Poor workingmen and women with their babies of all ages fill the
theatre. Great enthusiasm is manifested, sincere laughter and tears
accompany the sincere acting on the stage. Pedlers of soda-water,
candy, of fantastic gewgaws of many kinds, mix freely with the
audience between the acts. Conversation during the play is received
with strenuous hisses, but the falling of the curtain is the signal
for groups of friends to get together and gossip about the play or the
affairs of the week. Introductions are not necessary, and the Yiddish
community can then be seen and approached with great freedom. On the
stage curtain are advertisements of the wares of Hester Street or
portraits of the "star" actors. On the programmes and circulars
distributed in the audience are sometimes amusing announcements of
coming attractions or lyric praise of the "stars." Poetry is not
infrequent, an example of which, literally translated, is:
Labor, ye stars, as ye will,
Ye cannot equal the artist;
In the garden of art ye shall not flourish;
Ye can never achieve his fame.
Can you play _Hamlet_ like him?
The _Wild King_, or the _Huguenots_?
Are you gifted with feeling
So much as to imitate him like a shadow?
Your fame rests on the pen;
On the show-cards your flight is high;
But on the stage every one can see
How your greatness turns to ashes,
Tomashevsky! Artist great!
No praise is good enough for you;
Every one remains your ardent friend.
Of all the stars you remain the king.
You seek no tricks, no false quibbles;
One sees Truth itself playing.
Your appearance is godly to us;
Every movement is full of grace;
Pleasing is your every gesture;
Sugar-sweet your every turn;
You remain the King of the Stage;
Everything falls to your feet.
On the playboards outside the theatre, containing usually the portrait
of a star, are also lyric and enthusiastic announcements. Thus, on the
return of the great Adler, who had been ill, it was announced on the
boards that "the splendid eagle has spread his wings again."
The Yiddish actors, as may be inferred from the verses quoted, take
themselves with peculiar seriousness, justified by the enthusiasm,
almost worship, with which they are regarded by the people. Many a
poor Jew, man or girl, who makes no more than $10 a week in the
sweat-shop, will spend $5 of it on the theatre, which is practically
the only amusement of the Ghetto Jew. He has not the loafing and
sporting instincts of the poor Christian, and spends his money for the
theatre rather than for drink. It is not only to see the play that the
poor Jew goes to the theatre. It is to see his friends and the actors.
With these latter he, and more frequently she, try in every way to
make acquaintance, but commonly are compelled to adore at a distance.
They love the songs that are heard on the stage, and for these the
demand is so great that a certain bookshop on the east side makes a
specialty of publishing them.
The actor responds to this popular enthusiasm with sovereign contempt.
He struts about in the cafés on Canal and Grand Streets, conscious of
his greatness. He refers to the crowd as "Moses" with superior
condescension or humorous vituperation. Like thieves, the actors have
a jargon of their own, which is esoteric and jealously guarded. Their
pride gave rise a year or two ago to an amusing strike at the People's
Theatre. The actors of the three Yiddish companies in New York are
normally paid on the share rather than the salary system. In the case
of the company now at the People's Theatre, this system proved very
profitable. The star actors, Jacob Adler and Boris Thomashevsky, and
their wives, who are actresses--Mrs. Adler being the heavy realistic
tragedienne and Mrs. Thomashevsky the star soubrette--have probably
received on an average during that time as much as $125 a week for
each couple. But they, with Mr. Edelstein, the business man, are
lessees of the theatre, run the risk and pay the expenses, which are
not small. The rent of the theatre is $20,000 a year, and the weekly
expenses, besides, amount to about $1,100. The subordinate actors, who
risk nothing, since they do not share the expenses, have made amounts
during this favorable period ranging from $14 a week on the average
for the poorest actors to $75 for those just beneath the "stars." But,
in spite of what is exceedingly good pay in the Bowery, the actors of
this theatre formed a union, and struck for wages instead of shares.
This however, was only an incidental feature. The real cause was that
the management of the theatre, with the energetic Thomashevsky at the
head, insisted that the actors should be prompt at rehearsals, and if
they were not, indulged in unseemly epithets. The actors' pride was
aroused, and the union was formed to insure their ease and dignity
and to protect them from harsh words. The management imported actors
from Chicago. Several of the actors here stood by their employers,
notably Miss Weinblatt, a popular young ingénue, who, on account of
her great memory is called the "Yiddish Encyclopedia," and Miss
Gudinski, an actress of commanding presence. Miss Weinblatt forced her
father, once an actor, now a farmer, into the service of the
management. But the actors easily triumphed. Misses Gudinski and
Weinblatt were forced to join the union, Mr. Weinblatt returned to his
farm, the "scabs" were packed off to Philadelphia, and the wages
system introduced. A delegation was sent to Philadelphia to throw
cabbages at the new actors, who appeared in the Yiddish performances
in that city. The triumphant actors now receive on the average
probably $10 to $15 a week less than under the old system. Mr. Conrad,
who began the disaffection, receives a salary of $29 a week, fully $10
less than he received for months before the strike. But the dignity of
the Yiddish actor is now placed beyond assault. As one of them
recently said: "We shall no longer be spat upon nor called 'dog.'"
The Yiddish actor is so supreme that until recently a regular system
of hazing playwrights was in vogue. Joseph Latteiner and Professor M.
Horowitz were long recognized as the only legitimate Ghetto
playwrights. When a new writer came to the theatre with a manuscript,
various were the pranks the actors would play. They would induce him
to try, one after another, all the costumes in the house, in order to
help him conceive the characters; or they would make him spout the
play from the middle of the stage, they themselves retiring to the
gallery to "see how it sounded." In the midst of his exertions they
would slip away, and he would find himself shouting to the empty
boards. Or, in the midst of a mock rehearsal, some actor would shout,
"He is coming, the great Professor Horowitz, and he will eat you"; and
they would rush from the theatre with the panic-stricken playwright
following close at their heels.
The supremacy of the Yiddish actor has, however, its humorous
limitations. The orthodox Jews who go to the theatre on Friday night,
the beginning of Sabbath, are commonly somewhat ashamed of themselves
and try to quiet their consciences by a vociferous condemnation of the
actions on the stage. The actor, who through the exigencies of his
rôle, is compelled to appear on Friday night with a cigar in his
mouth, is frequently greeted with hisses and strenuous cries of
"Shame, shame, smoke on the Sabbath!" from the proletarian hypocrites
in the gallery.
[Illustration: MR. MOSHKOVITZ]
The plays at these theatres vary in a general way with the varying
audiences of which I have spoken above. The thinking socialists
naturally select a less violent play than the comparatively illogical
anarchists. Societies of relatively conservative Jews desire a
historical play in which the religious Hebrew in relation to the
persecuting Christian is put in pathetic and melodramatic situations.
There are a very large number of "culture" pieces produced, which,
roughly speaking, are plays in which the difference between the Jew of
one generation and the next is dramatically portrayed. The pathos or
tragedy involved in differences of faith and "point of view" between
the old rabbi and his more enlightened children is expressed in many
historical plays of the general character of _Uriel Acosta_, tho in
less lasting form. Such plays, however, are called "historical
plunder" by that very up-to-date element of the intellectual Ghetto
which is dominated by the Russian spirit of realism. It is the demand
of these fierce realists that of late years has produced a supply of
theatrical productions attempting to present a faithful picture of the
actual conditions of life. Permeating all these kinds of plays is the
amusement instinct pure and simple. For the benefit of the crowd of
ignorant people grotesque humor, popular songs, vaudeville tricks, are
inserted everywhere.
Of these plays the realistic are of the most value,[1] for they often
give the actual Ghetto life with surprising strength and fidelity. The
past three years have been their great seasons, and have developed a
large crop of new playwrights, mainly journalists who write
miscellaneous articles for the east side newspapers. Jacob Gordin, of
whom we shall have frequent occasion to speak, has been writing plays
for several years, and was the first realistic playwright; he remains
the strongest and most prominent in this kind of play. Professor
Horowitz, who is now the lessee of the Windsor Theatre, situated on
the Bowery, between Grand and Canal Streets, represents, along with
Joseph Latteiner, the conservative and traditional aspects of the
stage. He is an interesting man, fifty-six years of age, and has been
connected with the Yiddish stage practically since its origin. His
father was a teacher in a Hebrew school, and he himself is a man of
uncommon learning. He has made a great study of the stage, has written
one hundred and sixty-seven plays, and claims to be an authority on
_dramaturgie_. Latteiner is equally productive, but few of their plays
are anything more than Yiddish adaptations of old operas and
melodramas in other languages. Long runs are impossible on the Yiddish
stage and consequently the playwrights produce many plays and are not
very scrupulous in their methods. The absence of dramatic criticism
and the ignorance of the audience enable them to "crib" with impunity.
As one of the actors said, Latteiner and Horowitz and their class took
their first plays from some foreign source and since then have been
repeating themselves. The actor said that when he is cast in a
Latteiner play he does not need to learn his part. He needs only to
understand the general situation; the character and the words he
already knows from having appeared in many other Latteiner plays.
[Illustration: YIDDISH PLAYWRIGHTS DISCUSSING THE DRAMA]
The professor, nevertheless, naturally regards himself and Latteiner
as the "real" Yiddish playwrights. For many years after the first
bands of actors reached the New York Ghetto these two men held
undisputed sway. Latteiner leaned to "romantic," Horowitz to
"culture," plays, and both used material which was mainly historical.
The professor regards that as the bright period of the Ghetto stage.
Since then there has been, in his opinion, a decadence which began
with the translation of the classics into Yiddish. _Hamlet_,
_Othello_, _King Lear_, and plays of Schiller, were put upon the stage
and are still being performed. Sometimes they are almost literally
translated, sometimes adapted until they are realistic representations
of Jewish life. Gordin's _Yiddish King Lear_, for instance, represents
Shakespeare's idea only in the most general way, and weaves about it a
sordid story of Jewish character and life. Of _Hamlet_ there are two
versions, one adapted, in which Shakespeare's idea is reduced to a
ludicrous shadow, the interest lying entirely in the presentation of
Jewish customs.
