and Denmark,

by his visible coolness towards his allies, and the little regard he

paid to their complaints, and lastly, by this journey of his, that there

was a great change in affairs, which would very soon manifest itself.

In the month of January, 1717, a Swedish packet-boat, which was carrying

letters over to Holland, being forced by a storm upon the coast of

Norway, put into harbour there. The letters were seized, and those of

baron de Gortz and some other public ministers being opened, furnished

sufficient evidence of the projected revolution. The court of Denmark

communicated these letters to the English ministry, who gave orders for

arresting the Swedish minister, Gillembourg, then at the court of

London, and seizing his papers; upon examining which they discovered

part of his correspondence with the Jacobites.

Feb. 1717.] King George immediately wrote to the states-general,

requiring them to cause the person of baron Gortz to be arrested,

agreeable to the treaty of union subsisting between England and that

republic for their mutual security. But this minister, who had his

creatures and emissaries in every part, was quickly informed of this

order; upon which he instantly quitted the Hague, and was got as far as

Arnheim, a town on the frontiers, when the officers and guards, who were

in pursuit of him, and who are seldom accustomed to use such diligence

in that country, came up with and took him, together with all his

papers: he was strictly confined and severely treated; the secretary

Stank, the person who had counterfeited the sign manual of the young

duke of Holstein, in the affair of Toningen, experienced still harsher

usage. In fine, the count of Gillembourg, the Swedish envoy to the court

of Great Britain, and the baron de Gortz, minister plenipotentiary from

Charles XII. were examined like criminals, the one at London, and the

other at Arnheim, while all the foreign ministers exclaimed against this

violation of the law of nations.

This privilege, which is much more insisted upon than understood, and

whose limits and extent have never yet been fixed, has, in almost every

age, received violent attacks. Several ministers have been driven from

the courts where they resided in a public character, and even their

persons have been more than once seized upon, but this was the first

instance of foreign ministers being interrogated at the bar of a court

of justice, as if they were natives of the country. The court of London

and the states-general laid aside all rules upon seeing the dangers

which menaced the house of Hanover; but, in fact, this danger, when once

discovered, ceased to be any longer danger, at least at that juncture.

The historian Norberg must have been very ill informed, and have had a

very indifferent knowledge of men and things, or at least have been

strangely blinded by partiality, or under severe restrictions from his

own court, to endeavour to persuade his readers, that the king of Sweden

had not a very great share in this plot.

The affront offered to his ministers fixed Charles more than ever in his

resolution to try every means to dethrone the king of England. But here

he found it necessary, once in his life time, to make use of

dissimulation. He disowned his ministers and their proceedings, both to

the regent of France and the states-general; from the former of whom he

evicted a subsidy, and with the latter it was for his interest to

keep fair. He did not, however, give the king of England so much

satisfaction, and his ministers, Gortz and Gillembourg, were kept six

months in confinement, and this repeated insult animated in him the

desire of revenge.

Peter, in the midst of all these alarms and jealousies, kept himself

quiet, waiting with patience the event of all from time; and having

established such good order throughout his vast dominions, as that he

had nothing to fear, either at home or from abroad, he resolved to make

a journey to France. Unhappily he did not understand the French

language, by which means he was deprived of the greatest advantage he

might have reaped from his journey; but he thought there might be

something there worthy observation, and he had a mind to be a nearer

witness of the terms on which the regent stood with the king of England,

and whether that prince was staunch to his alliance.

Peter the Great was received in France as such a monarch ought to be.

Marshal Tessé was sent to meet him, with a number of the principal

lords of the court, a company of guards and the king's coaches; but he,

according to his usual custom, travelled with such expedition, that he

was at Gournay when the equipages arrived at Elbeuf. Entertainments were

made for him in every place on the road where he chose to partake of

them. On his arrival he was received in the Louvre, where the royal

apartments were prepared for him, and others for the princes Kourakin

and Dolgorouki, the vice-chancellor Shaffiroff, the ambassador Tolstoy,

the same who had suffered in his person that notorious violation of the

laws of nations in Turkey, and for the rest of his retinue. Orders were

given for lodging and entertaining him in the most splendid and

sumptuous manner: but Peter, who was come only to see what might be of

use to him, and not to suffer these ceremonious triflings, which were a

restraint upon his natural plainness, and consumed a time that was

precious to him, went the same night to take up his lodgings at the

other end of the city in the hotel of Lesdiguiére, belonging to marshal

Villeroi, where he was entertained at the king's expense in the same

manner as he would have been at the Louvre. The next day (May 8, 1717.)

the regent of France went to make him a visit in the before mentioned

hotel, and the day afterwards the young king, then an infant, was sent

to him under the care of his governor, the marshal de Villeroi, whose

father had been governor to Lewis XIV. On this occasion, they, by a

polite artifice, spared the czar the troublesome restraint of returning

this visit immediately after receiving it, by allowing an interview of

two days for him to receive the respects of the several corporations of

the city; the second night he went to visit the king: the household were

all under arms, and they brought the young king quite to the door of

the czar's coach. Peter, surprised and uneasy at the prodigious

concourse of people assembled about the infant monarch, took him in his

arms, and carried him in that manner for some time.

