Is invited by General Braddock to join his expedition as a
volunteer――accepts the invitation――Battle of Monongahela――Washington
conducts the retreat with ability, and retains the confidence of the
public.
On the 20th of February, 1755, General Braddock arrived in Virginia,
from England, as Commander in Chief of all the military forces in
North-America. He brought with him two Regiments of the British Army,
consisting of five hundred men each. One of them was commanded by Sir
Peter Halket, and the other by Colonel Dunbar. These were accompanied
by a proper train of artillery and sufficient military supplies and
provisions. The General made his first head quarters at Alexandria.
He addressed, through his Aid-de-Camp, a polite letter to Colonel
Washington, inviting him, as he had declined any military command
under the Virginia regulations, to join his family as a volunteer, and
accompany him upon his intended expedition against Fort Du Quesne,
as one of his aids, and desiring him to consult his own pleasure and
convenience, as to the particular time of joining the army. Colonel
Washington accepted this invitation. General Braddock marched from
Alexandria for Fort Cumberland at the mouth of Wills Creek on the 20th
of April. Colonel Washington left Mount Vernon on the 23d, and overtook
the army in a few days at Fredericktown, in Virginia. The army arrived
at Fort Cumberland about the middle of May. It then consisted of more
than two thousand men. About one thousand of them were colonial troops.
The army was detained at this post three weeks; nor could it then have
moved on, but for the personal exertions of Benjamin Franklin, and his
influence among the Pennsylvanian farmers, in procuring horses and
wagons, to transport the artillery, provisions, and baggage. During
the detention of the army at Fort Cumberland, Colonel Washington was
dispatched to Williamsburg, in the eastern part of Virginia, to obtain
£4000 in money, for the use of the army, and to bring it on to the
camp. He promptly and successfully executed this commission, taking
with him at Winchester, on his return, a sufficient guard of militia
through the most unfrequented and dangerous part of the route.
About the first of June, a detachment was sent forward to open the
roads as far as a place called Little Meadows, about twenty miles
beyond Fort Cumberland, and there to erect a small Fort. The main
body soon followed this detachment, and when they came up with it,
the whole army was divided into two divisions. The advanced division
under General Braddock, consisted of about twelve hundred men. The
other division, consisting of about eight hundred men under Colonel
Dunbar, was left in the rear to proceed with the baggage by slow
marches. Washington says in a letter to his brother John Augustine,
(the father of Judge Lund Washington,) written on the march, that the
advance of the first division of the army, though retarded by many real
obstacles and difficulties, was yet unnecessarily slow, in consequence
of halting to level too many mole hills, and to build bridges over too
many brooks. Colonel Washington accompanied the advanced division until
a fever with which he was taken on the march became so violent, that he
was obliged to fall in the rear, into Colonel Dunbar’s division.
General Braddock arrived with his division, all in fine health and
spirits, at the junction of the Monongahela and Youghiogany rivers
on the 8th of July. On the same day Colonel Washington, though but
partially recovered from his fever, reached that place in a covered
wagon, and joined the advanced division. Owing to a bend in the
Monongahela, it was necessary for the army in approaching Fort Du
Quesne, now about fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice. The
remarkable dryness of the season rendered this practicable. Early in
the morning of the 9th of July, all things were in readiness, and
the whole train, a little below the mouth of the Youghiogany, passed
through the river Monongahela, and proceeded in perfect order along
the southern margin of it. Colonel Washington, though feeble, attended
the General on horseback. He was often heard to say, in the course of
his after life, that one of the most beautiful spectacles he had ever
seen, was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning.
Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform. The soldiers were
arranged in columns and marched in exact order. The sun gleamed upon
their burnished arms. The river flowed tranquilly on their right, and
the deep forest often overshadowed them on their left. When they had
marched about five miles, they arrived to the second crossing place,
ten miles from Fort Du Quesne. They halted a little, and then began to
ford the river and gain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed,
they came to a level plain, nearly half a mile in extent. At the end
of the plain was a piece of gently rising ground, covered with trees,
bushes and long grass. The road to Fort Du Quesne led across this
plain. It then led up the rising ground, between two ravines from eight
to ten feet deep, and of sufficient extent to contain five hundred
men each. Owing to the trees, bushes and high grass, these ravines
could not be seen from the road, nor without coming within a few feet
of them. By the order of march, a body of three hundred men under
Lieutenant Colonel Gage, afterwards commander of the British forces in
Boston at the beginning of the revolution, formed the advanced party.
This was followed by about two hundred. Next came General Braddock with
the main body, the artillery and baggage. He sent out no scouts nor
guards in advance and on the wings of the army to make discoveries and
prevent a surprise. Washington advised him to proceed more cautiously,
but he was self-confident and disregarded the advice.