The first act of the Yiddish version represents the wedding feast of
Hamlet's mother and uncle. In the Yiddish play the uncle is a rabbi in
a small village in Russia. He did not poison Hamlet's father but broke
the latter's heart by wooing and winning his queen. Hamlet is off
somewhere getting educated as a rabbi. While he is gone his father
dies. Six weeks afterwards the son returns in the midst of the wedding
feast, and turns the feast into a funeral. Scenes of rant follow
between mother and son, Ophelia and Hamlet, interspersed with jokes
and sneers at the sect of rabbis who think they communicate with the
angels. The wicked rabbi conspires against Hamlet, trying to make him
out a nihilist. The plot is discovered and the wicked rabbi is sent to
Siberia. The last act is the graveyard scene. It is snowing violently.
The grave is near a huge windmill. Ophelia is brought in on the bier.
Hamlet mourns by her side and is married, according to the Jewish
custom, to the dead woman. Then he dies of a broken heart. The other
version is almost a literal translation. To these translations of the
classics, Professor Horowitz objects on the ground that the ignorant
Yiddish public cannot understand them, because what learning they have
is limited to distinctively Yiddish subjects and traditions.
Another important step in what the professor calls the degeneration of
the stage was the introduction a few years ago of the American
"pistol" play--meaning the fierce melodrama which has been for so long
a characteristic of the English plays produced on the Bowery.
But what has contributed more than anything else to what the good man
calls the present deplorable condition of the theatre was the advent
of realism. "It was then," said the professor one day with calm
indignation, "that the genuine Yiddish play was persecuted. Young
writers came from Russia and swamped the Ghetto with scurrilous
attacks on me and Latteiner. No number of the newspaper appeared that
did not contain a scathing criticism. They did not object to the
actors, who in reality were very bad, but it was the play they aimed
at. These writers knew nothing about _dramaturgie_, but their heads
were filled with senseless realism. Anything historical and
distinctively Yiddish they thought bad. For a long time Latteiner and
I were able to keep their realistic plays off the boards, but for the
last few years there has been an open field for everybody. The result
is that horrors under the mask of realism have been put upon the
stage. This year is the worst of all--characters butchered on the
stage, the coarsest language, the most revolting situations, without
ideas, with no real material. It cannot last, however. Latteiner and I
continue with our real Yiddish plays, and we shall yet regain entire
possession of the field."
At least this much may fairly be conceded to Professor Horowitz--that
the realistic writers in what is in reality an excellent attempt often
go to excess, and are often unskilful as far as stage construction is
concerned. In the reaction from plays with "pleasant" endings, they
tend to prefer equally unreal "unpleasant" endings, "onion" plays, as
the opponents of the realists call them. They, however, have written a
number of plays which are distinctively of the New York Ghetto, and
which attempt an unsentimental presentation of truth. A rather
extended description of these plays is given in the next section.
Professor Horowitz's plays, on the contrary, are largely based upon
the sentimental representation of inexact Jewish history. They herald
the glory and wrongs of the Hebrew people, and are badly constructed
melodramas of conventional character. Another class of plays written
by Professor Horowitz, and which have occasionally great but temporary
prosperity, are what he calls _Zeitstucke_. Some American newspaper
sensation is rapidly dramatized and put hot on the boards, such as
_Marie Barberi_, _Dr. Buchanan_ and _Dr. Harris_.
The three theatres--the People's, the Windsor and the Thalia, which is
on the Bowery opposite the Windsor--are in a general way very similar
in the character of the plays produced, in the standard of acting and
in the character of the audience. There are, however, some minor
differences. The People's is the "swellest" and probably the least
characteristic of the three. It panders to the "uptown" element of the
Ghetto, to the downtown tradesman who is beginning to climb a little.
The baleful influence in art of the _nouveaux riches_ has at this
house its Ghetto expression. There is a tendency there to imitate the
showy qualities of the Broadway theatres--melodrama, farce, scenery,
etc. No babies are admitted, and the house is exceedingly clean in
comparison with the theatres farther down the Bowery. Three years ago
this company were at the Windsor Theatre, and made so much money that
they hired the People's, that old home of Irish-American melodrama,
and this atmosphere seems slightly to have affected the Yiddish
productions. Magnificent performances quite out of the line of the
best Ghetto drama have been attempted, notably Yiddish dramatizations
of successful up-town productions. Hauptman's _Versunkene Glocke_,
_Sapho_, _Quo Vadis_, and other popular Broadway plays in flimsy
adaptations were tried with little success, as the Yiddish audiences
hardly felt themselves at home in these unfamiliar scenes and
settings.
The best trained of the three companies is at present that of the
Thalia Theatre. Here many excellent realistic plays are given. Of late
years, the great playwright of the colony, Jacob Gordin, has written
mainly for this theatre. There, too, is the best of the younger
actresses, Mrs. Bertha Kalisch. She is the prettiest woman on the
Ghetto stage and was at one time the leading lady of the Imperial
Theatre at Bucharest. She takes the leading woman parts in plays like
_Fedora_, _Magda_ and _The Jewish Zaza_. The principal actor at this
theatre is David Kessler, who is one of the best of the Ghetto actors
in realistic parts, and one of the worst when cast, as he often is, as
the romantic lover. The actor of most prominence among the younger men
is Mr. Moshkovitch, who hopes to be a "star" and one of the
management. When the union was formed he was in a quandary. Should he
join or should he not? He feared it might be a bad precedent, which
the actors would use against him when he became a star. And yet he did
not want to get them down on him. So before he joined he entered
solemn protests at all the cafés on Canal Street. The strike, he
maintained, was unnecessary. The actors were well paid and well
treated. Discipline should be maintained. But he would join because of
his universal sympathy with actors and with the poor--as a matter of
sentiment merely, against his better judgment.
[Illustration: DAVID KESSLER]
The company at the Windsor is the weakest, so far as acting is
concerned, of the three. Very few "realistic" plays are given there,
for Professor Horowitz is the lessee, and he prefers the historical
Jewish opera and "culture" plays. Besides, the company is not strong
enough to undertake successfully many new productions, altho it
includes some good actors. Here Mrs. Prager vies as a prima-donna with
Mrs. Karb of the People's and Mrs. Kalisch of the Thalia. Professor
Horowitz thinks she is far better than the other two. As he puts it,
there are two and a half prima-donnas in the Ghetto--at the Windsor
Theatre there is a complete one, leaving one and a half between the
People's and the Thalia. Jacob Adler of the People's, the professor
thinks, is no actor, only a remarkable caricaturist. As Adler is the
most noteworthy representative of the realistic actors of the Ghetto,
the professor's opinion shows what the traditional Yiddish playwright
thinks of realism. The strong realistic playwright, Jacob Gordin, the
professor admits, has a "biting" dialogue, and "unconsciously writes
good cultural plays which he calls realistic, but his realistic plays,
properly speaking, are bad caricatures of life."
The managers and actors of the three theatres criticise one another
indeed with charming directness, and they all have their followers in
the Ghetto and their special cafés on Grand or Canal Streets, where
their particular prejudices are sympathetically expressed. The actors
and lessees of the People's are proud of their fine theatre, proud
that no babies are brought there. There is a great dispute between the
supporters of this theatre and those of the Thalia as to which is the
stronger company and which produces the most realistic plays. The
manager of the Thalia maintains that the People's is sensational, and
that his theatre alone represents true realism; while the supporter of
the People's points scornfully to the large number of operas produced
at the Thalia. They both unite in condemning the Windsor, Professor
Horowitz's theatre, as producing no new plays and as hopelessly behind
the times, "full of historical plunder." An episode in _The Ragpicker
of Paris_, played at the Windsor when the present People's company
were there, amusingly illustrates the jealousy which exists between
the companies. An old beggar is picking over a heap of moth-eaten,
coverless books, some of which he keeps and some rejects. He comes
across two versions of a play, _The Two Vagrants_, one of which was
used at the Thalia and the other at the Windsor. The version used at
the Windsor receives the beggar's commendation, and the other is
thrown in a contemptuous manner into a dust-heap.
REALISM, THE SPIRIT OF THE GHETTO THEATRE
The distinctive thing about the intellectual and artistic life of the
Russian Jews of the New York Ghetto, the spirit of realism, is
noticeable even on the popular stage. The most interesting plays are
those in which the realistic spirit predominates, and the best among
the actors and playwrights are the realists. The realistic element,
too, is the latest one in the history of the Yiddish stage. The Jewish
theatres in other parts of the world, which, compared with the three
in New York, are unorganized, present only anachronistic and fantastic
historical and Biblical plays, or comic opera with vaudeville
specialties attached. These things, as we have said in the last
section, are, to be sure, given in the Yiddish theatres on the Bowery
too, but there are also plays which in part at least portray the
customs and problems of the Ghetto community, and are of comparatively
recent origin.
[Illustration: JACOB ADLER]
There are two men connected with the Ghetto stage who particularly
express the distinctive realism of the intellectual east side--Jacob
Adler, one of the two best actors, and Jacob Gordin, the playwright.
Adler, a man of great energy, tried for many years to make a theatre
succeed on the Bowery which should give only what he called good
plays. Gordin's dramas, with a few exceptions, were the only plays on
contemporary life which Adler thought worthy of presentation. The
attempt to give exclusively realistic art, which is the only art on
the Bowery, failed. There, in spite of the widespread feeling for
realism, the mass of the people desire to be amused and are bored by
anything with the form of art. So now Adler is connected with the
People's Theatre, which gives all sorts of shows, from Gordin's plays
to ludicrous history, frivolous comic opera, and conventional
melodrama. But Adler acts for the most part only in the better sort.
He is an actor of unusual power and vividness. Indeed, in his case, as
in that of some other Bowery actors, it is only the Yiddish dialect
which stands between him and the distinction of a wide reputation.
In almost every play given on the Bowery all the elements are
represented. Vaudeville, history, realism, comic opera, are generally
mixed together. Even in the plays of Gordin there are clownish and
operatic intrusions, inserted as a conscious condition of success. On
the other hand, even in the distinctively formless plays, in comic
opera and melodrama, there are striking illustrations of the popular
feeling for realism,--bits of dialogue, happy strokes of
characterization of well-known Ghetto types, sordid scenes faithful to
the life of the people.