Certain ministers, of more cunning than understanding, have pretended in

their writings, that marshal de Villeroi wanted to make the young king

of France take the upper hand on this occasion, and that the czar made

use of this stratagem to overturn the ceremonial under the appearance of

good nature and tenderness; but this notion is equally false and absurd.

The natural good breeding of the French court, and the respect due to

the person of Peter the Great, would not permit a thought of turning the

honours intended him into an affront. The ceremonial consisted in doing

every thing for a great monarch and a great man, that he himself could

have desired, if he had given any attention to matters of this kind. The

journeys of the emperor Charles IV. Sigismund, and Charles V. to France,

were by no means comparable, in point of splendour, to this of Peter the

Great. They visited this kingdom only from motives of political

interest, and at a time when the arts and sciences, as yet in their

infancy, could not render the era of their journey so memorable: but

when Peter the Great, on his going to dine with the duke d'Antin, in the

palace of Petitbourg, about three leagues out of Paris, saw his own

picture, which had been drawn for the occasion, brought on a sudden, and

placed in a room where he was, he then found that no people in the world

knew so well how to receive such a guest as the French.

He was still more surprised, when, on going to see them strike the

medals in the long gallery of the Louvre, where all the king's artists

are so handsomely lodged; a medal, which they were then striking,

happening to fall to the ground, the czar stooped hastily down to take

it up, when he beheld his own head engraved thereon, and on the reverse

a Fame standing with one foot upon a globe, and underneath these words

from Virgil--'Vires acquirit eundo;' an allusion equally delicate and

noble, and elegantly adapted to his travels and his fame. Several of

these medals in gold were presented to him, and to all those who

attended him. Wherever he went to view the works of any artists, they

laid the master-pieces of their performances at his feet, which they

besought him to accept. In a word, when he visited the manufactories of

the Gobelins, the workshop of the king's statuaries, painters,

goldsmiths, jewellers, or mathematical instrument-makers, whatever

seemed to strike his attention at any of those places, were always

offered him in the king's name.

Peter, who was a mechanic, an artist, and a geometrician, went to visit

the academy of sciences, who received him with an exhibition of every

thing they had most valuable and curious; but they had nothing so

curious as himself. He corrected, with his own hand, several

geographical errors in the charts of his own dominions, and especially

in those of the Caspian Sea. Lastly, he condescended to become one of

the members of that academy, and afterwards continued a correspondence

in experiments and discoveries with those among whom he had enrolled

himself as a simple brother. If we would find examples of such

travellers as Peter, we must go back to the times of a Pythagoras and an

Anacharsis, and even they did not quit the command of a mighty empire,

to go in search of instruction.

And here we cannot forbear recalling to the mind of the reader the

transport with which Peter the Great was seized on viewing the monument

of cardinal Richelieu. Regardless of the beauties of the sculpture,

which is a master-piece of its kind, he only admired the image of a

minister who had rendered himself so famous throughout Europe by

disturbing its peace, and restored to France that glory which she had

lost after the death of Henry IV. It is well known, that, embracing the

statue with rapture, he burst forth into this exclamation--'Great man! I

would have bestowed one half of my empire on thee, to have taught me to

govern the other.' And now, before he quitted France, he was desirous to

see the famous madame de Maintenon, whom he knew to be, in fact, the

widow of Lewis XIV. and who was now drawing very near her end; and his

curiosity was the more excited by the kind of conformity he found

between his own marriage and that of Lewis; though with this difference

between the king of France and him, that he had publickly married an

heroine, whereas Lewis XIV. had only privately enjoyed an amiable wife.

The czarina did not accompany her husband in this journey: he was

apprehensive that the excess of ceremony would be troublesome to her, as

well as the curiosity of a court little capable of distinguishing the

true merit of a woman, who had braved death by the side of her husband

both by sea and land, from the banks of the Pruth to the coast of

Finland.

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