At 1 o’clock P. M. the whole army had crossed the river; and almost at
the same moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advanced parties,
who were now ascending the rising ground. A heavy discharge of
musketry poured in upon their front, gave them the first notice that
an enemy was near. This was suddenly followed by another discharge
upon their right flank.――These were followed by others in continual
and rapid succession. They were filled with the greater consternation
because no enemy was in sight, and the fire seemed to come from an
invisible foe. They fired, however, in their turn, but at random and
without effect. The General speedily advanced to the relief of the
detachments; but before he could reach them, they gave way and fell
back upon the artillery and other columns, causing extreme confusion,
and striking the whole mass with such a panic that no order could
afterwards be restored. The yell of the savages with which the woods
resounded, struck terror into the hearts of the British soldiers, and
added to the consternation. The General and his officers behaved with
the utmost courage. They made every effort to rally the men and bring
them to order, but all in vain.――In this state they continued nearly
three hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly,
shooting down their own officers and comrades, and doing little or no
harm to the enemy. The Virginians were the only troops who seemed to
retain their senses. They behaved with bravery and resolution. They
adopted the Indian mode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree.
This was forbidden by the General, who endeavored to form the men into
platoons and columns, as if he were manœvering them upon the plains of
Flanders.――During all this time, the French and Indians concealed in
the ravines and behind trees, kept up a continual and deadly discharge
of musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate aim, and
producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern
warfare. More than half of that whole army which had crossed the river
in such proud array only three hours before, were either killed or
wounded. General Braddock, after having five horses shot under him, had
received a mortal wound, and many of his best officers had fallen by
his side. Sir Peter Halket was killed upon the spot. Colonel Washington
had two horses shot under him, and his clothes were shot through in
several places. The bodies left on the field were stripped and scalped
by the Indians. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage,
everything in the train of the army fell into the enemy’s hands, and
were given up to be pillaged by the savages.
When the battle was over, and the remnant of the army had gained in
their flight the opposite bank of the river, Colonel Washington was
dispatched by the General to meet Colonel Dunbar, and order forward
wagons for the wounded with all possible speed; but they could not be
procured till after the wounded had suffered much from pain, fatigue
and hunger. The General was at first brought off the field in a
cart.――He was then set on horseback, but being unable to ride, was
carried by the soldiers. They reached Dunbar’s camp, near the Great
Meadows, to which the panic had already extended. A day was passed
there in great confusion. General Braddock died on the 13th, and was
buried in the road, for the purpose of concealing his body from the
Indians. The spot is still pointed out within a few yards of the
present national road, about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity,
at the Great Meadows, in Pennsylvania. On the 17th, the sick and
wounded arrived at Fort Cumberland on Wills Creek, and were soon after
joined by Colonel Dunbar with the remnant of the army. The French sent
out a party as far as Dunbar’s camp and destroyed every thing that had
been left behind.
As to the numbers engaged in the battle of Monongahela, on the side of
the French, Washington conjectured, as appears by his letters, that
they amounted to no more than three hundred. Doctor Franklin, in his
account of the battle, considers them as not exceeding four hundred at
most.
It appears by the French narratives of this battle, that while the
commandant of Fort Du Quesne, considering his force too small to
encounter his approaching enemy, was hesitating what measures to adopt,
M. De Beaujeu, a Captain in the French service, obtained from his
commandant a detachment of French troops, with leave to advance with
them and meet the enemy on their march. After much persuasion, Beaujeu
induced a considerable party of Indians to join him. He began his
march at an early hour on the morning of the 9th of July, intending to
make a stand at the second fording place, there to annoy the English
while passing the river, and then to retreat and make another stand
at the rising ground where the whole contest actually took place.
Captain Beaujeu and his party did not, however, arrive quite in
time to make a stand at the ford, and thus failed to carry the first
part of their plan into execution. They however immediately placed
themselves in ambush, partly in front and partly concealed in the
ravines flanking the road up the rising ground, and there waited till
Braddock’s advanced columns came up. The French gave the first fire in
front.――This was repelled by so heavy a discharge from the British,
that the Indians thought it came from artillery, and showed symptoms of
wavering and retreat. At this moment M. De Beaujeu was killed. M. Dumas
immediately took the command, rallied the Indians with great presence
of mind, ordered his officers to lead them to the wings, while, with
the French troops, he maintained the position in front. This order was
promptly obeyed; the attack became general, and the English columns got
into confusion.
As to the French accounts of their numbers, the highest states them at
two hundred and fifty French and Canadians and six hundred and forty
Indians, and the lowest at two hundred and thirty French and Canadians
and six hundred Indians. A medium between the two will make the whole
number under De Beaujeu eight hundred and sixty. The French admit,
including Indians, thirty-three killed and thirty-four wounded.
When these French statements, the nature of the ground, and the
mismanagement of General Braddock are duly considered, the result of
the action will not appear very surprising. That the English should
say “they were fighting with an invisible foe,” and that “they could
only tell where the enemy were by the smoke of their muskets,” is no
mystery, for it was literally true. Had Braddock known the position of
his enemy, and raked the ravines with his artillery, or charged through
them with the bayonet, they would have been cleared immediately.
Colonel Washington lost no ground in the confidence of the public by
Braddock’s defeat. It was the general opinion that if _he_ had been
commander, the defeat would not have happened. By his firm conduct
during the action, and his skilful management of the retreat, he gained
additional reputation.