It is the acting which gives even to the plays having no intrinsic
relation to reality a frequent quality of naturalness. The Yiddish
players, even the poorer among them, act with remarkable sincerity.
Entirely lacking in self-consciousness, they attain almost from the
outset to a direct and forcible expressiveness. They, like the
audience, rejoice in what they deem the truth. In the general lack of
really good plays they yet succeed in introducing the note of realism.
To be true to nature is their strongest passion, and even in a
conventional melodrama their sincerity, or their characterization in
the comic episodes, often redeems the play from utter barrenness.
And the little touches of truth to the life of the people are
thoroughly appreciated by the audience, much more generally so than in
the case of the better plays to be described later, where there is
more or less strictness of form and intellectual intention, difficult
for the untutored crowd to understand. In the "easy" plays, it is the
realistic touches which tell most. The spectators laugh at the exact
reproduction by the actor of a tattered type which they know well. A
scene of perfect sordidness will arouse the sympathetic laughter or
tears of the people. "It is so natural," they say to one another, "so
true." The word "natural" indeed is the favorite term of praise in the
Ghetto. What hits home to them, to their sense of humor or of sad
fact, is sure to move, altho sometimes in a manner surprising to a
visitor. To what seems to him very sordid and sad they will frequently
respond with laughter.
One of the most beloved actors in the Ghetto is Zelig Mogalesco, now
at the People's Theatre, a comedian of natural talent and of the most
felicitous instinct for characterization. Unlike the strenuous Adler,
he has no ideas about realism or anything else. He acts in any kind of
play, and could not tell the difference between truth and burlesque
caricature. And yet he is remarkable for his naturalness, and popular
because of it. Adler with his ideas is sometimes too serious for the
people, but Mogalesco's naïve fidelity to reality always meets with
the sympathy of a simple audience loving the homely and unpretentious
truth. About Adler, strong actor that he is, and also about the
talented Gordin, there is something of the doctrinaire.
But, altho the best actors of the three Yiddish theatres in the Ghetto
are realists by instinct and training, the thoroughly frivolous
element in the plays has its prominent interpreters. Joseph Latteiner
is the most popular playwright in the Bowery, and Boris Thomashevsky
perhaps the most popular actor. Latteiner has written over a hundred
plays, no one of which has form or ideas. He calls them _Volksstücke_
(plays of the people), and naïvely admits that he writes directly to
the demand. They are mainly mixed melodrama, broad burlesque, and
comic opera. His heroes are all intended for Boris Thomashevsky, a
young man, fat, with curling black hair, languorous eyes, and a rather
effeminate voice, who is thought very beautiful by the girls of the
Ghetto. Thomashevsky has a face with no mimic capacity, and a
temperament absolutely impervious to mood or feeling. But he
picturesquely stands in the middle of the stage and declaims
phlegmatically the rôle of the hero, and satisfies the "romantic"
demand of the audience. Nothing could show more clearly how much more
genuine the feeling of the Ghetto is for fidelity to life than for
romantic fancy. How small a part of the grace and charm of life the
Yiddish audiences enjoy may be judged by the fact that the romantic
appeal of a Thomashevsky is eminently satisfying to them. Girls and
men from the sweat-shops, a large part of such an audience, are moved
by a very crude attempt at beauty. On the other hand they are so
familiar with sordid fact, that the theatrical representation of it
must be relatively excellent. Therefore the art of the Ghetto,
theatrical and other, is deeply and painfully realistic.
[Illustration: JACOB GORDIN]
When we turn to Jacob Gordin's plays, to other plays of similar
character and to the audiences to which they specifically appeal, we
have realism worked out consciously in art, the desire to express life
as it is, and at the same time the frequent expression of revolt
against the reality of things, and particularly against the actual
system of society. Consequently the "problem" play has its
representation in the Ghetto. It presents the hideous conditions of
life in the Ghetto--the poverty, the sordid constant reference to
money, the immediate sensuality, the jocular callousness--and
underlying the mere statement of the facts an intellectual and
passionate revolt.
The thinking element of the Ghetto is largely Socialistic, and the
Socialists flock to the theatre the nights when the Gordin type of
play is produced. They discuss the meaning and justice of the play
between the acts, and after the performance repair to the Canal Street
cafés to continue their serious discourse. The unthinking Nihilists
are also represented, but not so frequently at the best plays as at
productions in which are found crude and screaming condemnation of
existing conditions. The Anarchistic propaganda hired the Windsor
Theatre for the establishment of a fund to start the _Freie Arbeiter
Stimme_, an anarchistic newspaper. The _Beggar of Odessa_ was the play
selected,--an adaptation of the _Ragpicker of Paris_, a play by Felix
Piot, the Anarchistic agitator of the French Commune in 1871. The
features of the play particularly interesting to the audience were
those emphasizing the clashing of social classes. The old ragpicker, a
model man, clever, brilliant, and good, is a philosopher too, and says
many things warmly welcomed by the audience. As he picks up his rags
he sings about how even the clothing of the great comes but to dust.
His adopted daughter is poor, and consequently noble and sweet. The
villains are all rich; all the very poor characters are good. Another
play, _Vogele_, is partly a satire of the rich Jew by the poor Jew.
"The rich Jews," sang the comedian, "toil not, neither do they spin.
They work not, they suffer not, why then do they live on this earth?"
This unthinking revolt is the opposite pole to the unthinking
vaudeville and melodrama. In many of the plays referred to roughly as
of the Gordin-Adler type--altho they were not all written by Gordin
nor played by Adler--we find a realism more true in feeling and cast
in stronger dramatic form. In some of these plays there is no problem
element; in few is that element so prominent as essentially to
interfere with the character of the play as a presentation of life.
One of the plays most characteristic, as at once presenting the life
of the Ghetto and suggesting its problems, is _Minna_, or the Yiddish
Nora. Altho the general idea of Ibsen's _Doll's House_ is taken, the
atmosphere and life are original. The first scene represents the house
of a poor Jewish laborer on the east side. His wife and daughter are
dressing to go to see _A Doll's House_ with the boarder,--a young man
whom they have been forced to take into the house because of their
poverty. He is full of ideas and philosophy, and the two women fall in
love with him, and give him all the good things to eat. When the
laborer returns from his hard day's work, he finds that there is
nothing to eat, and that his wife and daughter are going to the play
with the boarder. The women despise the poor man, who is fit only to
work, eat, and sleep. The wife philosophizes on the atrocity of
marrying a man without intellectual interests, and finally drinks
carbolic acid. This Ibsen idea is set in a picture rich with realistic
detail: the dialect, the poverty, the types of character, the humor of
Yiddish New York. Jacob Adler plays the husband, and displays a vivid
imagination for details calculated to bring out the man's beseeching
bestiality: his filthy manners, his physical ailments, his greed, the
quickness of his anger and of resulting pacification. Like most of the
realistic plays of the Ghetto, _Minna_ is a genuine play of manners. It
has a general idea, and presents also the setting and characters of
reality.
_The Slaughter_, written by Gordin, and with the main masculine
character taken by David Kessler, an actor of occasionally great
realistic strength, is the story of the symbolic murder of a fragile
young girl by her parents, who force her to marry a rich man who has
all the vices and whom she hates. The picture of the poor house, of
the old mother and father and half-witted stepson with whom the girl
is unconsciously in love, in its faithfulness to life is typical of
scenes in many of these plays. It is rich in character and _milieu_
drawing. There is another scene of miserable life in the second act.
The girl is married and living with the rich brute. In the same house
is his mistress, curt and cold, and two children by a former wife. The
old parents come to see the wife; she meets them with the joy of
starved affection. But the husband enters and changes the scene to one
of hate and violence. The old mother tells him, however, of the heir
that is to come. Then there is a superb scene of naïve joy in the
midst of all the sordid gloom. There is rapturous delight of the old
people, turbulent triumph of the husband, and satisfaction of the
young wife. They make a holiday of it. Wine is brought. They all love
one another for the time. The scene is representative of the way the
poor Jews welcome their offspring. But indescribable violence and
abuse follow, and the wife finally kills her husband, in a scene where
realism riots into burlesque, as it frequently does on the Yiddish
stage.
But for absolute, intense realism Gordin's _Wild Man_, unrelieved by a
problem idea, is unrivaled. An idiot boy falls in love with his
stepmother without knowing what love is. He is abused by his father
and brother, beaten on account of his ineptitudes. His sister and
another brother take his side, and the two camps revile each other in
unmistakable language. The father marries again; his new wife is a
heartless, faithless woman, and she and the daughter quarrel. After
repeated scenes of brutality to the idiot, the daughter is driven out
to make her own living. Adler's portraiture of the idiot is a great
bit of technical acting. The poor fellow is filled with the mysterious
wonderings of an incapable mind. His shadow terrifies and interests
him. He philosophizes about life and death. He is puzzled and worried
by everything; the slightest sound preys on him. Physically alert, his
senses serve only to trouble and terrify the mind which cannot
interpret what they present. The burlesque which Mr. Adler puts into
the part was inserted to please the crowd, but increases the horror of
it, as when Lear went mad; for the Elizabethan audiences laughed, and
had their souls wrung at the same time. The idiot ludicrously
describes his growing love. In pantomime he tells a long story. It is
evident, even without words, that he is constructing a complicated
symbolism to express what he does not know. He falls into epilepsy and
joins stiffly in the riotous dance. The play ends so fearfully that it
shades into mere burlesque.
This horrible element in so many of these plays marks the point where
realism passes into fantastic sensationalism. The facts of life in the
Ghetto are in themselves unpleasant, and consequently it is natural
that a dramatic exaggeration of them results in something poignantly
disagreeable. The intense seriousness of the Russian Jew, which
accounts for what is excellent in these plays, explains also the
rasping falseness of the extreme situations. It is a curious fact that
idiots, often introduced in the Yiddish plays, amuse the Jewish
audience as much as they used to the Elizabethan mob.
One of the most skillful of Gordin's Yiddish adaptations is _The
Oath_, founded on Hauptman's _Fuhrmann Henschel_. In the first act a
dying peasant is exhibited on the stage. In Hauptman's play it is a
woman; in Gordin's it is a man. He is racked with coughing. A servant
clatters over the floor with her heavy boots. Another servant feeds
the sick man from a coarse bowl and the steward works at the
household accounts. The dying man's wife, and their little boy, enter
and it is apparent that something has been going on between her and
the steward. They and the servants dine realistically and coarsely and
neglect the dying man. When they leave, the dying man teaches his son
how to say "Kaddish" for his soul when he is dead. When he dies he
makes his wife swear that she will never marry again. In the second
act she is about to marry the steward, and the Jewish customs are here
used, as is often the case with the Yiddish playwright, to intensify
the dramatic effect of a scene. It is just a year from the time of her
husband's death, and the candles are burning, therefore, on the table.
According to the orthodox belief the soul of the dead is present when
the candles burn. The little boy, feeling that his mother is about to
marry again, blows out the candles. The mother, horror-stricken,
rushes to him and asks him why he did it. "I did not want my father to
see that you are going to marry again," says the little fellow. It was
an affecting scene and left few dry eyes in the audience.
At the beginning of the third act the wife and servant are living
together, married. He comes on the stage, sleepy, brutal, calling
loudly for a drink, abuses the little boy and quarrels with his wife;
he is a crude, dishonorable, coarse brute. He drives away a faithful
servant and returns to his swinish slumber. An old couple, the woman
being the sister of the dead man, who are always torturing the wife
with having broken her vow, hint to her that her new husband is too
attentive to the maid-servant. She is angry and incredulous, and calls
the maid to her, but when she sees her in the doorway, before a word
is spoken, she realizes it is true, and sends her away. The husband
enters and she passionately taxes him. He admits it, but justifies
himself: he is young, a high-liver, etc., why shouldn't he? Just then
the child is brought in, drowned in the river nearby.
In the beginning of the fourth and last act the husband again appears
as a riotous, jovial fellow. He has played a joke and turned a driver
out of his cart, and he nearly splits his sides with merriment. Drunk,
he admirably sings a song and dances. His wife enters. She hears her
vow repeated by the winds, by the trees, everywhere. Her dead child
haunts her. Her husband has stolen and misspent their money. She talks
with the faithful servant about the maid's baby. She wanders about at
night, unable to sleep. Her brute husband calls to her from the house,
saying he is afraid to sleep alone. Another talk ensues between them.
He asks her why she is old so soon. She burns the house and herself,
the neighbors rush in, and the play is over.
Some of the more striking of the realistic plays on the Ghetto stage
have been partly described, but realism in the details of character
and setting appears in all of them, even in comic opera and melodrama.
In many the element of revolt, even if it is not the basis of the
play, is expressed in occasional dialogues. Burlesque runs through
them all, but burlesque, after all, is a comment on the facts of life.
And all these points are emphasized and driven home by sincere and
forcible acting.
Crude in form as these plays are, and unpleasant as they often are in
subject and in the life portrayed, they are yet refreshing to persons
who have been bored by the empty farce and inane cheerfulness of the
uptown theatres.
THE HISTORY OF THE YIDDISH STAGE
The Yiddish stage, founded in Roumania in 1876 by Abraham Goldfaden,
has reached its highest development in the city of New York, where
there are seventy or eighty professional actors; not far from a dozen
playwrights, of whom three have written collectively more than three
hundred plays; dramas on almost every subject, produced on the
inspiration of various schools of dramatic art; and an enormous
Russian Jewish colony, which fills the theatres and creates so strong
a demand that the stage responds with a distinctive, complete, and
interesting popular art.
The best actor now in the Ghetto, with one exception, was in the
original company. That exception, with the help of a realistic
playwright, introduced an important element in the development of the
stage. With the lives of these three men the history of the Yiddish
stage is intimately connected. The first actor was a singer in the
synagogue of Bucharest, the first playwright a composer of Yiddish
songs. The foundation of the Yiddish stage might therefore be said to
lie in the Bucharest synagogue and the popular music-hall performance.
Zelig Mogalesco, the best comedian in the New York Ghetto, has seen,
altho not quite forty years of age, the birth of the Yiddish stage,
and may survive its death. He was born in Koloraush, a town in the
province of Bessarabia, near Roumania. His father was a poor
shop-keeper, and Mogalesco never went to school. But he was endowed by
nature with a remarkable voice and ear, and composed music with easy
felicity. The population of the town was orthodox Jewish, and
consequently no theatre was allowed. It was therefore in the synagogue
that the musical appetite of the Jews found satisfaction. It was the
habit of the poor people to hire as inexpensive a cantor as possible,
and this cantor might very well be ignorant of everything except
singing. Yet these cantors were so popular that the famous ones
travelled from town to town, in much the same way that the visiting
German actor--_Gast_--does to-day, and sometimes charged admission
fees.
When Mogalesco was nine years old, Nissy of the town of Bells, the
most famous cantor in the south of Russia, visited Mogalesco's town.
The boy's friends urged him to visit the great man and display his
voice. Little Mogalesco, with his mezzo-soprano, went to the inn, and
Nissy was astounded. "My dear boy," he said, "go home and fetch your
parents." With them the cantor signed a contract by which Zelig was
bound to him as a kind of musical apprentice for three years. The boy
was to receive his board and clothing, five rubles, the first year,
ten the second, and fifteen the third--fifteen dollars for the three
years.
Soon Mogalesco became widely known among the cantors of South Russia.
In six months he could read music so well that they called him "Little
Zelig, the music-eater." At the end of the first year the leading
cantor of Bucharest, Israel Kupfer, who, by the way, has been cantor
in a New York synagogue of the east side, went to Russia to secure the
services of Mogalesco. To avoid the penalties of a broken contract,
Kupfer hurried with little Zelig to Roumania, and the boy remained in
Bucharest for several years. At the age of fourteen he conducted a
choir of twenty men under Kupfer. He also became director of the
chorus in the Gentile opera. While there he began "to burn," as he
expressed it, with a desire to go on the stage, but the Gentiles would
not admit the talented Jew.
It was when Mogalesco was about twenty years old that the Yiddish
stage was born. In 1876 or 1877, Abraham Goldfaden went to Bucharest.
This man had formerly been a successful merchant in Russia, but had
failed. He was a poet, and to make a living he called that art into
play. In Russia he had written many Yiddish songs, set them to music,
and sung them in private. In the society in which he lived he deemed
that beneath his dignity, but when he lost his money he went to
Bucharest and there on the stage sang his own poems, the music for
which he took from many sources. He became a kind of music-hall
performer, but did not long remain satisfied with this modest art. His
dissatisfaction led him to create what later developed into the
present Yiddish theatre. The Talmud prohibited the stage, but at the
time when Goldfaden was casting about for something to do worthy of
his genius, the gymnasia were thrown open to the Jews, and the result
was a more tolerant spirit. Therefore, Goldfaden decided to found a
Yiddish theatre. He went to Kupfer, the cantor, and Kupfer recommended
Mogalesco as an actor for the new company. Goldfaden saw the young man
act, and the comedy genius of Mogalesco helped in the initial idea of
a Yiddish play. Mogalesco at first refused to enter into the scheme. A
Yiddish drama seemed too narrow to him, for he aspired to the
Christian stage. But when Goldfaden offered to adopt him and teach him
the Gentile languages Mogalesco agreed and became the first Yiddish
actor. Other singers in Kupfer's choir also joined Goldfaden's
company.
Thus the foundation of the Yiddish stage lay in the Bucharest
synagogue. The beginnings, of course, were small. Several other actors
were secured, among them Moses Silbermann, who is still acting on the
New York Ghetto stage. No girls could at that time be obtained for
the stage, for it is against the Talmudic law for a man even to hear a
girl sing, and men consequently played female rôles, as in Elizabethan
times in England. The first play that Goldfaden wrote was _The
Grandmother and her Grandchild_; the second was _The Shwendrick_ and
Mogalesco played the grandmother in one and a little spoiled boy in
the other. His success in both was enormous, and he still enacts on
the Bowery the part of the little boy. The first performances of
Goldfaden's play were given in Bucharest, at the time of the
Russian-Turkish war, and the city was filled with Russian contractors
and workmen. They overcrowded the theatre, and applauded Mogalesco to
the echo. From that time the success of the Yiddish stage was assured.
Goldfaden tried to get a permit to act in Russia, without success at
first; but he played in Odessa without a license, in a secret way, and
in the end a permit was secured. Other Yiddish companies sprang up.
Girls were admitted to the chorus, and women began to play female
rôles. The first woman on the Yiddish stage was a girl who is now Mrs.
Karb, and who may be seen in the Yiddish company at present in the
People's Theatre on the Bowery. She is the best liked of all the
Ghetto's actresses, has been a sweet singer, and is now an actress of
considerable distinction. In Bucharest, before she went on the stage,
she was a tailor-girl, and used to sing in the shop. She appeared in
1878 in _The Evil Eye_, and made an immediate hit. That was the third
Yiddish play, and, in the absence of Goldfaden, it was written by the
prompter, Joseph Latteiner, who, with the possible exception of
Professor Horowitz, who began to write about the same time, was for
many years the most popular playwright in the New York Ghetto.
In 1884 the Yiddish theatre was forbidden in Russia. It was supposed
by the Government to be a hotbed of political plots, but some of the
Yiddish actors think that the jealousy of Gentile actors was
responsible for this idea. Two years before there had been a
transmigration of Russian and Roumanian Jews to America on a large
scale. Therefore the players banished from Russia had a refuge and an
audience in New York. In 1884 the first Yiddish company came to this
country. It was not Goldfaden's or Mogalesco's company, but one formed
after them. In it were actors who still act in New York--Moses Heine,
Moses Silbermann, Mrs. Karb, and Latteiner the playwright.
The first Yiddish theatre was called the Oriental. It was a music-hall
on the Bowery, transformed for the purpose. A year later Mogalesco,
Kessler, Professor Horowitz, and their company came to New York and
opened the Roumania Theatre. From that time they changed theatres
frequently. It is worthy of note that with one exception the actors
identified with the beginnings of the Yiddish stage are still the
best.
That exception is Jacob Adler, who, not counting Mogalesco, is the
best actor in the Ghetto. They are both character actors, but
Mogalesco is essentially a comedian, while Adler plays rôles ranging
from burlesque to tragedy. Mogalesco is a natural genius, with a
spontaneity superior to that of Adler, but he has no general education
nor intellectual life. But the forcible Adler, a man of great energy,
a fighter, is filled with one great idea, which is almost a passion
with him, and which has marked a development in the Yiddish theatre.
To be natural, to be real, to express the actual life of the people,
with serious intent, is what Jacob Adler stands for. Up to the time
when he appeared on the scene in New York there had been no serious
plays acted on the Yiddish stage. Comic opera, lurid melodrama,
adaptations and translations, historical plays representing the
traditions of the Jews, were exclusively the thing. Through the
acting, indeed, which on the Yiddish stage is constantly animated by
the desire for sincerity and naturalness, the real life of the people
was constantly suggested in some part of the play. When Mogalesco took
a comic part, he would interpolate phrases and actions, suggesting
that life, which he instinctively and spontaneously knew, and it was
so with the other actors also. But this element was accidental and
fragmentary previous to the coming of Jacob Adler.
Until then Latteiner and Professor Horowitz, the authors of the first
historical plays of the Yiddish stage, and still the most popular
playwrights in the Ghetto, held almost undisputed sway.
Joseph Latteiner, of whom brief mention has already been made,
represents thoroughly the strong commercial spirit of the Yiddish
stage. He writes with but one thought, to please the mass of the
people, writes "easy plays," to quote his own words. His plays,
therefore, are the very spirit of formlessness--burlesque, popularly
vulgar jokes, flat heroism combined about the flimsiest dramatic
structure. He is the type of the business man of the Ghetto. Altho
successful, he lives in an unpleasant tenement, and seems much poorer
than he really is. He has an unemphatic, conciliatory manner of
talking, and everything he says is discouragingly practical. He is a
Roumanian Jew, forty-six years of age. His parents intended him for a
rabbi, but he was too poor to reach the goal, altho he learned several
languages. These afterwards stood him in good stead, for he often
translates and adapts plays for the Bowery stage. Unable to be a
rabbi, Latteiner cast about for a means of making his living. As a boy
he was not interested in the stage, but one day he saw a German play
in one act and thought he could adapt it with music to the Yiddish
stage. It was successful, and Latteiner, as he put it, "discovered
himself." He has since written over a hundred plays, and is engaged by
the company at the Thalia Theatre as the regular playwright. He calls
himself _Volksdichter_, and maintains that his plays improve with the
taste of the people, but this statement is open to considerable doubt.
In speaking of the popular playwright, and the purely commercial
character and consequent formlessness of the plays before the
appearance of Adler, important mention should be made of Boris
Thomashevsky, already briefly referred to as the idol of the Jewish
matinée girls. He is the most popular actor on the Yiddish stage, and
for him Latteiner particularly writes. Thomashevsky is a large fat
man, with expressionless features and curly black hair, which he
arranges in leonine forms. He generally appears as the hero, and is a
successful tho a rather listless barnstormer. The more intelligent of
his audience are inclined to smile at Mr. Thomashevsky's talent in
romantic parts, of the reality of which, however, he, with a large
section of the community, is very firmly convinced. In fairness,
however, it should be said that when Mr. Thomashevsky occasionally
leaves the rôle of hero for an unsentimental character, particularly
one which expresses supercilious superiority, he is excellent. As time
goes on he will probably take less and less the romantic lead and grow
more and more satisfactory. He is the youngest of the prominent actors
of the Bowery. Before the coming of Heine's company in 1884, he was a
pretty little boy in the Ghetto, who used to play female rôles in
amateur theatricals. But when the professionals came he was eclipsed,
and went out of sight for some time. He grew to be a handsome man,
however; his voice changed, and, with the help of a very different
man, Jacob Adler, Thomashevsky found an important place on the Yiddish
stage. He and Adler are now the leading actors of the People's
Theatre, but they never appear together, Thomashevsky being the main
interpreter of the plays which appeal distinctively to the rabble,
and Adler of those which form the really original Yiddish drama of a
serious nature.
Jacob Adler was born in Odessa, Russia, in 1855, of middle-class
parents. He went to the public school, but was very slow to learn, and
was treated roughly by his teachers, whose favorite weapon was a ruler
of thorns. School, therefore, as he says, "made a bad impression" on
him, and he left it for business, but got along equally badly there,
not being able to brook the brutally expressed authority of his
masters. But while he passed rapidly from one firm to another, through
the kindness of a wealthy uncle he was able to cut a swell figure in
Odessa, and became a dandy and something of a lady-killer. He was then
only eighteen, but the serious ideas which at a later time he
strenuously sought to bring into prominence in New York already began
to assert themselves. Then there was no Yiddish theatre, but of the
Gentile Russian theatre in Odessa he was very fond. The serious
realistic Russian play was what particularly took his fancy. The
Russian tragedians Kozelski and Miloslowski especially helped to form
his taste, and he soon became a critic well known in the galleries. It
was the habit of Russian audiences to express their ideas and
impressions on the spot. The galleries were divided into parties, with
opposing artistic principles. One party hissed while the other
applauded, and then and there they held debates, between the acts and
even during the performance. Adler soon became one of the fiercest
leaders of such a party that Odessa had ever known. He stood for
realism, for the direct expression of the life of the people. All else
he hissed down, and did it so effectively that the actors tried to
conciliate him. One season two actresses of talent, but of different
schools, were playing in Odessa--Glebowa, whom Adler supported because
of her naturalness, and Kozlowski, whose style was affected and
artificial from Adler's point of view. After the strife between the
rival parties had waged for some time very fiercely, one night
Kozlowski sent for Adler, and asked him what she could do to get the
great critic to join her party. Adler replied that so long as Glebowa
played with such wonderful naturalness he should remain faithful to
her colors, and advised Kozlowski, who was a kind of Russian
Bernhardt, to change her style.
Adler's lack of education always weighed on his spirit, and his high
ideals of the stage seemed to shut that art away from him. Yet his
friends who heard him recite the speeches of his favorites, which he
easily remembered, told him he had talent. "I wanted to believe them,"
Adler said, "but I always thought that the actor ought to know
everything in order to interpret humanity."
But just about that time, when Adler was twenty-three years old, he
heard that a theatre had been started in Roumania by a Russian Jew
named Goldfaden, and that the actors spoke Yiddish.
"I was astonished," he said. "How could they act a play in a language
without literature, in the jargon of our race, and who could be the
actors?"
Soon Adler heard that the Jewish singers of hymns who sometimes
visited Odessa, and who moved him so, because "they sang so
pitifully," were the actors of the first Yiddish company, and his
astonishment grew. In 1879 Goldfaden went to Odessa with his company,
and his theatre was crowded with Gentiles as well as Jews; and Adler
saw with his eyes what he had hardly believed possible--a Jewish
company in a Yiddish play. The plays, however, seemed to Adler very
poor--mainly light opera with vaudeville accompaniment--and the acting
was also poor; but Israel Rosenberg, whom Adler describes as a
long-faced Jew with protruding teeth, enormous eyes, and a mouth as
wide as a saucer, amused Adler with the wit which he interpolated as
he acted. Rosenberg, "more ignorant than I," says Adler, "was yet
very successful." The two became intimate, and Rosenberg and Fräulein
Oberländer urged Adler to go on the stage; Rosenberg because Adler at
that time was comparatively rich, and the Fräulein because she loved
(and afterwards married) the vigorous young man from Odessa. And Adler
felt his education to be superior to that of these successful actors,
and decided to make the experiment. To choose the stage, however, was
to choose poverty, as he had begun to succeed in business, but he did
not hesitate and, leaving his friends and family, he went on a tour
with the company.
In the first performance he was so frightened that he did not hear his
own words. He lost all his critical faculty, and played merely
instinctively. It was a long time before he acted better than the
average, which was at that time very low; but, finally, in a small
town named Elizabetgrad, Adler learned his lesson. A critic visited
the theatre every night, and wrote long articles upon it, but Adler
never found his name mentioned therein. He used to get up in the
morning very early, before any one else, to buy the newspaper, but was
always chagrined to find that the great man had overlooked him. At
first he thought that the critic must have a personal spite against
him, then that he was not noticed because he had only small rôles. At
last he was cast for a very long and emotional rôle. He thought that
this part would surely fetch the critic, and the next morning eagerly
bought a paper, but there was no criticism of the play at all.
Rosenberg went to the critic and asked the reason.
"Adler spoiled the whole thing," was the reply. "His acting was
unnatural and loud. I advise him to leave the stage."
"Then," said Adler, "I began to think. I cut my hair, which I had
allowed to grow long after the fashion of actors, and was at first
much discouraged. But thereafter I studied every rôle with great care,
and read the classic plays, and never played a part until I understood
it. Before that it was play with me; but after that it was serious
work."
For a number of years Adler continued to act in the cities of Russia,
and became the head of a company. In 1883, when Russia was closed to
the Jewish stage, Adler took his company to London, where he nearly
starved. There was no Ghetto there, and the company gave occasional
performances at various Yiddish clubs scattered through the city.
Adler lost all his money, and got into debt. His wife and child died,
and at one time in despair he thought of leaving the stage. But it was
too late to go back to Odessa, for he had once for all cut himself off
from his family and friends. He was falsely informed by a Jew who had
been to America that to succeed there he would have to sing, dance,
and speak German. So he stayed some time longer in London. The
Rothschilds, Dr. Felix Adler, and others, took an interest in him, and
told him that as the Jewish theatre could have no future, since
Yiddish must ultimately be forgotten, he had better give it up.
It was in 1887 that Adler came to New York, where he found two Yiddish
companies already well started. To avoid conflict with them, he went
to Chicago, where, however, a Yiddish theatre could get no foothold.
Some rich Chicago people tried to induce Adler to learn English and go
on the American stage; but Adler, always distrustful of his education
and ability to learn, declined their offers, now much to his regret.
He returned to New York, where Mogalesco and Kessler urged him to
stay, but the Ghetto actors in general were hostile to him, and he
went back to London. The next year, however, he was visited by four of
the managers of the New York Ghetto companies (among them Mogalesco),
vying with one another to secure Adler, whose reputation in the
Jewish community was rapidly growing. He went back to New York in
1889, where he appeared first at the Germania Theatre. He was
advertised in advance as a Salvini, a Barrett, a Booth, as all stars
combined. When he found how extravagantly he had been announced he was
angry, and wanted to go back to London, feeling that it was impossible
to live up to what his foolish managers had led the people to expect.
He consented to stay, but refused to appear in _Uriel Acosta_ for
which he was billed, preferring to begin in comedy, in order not to
appear to compete with the reputation of Salvini. The play, which was
called _The Ragpicker_, can still be seen in the Ghetto. In it Adler
tried to score as a character actor. But the people, expecting a
tragedy, took _The Ragpicker_ seriously, and did not laugh at all. The
play fell flat, and the managers rushed before the curtain and told
the audience that Adler was a poor actor, and that they had been
deceived in him. Through the influence of the management, the whole
company treated him with coldness and contempt, except the wife of one
of the directors. She is now Mrs. Adler, and is one of the capable
serious actresses at present at the People's Theatre. Finally, the
lease of the theatre passed into Adler's hands, and he dismissed the
whole company and formed a new one. Soon after began the struggle
which brought about the latest development of the Yiddish stage.
For some time Adler was successful, but he grew more and more
dissatisfied with his repertory. He could find no plays which
seriously portrayed the life of the people or contained any serious
ideas. Only the translated plays were good from his point of view; he
wished something original, and looked about for a playwright. One
night in a restaurant he was introduced to Jacob Gordin, who
afterwards wrote the greater part of the only serious original Yiddish
plays which exist.
Gordin at that time had written no plays, but he was a man of varied
literary activity, of a rarely good education, a thorough Russian
schooling, and of uncommon intelligence and strength of character. He
is Russian in appearance, a large broad-headed man with thick black
hair and beard. As he told me in his little home in Brooklyn, the
history of his life, he omitted all picturesque details, and
emphasized only his intellectual development. He was born in the same
town as Gogol, Ubigovrod in southern Russia, of rich parents. As a boy
he frequented the theatre, and like Adler, became a local critic and
hissed down what he did not approve. Like Adler, too, he was often
carried off to the police station and fined. He married early, became
a school-teacher and then a journalist (in Russian), writing every
sort of article, except political, and often sketches and short
stories for newspapers and periodicals in Odessa, where he finally
controlled a newspaper--the _Odessakianovosti_. He was a great admirer
of Tolstoi, and desiring to live on a farm to put into practice the
Count's ideas, he came to America in 1891, and nearly starved. He
became an editor of a Russian newspaper in New York and contributed to
other journals. In his own paper he wrote violent articles against the
Russian Government, as well as literary sketches. In Russia, Gordin
had never been in a Yiddish theatre, and when he met Adler in the New
York restaurant he knew little of the conventional Yiddish play. So he
wrote his first play in a fresh spirit, with only the character of the
people and his own ideals to work from. _Siberia_, produced in 1892,
was a success with the critics and actors, and may fairly be called
the first original Yiddish play of the better type.
The play struck a new note. It fell into line with the Russian spirit
of realism now so marked in intellectual circles in the Ghetto. Life
and types are what Gordin tried for, and Jacob Adler had found his
playwright. Since then Gordin has written about fifty plays, some of
which have been successful, and many have been marked by literary and
dramatic power. Some of the better ones are _Siberia_, the _Jewish
King Lear_, _The Wild Man_, _The Jewish Priest_, _Solomon Kaus_, _The
Slaughter_, and the _Jewish Queen Lear_. Jacob Adler has been until
recently his chief interpreter, altho Mogalesco, Kessler, and
Thomashevsky take his plays.
[Illustration: MADAM LIPTZEN]
For several years an actress, Mrs. Liptzen, was the main interpreter
of Gordin's plays. She is one of the most individual, if not one of
the most skillful, actresses on the stage of New York's Ghetto, and is
sometimes spoken of in the quarter as the Yiddish Duse. She is the
only actress of the east side who is thus compared, by a sub-title,
with a famous Gentile artist, altho in many directions there is a
great tendency in the Ghetto to adopt foreign names and ideas. As a
matter of fact, her art is exceedingly limited, but she has the
unusual distinction of appearing only in the best plays, steadfastly
refusing to take part in performances which she deems to be
dramatically unworthy. She consequently appears very seldom, usually
only in connection with the production of a new play by Jacob Gordin,
who at present writes many of his plays with the "Yiddish Duse" in
mind.
Mrs. Liptzen was born in Zitomir, South Russia, and was interested
exclusively in the stage from her childhood. The founder of the
Yiddish stage, Abraham Goldfaden, and Jacob Adler, played in her town
for a few nights when she was about eighteen years old. Her parents
were orthodox Jews, and to go to the theatre she was forced to resort
to subterfuge. She became acquainted with Goldfaden and Adler, and ran
away from home in order to accompany them as an actress. At first she
sang and acted in such popular operatic plays as _Der Schmendrik_, and
continued for three years in Russia, until the Yiddish theatre was
forbidden there. Then she went with a new company to Berlin, where the
whole aggregation nearly starved. They were reduced to selling all
their stage properties, the proceeds of which were made away with by a
dishonest agent. During the time their performances in Berlin
continued Mrs. Liptzen received, it is said, the sum of ten pfennige
(two and one-half cents) a day, on which she lived. She paid five
pfennige for lodging and five pfennige for bread and coffee; and there
is left in her now a correspondingly amazing impression of the
cheapness with which she could live in Germany in those days.
Jacob Adler was at that time in London with a company, eking out a
miserable existence. He wrote to Mrs. Liptzen's husband, an invalid in
Odessa, to send his wife to London to play in his company. About 1886
Mrs. Liptzen went to London and played in _Esther von Engedi_ (the
Yiddish _Othello_), _Leah the Forsaken_, _Rachel_, _The Jews_, etc. In
London she stayed three years, when, the theatre burning down, she
went with Adler to Chicago. They tried to find a place in New York,
but the Yiddish company, with Kessler and Mogalesco at its head,
already in New York, froze them out, and they tried to get a foothold
in Chicago. A little later Mrs. Liptzen left Chicago for New York,
called by the Yiddish company there to play leading parts. She began
in New York with _Leah the Forsaken_, and received only $10 for the
first three performances. It is said that she now receives from $100
to $200 for every performance, a fact indicating not only her growth
in popularity but also the great financial success of the Yiddish
theatres in New York.
Twelve years ago Mrs. Liptzen retired for a time from the stage, the
reason being that there were no new plays in which she desired to
appear, since the demand was entirely supplied by the romantic and
historical operatic playwrights, Prof. Horowitz and Mr. Latteiner.
It was not until Jacob Gordin came into prominence as a realistic
playwright, that Mrs. Liptzen came out of her dignified retirement.
Jacob Adler was the first to play Gordin's pieces; but he played many
others, too, trying in a practical way gradually to make the cause of
realism triumphant. Mrs. Liptzen, however, made no compromise, and
kept quiet until she was able to get the plays she wanted, which soon
were written by Gordin.
Mrs. Liptzen's first success with a Gordin play was in _Medea_, for
which Gordin received, it is said, the enormous sum of $85--having
sold plays previous to that time for the well-fixed price of $35.
_Medea's Youth_, written by Gordin for Mrs. Liptzen, was a failure,
altho the author thought so well of it as a literary production that
he had it translated into English. The next of Mrs. Liptzen's
successes was the _Jewish Queen Lear_, for which Gordin received
$200--an enormous sum for a Yiddish playwright in those days. _The
Slaughter_ was produced two years ago, and last year Mrs. Liptzen
appeared in Gordin's _The Oath_, a Yiddish production of _Fuhrmann
Henschel_. Of late Mr. Gordin's plays have been produced by a younger
actress of more varied talent than Mrs. Liptzen--Mrs. Bertha Kalisch,
on the whole a much worthier interpreter than the older woman.
It is Adler, however, who has been the belligerent promoter of the
original and serious Yiddish drama. In 1893 he tried to introduce
Gordin's plays and the new spirit of realism and literature into his
company at the Windsor Theatre. But the old style is still strong in
popular affection, and Adler's company rebelled. Whereupon Adler went
to Russia to form a new company which would be more amenable to his
ideas. He came back with the new troupe, and ordered a new play from
Gordin, who produced _The Jewish King Lear_. At the first reading of
the play the company protested, but Adler begged for a trial, telling
them that they did not know what a good play was. The play proved a
great and deserved success, and is now frequently repeated. It
contains several scenes of great power, and portrays with faithful art
the life of the Russian Jew. In 1894 Adler tried the experiment of
leasing a small theatre, the Roumania, in which nothing but plays
which expressed his ideas should be presented. A number of Gordin's
plays were given, but the theatre had much the same fate that would
befall a theatre up town which should play only the ideally best. It
failed completely. After that both Adler and Gordin were compelled to
compromise. Adler is now associated with a company which presents
every kind of play known to the Ghetto, and Gordin has had to
introduce horseplay and occasional vaudeville and comic opera into his
plays. Even the best of the Yiddish plays contain these excrescences.
But both Adler and Gordin, while remaining practical men, with an eye
to the box-office receipts, are working to eliminate more and more
what is distasteful to them and impertinent to art. A year ago last
autumn Gordin succeeded in having his latest play, _The Slaughter_,
performed without any vaudeville accompaniment. He deemed it a
triumph, particularly as it was successful, and felt a debt of
gratitude to Mrs. Liptzen, who produced the play without insisting on
unworthy interpolations.
Gordin now hopes that the days of compromise for him are past, and
Adler expects to secure, some day, a theatre in which he can
successfully produce only the serious plays of Jewish life. But both
these men are pessimistic about the future of dramatic art in the
Ghetto. They feel not only the weight of the commercial spirit, but
also the imminent death of their stage. For the Jews of the Ghetto as
they become Americanized are liable to lose their instinctive Yiddish,
and then there will be no more drama in that tongue. The only Yiddish
stage, worthy of the name, in the world will probably soon be no more.
Jacob Adler consequently regrets that his "jargon" confines him to the
Bowery stage, and Jacob Gordin longs to have his plays translated and
produced on the English stage.
Mogalesco, the actor, who has, perhaps, the greatest talent of them
all, whose dramatic art was born with the Yiddish stage, and who is
equally happy in a comedietta by Latteiner or a character-play by
Gordin, is, like the true actor, without ideas, but always felicitous
in interpretation, and enthusiastically loved by the Jewish
play-goers. He and Adler, if they had been fortunate enough to have
received a training consistently good, and had acted in a language of
wider appeal, would easily have taken their places among those
artistically honored by the world. Even as it is they have, with
Gordin, with Kessler, with Mrs. Liptzen, Mrs. Kalisch and the rest,
the distinction of being prominent figures in the short career of the
Yiddish stage, which, founded by Goldfaden in 1876, in Roumania, has
received to-day, in New York, its highest and almost exclusive
development.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] See text, section on "Realism."
Chapter Six
The Newspapers
Yiddish newspapers have, as compared with their contemporaries in the
English language, the strong interest of great freedom of expression.
They are controlled rather by passion than by capital. It is their joy
to pounce on controlling wealth, and to take the side of the laborer
against the employer. A large proportion of the articles are signed, a
custom in striking contrast with that of the American newspaper; the
prevalence of the unsigned article in the latter is held by the
Yiddish journals to illustrate the employer's tendency to arrogate
everything to himself, and to make the paper a mere organ of his own
policy and opinions. The remark of one of the Jewish editors, that the
"Yiddish newspaper's freedom of expression is limited by the Penal
Code alone," has its relative truth. It is, of course, equally true
that the new freedom of the Jews, who in Russia had no journal in the
common Yiddish, runs in these New York papers into an emotional
extreme, a license which is apt to distort the news and to give over
the editorial pages to virulent party disputes.
Nevertheless, the Yiddish press, particularly the Socialistic branch
of it, is an educative element of great value in the Ghetto. It has
helped essentially to extend the intellectual horizon of the Jew
beyond the boundaries of the Talmud, and has largely displaced the
rabbi in the position of teacher of the people. Not only do these
papers constitute a forum of discussion, but they publish frequent
translations of the Russian, French, and German modern classics, and
for the first time lay the news of the world before the poor Jewish
people. An event of moment to the Jews, such as a riot in Russia,
comes to New York in private letters, and is printed in the papers
here often before the version "prepared" by the Russian Government
appears in the Russian newspapers. Thus a Jew on the east side
received a letter from his father in Russia asking why the reserves
there had been called out, and the son's reply gave him the first
information about the war in China.
The make-up of the Yiddish newspaper is in a general way similar to
that of its American contemporary. The former is much smaller, however,
containing only about as much reading matter as would fill six or
eight columns of a "down-town" newspaper. The sporting department is
entirely lacking, the Jew being utterly indifferent to exercise of any
kind. They are all afternoon newspapers, and draw largely for the news
upon the morning editions of the American papers. The staff is very
limited, consisting of a few editors and, usually, only one reporter
for the local news of the quarter. They give more space proportionately
than any American paper to pure literature--chiefly translations, tho
there are some stories founded on the life of the east side--and to
scientific articles of popular character. The interesting feature of
these newspapers, however, consists in their rivalries and their
differences in principle. This can be presented most simply in a short
sketch of their history.
THE CONSERVATIVE JOURNALS
Yiddish journalism in New York began about thirty years ago, and
continued in unimportant and unrepresentative newspapers until about
twelve years ago, when the _Tageblatt_, the first daily newspaper, and
the _Arbeiterzeitung_, an important Socialistic weekly, now defunct,
but from which developed the present Socialist dailies, came into
existence. The _Tageblatt_, which has maintained its general character
from the beginning, is the most conservative, as well as the oldest,
of the daily newspapers of the Ghetto. It is national and orthodox,
and fights tooth and nail for whatever is distinctively Jewish in
customs, literature, language, and religion. It hates the reform sects
in religion and the Socialistic tendencies in politics and economics.
It is called a "capitalist" paper by its opponents, and is so in the
sense that it is more dependent upon its advertisements than the
Socialistic papers, which are partly supported by frequent
entertainments and balls, to which all their friends go. And yet how
little capitalistic is even this paper is shown by the fact that while
it takes a non-committal attitude towards strikes in the Ghetto it
supports those which occur outside.
Sympathetic with workingmen and not antagonistic to the employers of
the Ghetto, the _Tageblatt_ conventionally unites all the Jewish
interests it consistently can, and has admittedly the largest
circulation of any daily paper in the Ghetto. The Socialists call it
"bourgeois" as well as "capitalistic" (which is the most horrid of all
words in the quarter). Some call it chauvinistic because of its strong
Nationalist tendency, and fanatic because it upholds the religion of
the Jews; the Jew who wants first of all to be an American and
up-to-date hates the _Tageblatt_ as tending to strengthen the
distinction between Jew and Gentile. This paper goes so far in its
conservatism that, according to its enemies, it condemns all rabbis
who mention the name of Christ in their sermons, and holds to a strict
interpretation of Talmudic law in regard to habits of life. "It is
only the old-fashioned greenhorns," said the editor of one of the
other papers, "coming from the old country, who will stand for it."
THE SOCIALIST PAPERS
The Socialist weekly, the _Arbeiterzeitung_, marked the beginning of
the most vital journalism of the east side, and stood in striking
contrast to the _Tageblatt_. In the circumstances attending its
development into the two existing rival Socialistic papers, the
_Vorwärts_ and the _Abendblatt_,[2] a picture of the progressive and
passionate character of the Russian-Jewish Socialists of the Ghetto is
presented, and some of the most important and picturesque personages.
The most educated and intelligent among the Jews of the east side
speak Russian, and are reactionary in politics and religion. Coming
from Russia, as they do, they have a fierce hatred of government and
capitalism, and a more or less Tolstoian love for the peasant and the
workingman. The purpose of the organizers of the _Arbeiterzeitung_
Publishing Association was to educate the people, promulgate the
doctrines of Socialism, and be altogether the organ of the workman
against the employer. From the outset, beginning in 1890, the
_Arbeiterzeitung_ was a popular and influential paper.
All the older journals had affected a Germanized Yiddish, which the
people did not understand; but the new paper, aiming at the modern
heart of the Ghetto, carried on its propaganda in the common jargon of
the Jew, the pure Yiddish; and, growing enormously in circulation,
forced the language down the throats of the conservative journals. In
this popular tongue, the _Arbeiterzeitung_ carried on for five years a
most energetic campaign for a broad Socialism, admitting all allied
movements in favor of common ownership, directing and encouraging
strikes, printing popular scientific articles, realistic stories,
dramatic criticisms, and expressing and leading generally the best
intelligence of the Yiddish community. With the constituency of which
this journal was the organ, Socialism had almost the force and passion
of a religious movement. An example of the paper's power was in
connection with the Bakers' Union. That organization imposed a label
on all bread made in the Ghetto, and insisted that all the bakers
should handle only bread of that brand. The _Arbeiterzeitung_
supported the Union so effectively that no other bread could possibly
be obtained in the quarter. At the first _Yahresfest_ of the journal,
Cooper Union overflowed with enthusiastic workingmen, and long lines
of the excluded stretched out down the Bowery to Houston Street.
[Illustration: IN THE OFFICE OF THE "VÖRWARTS"]
The man whose name is most intimately connected with the
_Arbeiterzeitung_ is its former editor, Abraham Cahan, now known
outside of the Ghetto as a writer in English of novels and short
stories of Jewish life. He is of the best type of the ethical
agitator; a convincing and impassioned speaker; he has held hundreds
of workingmen by his clear and strongly expressed ideas, whether
written in his paper or spoken at nightly meetings in some poor hall
on the east side, where the men gathered after the labors of the day.
Twice he went abroad to speak at international labor conferences. At
the same time that he supported the definite cause of the Social
Democracy, he put the same energy and passion into the education of
the people in scientific and literary directions. He spoke and wrote
for directness, simplicity, and humanity. In art, therefore, the
realistic school of Russian writers, of whom in our generation there
have been so many great men, received his fighting allegiance. For
five years Cahan put all his intelligence and devotion into this work,
and the power of the _Arbeiterzeitung_ was partly his power. To-day,
in the Ghetto, where fierce jealousies are rampant, Cahan is admitted
to be the man, among many men of energy, intelligence, and devotion,
who has wielded most influence in the community.
A literary and dramatic event happened in 1892 which showed the power
of Cahan and his Socialist associates in influencing the taste of the
Ghetto. It was the production of Gordin's drama _Siberia_. Up to that
time, nothing but conventional opera, melodrama, and historical plays
had been given on the Bowery, but the day after the performance of
_Siberia_ the _Arbeiterzeitung_ contained a long review of the play by
Cahan, welcoming it enthusiastically as an event breaking the way for
realistic art in the colony. Since then this type of play has taken a
prominent place in the repertory at the Yiddish theatres. For five
years the _Arbeiterzeitung_ continued its influence, but then came a
split among the Socialists, which resulted in two daily papers--the
_Abendblatt_ and the _Vorwärts_.
[Illustration: BUYING A NEWSPAPER]
Cahan, Miller and others of the men who had started the
_Arbeiterzeitung_ gradually lost control through the share system
which had been inaugurated. They desired to maintain a liberal policy
towards all labor movements, and to allow the literary and Socialistic
societies to be represented in the paper, but the other faction wanted
the newspaper to be exclusively an organ of Socialism in its narrow
sense. The result was that, soon after the publication of the
_Arbeiterzeitung_ as the _Daily Abendblatt_, Cahan resigned the
editorship and turned disgusted to English newspapers and to realistic
fiction, in which he was absorbed until recently. A few months ago he
resumed the editorship of the _Vorwärts_ after an absence of several
years from participation in Yiddish journalism. Louis Miller, a witty
and energetic Socialist and writer, who had from the first been active
in the management of the weekly, was one of the most prominent of the
men who continued the fight against the narrower Socialistic
element--a fight which resulted in the establishment in 1897 of the
other Socialist daily now existing, the _Vorwärts_.
These two papers were, until recently, when the _Abendblatt_ died,
bitter rivals. The _Abendblatt_ was devoted to the interests of the
Socialist Labor Party while the _Vorwärts_ supports in a general way
the Social Democracy; altho it is not so distinctively a party paper
as was the _Abendblatt_. The adherents of the latter paper looked upon
the _Vorwärts_ as unreliable and the _Vorwärts_ people thought the
_Abendblatt_ intolerant. The _Abendblatt_ prided itself on its
uncompromising character, and the _Vorwärts_ is content to adapt
itself to what it deems the present needs of the Jewish community.
Thus the _Vorwärts_ is willing to join hands with reform movements in
general, with trades unions, etc., while the _Abendblatt_ stiffly
demanded that allied organizations should enter the socialist camp.
The triumph of the _Vorwärts_ was therefore a triumph of the more
liberal spirits.
Two other daily publications are more distinctively mere newspapers
than the two Socialistic organs, and make no consistent attempt to
influence public opinion, at least in the definite direction of a
"movement." The _Abend-Post_ seems to have no very distinctive policy
or character; it is neither Socialistic nor conservative Jewish; the
distinction it aims at is to be a newspaper simply, to reflect events
and not to determine opinion. In the editor's words, the _Abend-Post_
"is not chauvinistic, like the _Tageblatt_; the Jew does not resound
in it. It aims to Americanize the Ghetto, and diminish or ignore the
chasm between Jew and Gentile." The editor of one of the Socialist
papers calls this sort of thing by another name. "The _Abend-Post_,"
he said, "is an imitation of American yellow journalism." A fifth
daily, the _Herald_, is even less distinctive than the _Abend-Post_.
It has no party and is not as sensational as the other. It might,
perhaps, be called the Jewish "mugwump."
Recently a sixth daily, _The Jewish World_, has been organized under
favorable auspices. Its avowed policy is to bridge the chasm which
exists between sons and fathers in the Ghetto; to make the sons more
Hebraic and the fathers more American; the sons more conservative and
the fathers more progressive. Connected with its management is H.
Masliansky, one of the most impassioned orators of the Ghetto.
The question of the circulation figures of these five dailies is a
difficult one. About the only thing that seems certain is that the
_Tageblatt_ leads in this respect. Even the editors of the other
papers admit that, altho they differ as to the absolute figures. The
editor of the _Tageblatt_ places his paper's circulation at 40,000,
the _Abend-Post_ at 14,000, the _Herald_ next, and the two Socialistic
papers last, which ending is a felicitous consummation for the editor
of the most conservative newspaper in the Ghetto. The editor of the
_Abend-Post_ says the _Tageblatt_ leads with a daily issue of about
30,000, the _Abend-Post_ coming next with 23,700, the _Herald_ and the
Socialist papers stringing out in the rear. The editors of the
Socialist sheets naturally give a somewhat different order. Mr. Miller
of the _Vorwärts_ puts the actual circulation of the _Tageblatt_ at
about 17,000; his own paper, the _Vorwärts_, next, with about 14,000
daily except on Saturday, the Jewish Sunday, when the number ranges
between 20,000 and 25,000, owing to the fact that the conservative
newspapers (_i. e._, those that are not Socialistic) do not appear on
that day. The circulation of the rival Socialistic paper, the
_Abendblatt_, he puts at about 8,000. In these figures there is no
attempt at entire accuracy.
THE ANARCHIST PAPERS
There are several Yiddish weekly and monthly journals published in New
York. The _Tageblatt_, _Abend-Post_ and _Herald_ have weekly editions,
but by far the most interesting of the papers which are not dailies
are the two Anarchistic sheets, the _Freie Arbeiter-stimme_, a weekly,
and the _Freie Gesellschaft_, a monthly.
[Illustration: A "GHETTO" NEWSPAPER OFFICE]
Contrary to the general impression of the character of these people,
in which bombs play a large part, the Anarchists of the Ghetto are a
gentle and idealistic body of men. The abnormal activity of the
Russian Jews in this country is expressed by the Socialists rather
than the Anarchists. The latter are largely theorists and aim rather
at the education of the people by a journalistic exploitation of their
general principles than by a warlike attitude towards specific events
of the time. Their attitude is not so partisan as that of the
Socialists. They quarrel less among themselves, and are characterized
by dreamy eyes and an unpractical scheme of things. They believe in
non-resistance and the power of abstract right, and are trying to work
out a peaceful revolution, maintaining that the violence often
accompanying the movement in Europe is due to the fact that many
Anarchists are passionate individuals who in their indignation do not
live up to their essentially gentle principles. The Socialists aim at
a more strictly centralized government, even than any one existing,
since they desire the whole machinery of production and distribution
to be in the hands of the community; the Anarchists desire no
government whatever, believing that law works against the native
dignity of the individual, and trusting to man's natural goodness to
maintain order under free conditions. A man's own conscience only can
punish him sufficiently, they think. The Socialists go in vividly for
politics, while the Anarchists have nothing to do with them. The point
on which these two parties agree is the common hatred of private
property.
[Illustration: S. JANOWSKY]
The weekly Anarchistic paper, the _Freie Arbeiter-stimme_, prints
about 7,000 copies. Out of this circulation, with the assistance of
balls, entertainments, and benefits at the theatres, the paper is
able to exist. It pays a salary to only one man, the editor, S.
Janowsky, who receives the sum of $13 a week. He is a little
dark-haired man, with beautiful eyes, and soft, persuasive voice. He
thinks that government is so corrupt that the Anarchists need do
little to achieve their ends; that silent forces are at work which
will bring about the great day of Anarchistic communism. In his
newspaper he tries to educate the common people in the principles of
anarchy. The aim is popular, and the more intelligent exploitation of
the cause is left to the monthly. The _Freigesellschaft_, with the
same principles as the _Freie Arbeiter-stimme_, has a higher literary
and philosophical character. The editors and contributors are men of
culture and education, and work without any pay. It is still gentler
and more pacific in its character than the weekly, of whose
comparatively contemporaneous and agitatory method it disapproves
calmly; believing, as the editors of the monthly do, that a weekly
paper cannot exist without giving the people something other than the
ideally best. With reference to the ideally best, a number of
serious, contemplative men gather in a basement opposite the Hebrew
Institute, the headquarters of the monthly, and there talk about the
subjects often discussed within its pages, such as Slavery and
Freedom, Darwinism and Communism, Man and Government, the Purpose of
Education, etc.,--any broad economic subject admitting of abstract
treatment.
[Illustration: KATZ]
The talk of these Anarchists is distinguished by a high idealism, and
the unpractical and devoted attitude. One of the foremost among them
(they say they have no leaders, as that would be against individual
liberty) is Katz, literary editor of the _Vorwärts_, a contributor to
the Anarchistic monthly, a former editor of the Anarchistic weekly,
and a recently successful playwright in the Ghetto. His play, the
_Yiddish Don Quixote_, was produced at the Thalia Theatre on the
Bowery. Not since Gordin's _Siberia_ has a play aroused such
intelligent interest. The hero is a Quixotic Jew, full of kindness,
devotion, and love for his race and for humankind.
SOME PICTURESQUE CONTRIBUTORS
There are many other picturesque and interesting men connected with
these Yiddish journals, either as editors or contributors. Morris
Rosenfeld, the sweat-shop poet, writes articles and occasionally poems
for the Socialistic papers; Abraham Wald, the vigorous and stormy
young poet, contributes literary and Socialistic articles three times
a week to _Vorwärts_; the editor of one of the conservative papers,
distinguished for his logic and his clever business management, is
interesting because of the facility with which he adapts his
principles to the commercial needs of the moment. At one time he was a
Socialist, then became a Christian, then a Jew again simply, and now
is a conservative Jew. Another editor remarked that he was a man of
sense and logic. One of the Jews who writes for the Ghetto papers is
A. Frumkin, who has the rare distinction of having been born and
educated in Jerusalem. There he lived until he was eighteen, when he
went to Constantinople and studied Turkish law; afterwards he
journeyed to Paris, where he married, and then to New York, where he
writes many articles in Yiddish about Jerusalem and Palestine, which
are published largely in the _Vorwärts_. He is a young man of about
thirty, with a fresh, rosy look and a buoyant manner. He is an
Anarchist, and his energetic bearing is in strong contrast to the pale
cast of thought that marks his fellows, the intellectuals among the
Anarchists of New York. Other occasional or constant writers are the
Hebrew poet Dolitzki, who is characterized in another chapter; and the
poets Morris Winchevsky and Abraham Sharkansky.
[Illustration: A. FRUMKIN]
These two men are in a class quite different from that of the four
poets to whom a separate paper has been devoted. They are, as opposed
to Rosenfeld, Zunser, Dolitzki and Wald, interesting rather for form
than for substance. They are men with some lyric gift and a talent for
verse, but are strong neither in thought nor feeling. Winchevsky is a
Socialist, a man who has edited more than one Yiddish publication with
success, of uncommon learning and cultivation. In literary attempt he
is more nearly like the ordinary American or English writer than the
Jewish. Most of the Ghetto poets portray the dark and sordid aspect of
their lives. Most of them do it with unhappy strength, certainly one
of them, Rosenfeld, does it with genius. But Winchevsky attempts to
give a bright picture of things. He tries to be entertaining, and
heartfelt, sentimental and sweet. Truth is not so much what he attains
as a little vein of sentimental verse which is sometimes touched with
a true lyric quality.
Sharkansky can not be put in any intellectual category. He is a man of
considerable poetic talent, but he seems to have little feeling and
fewer ideas. There is no "movement" or tendency for which he cares. In
character he is a business man, with a detached talent unrelated to
the remainder of his personality.
Philip Kranz and A. Feigenbaum, editors and writers of political
editorials, are two of the most prominent men connected with the
history of Yiddish journalism. They are men of energy and force and
represent a large class of Jews interested in social science and
political economy. A. Tannenbaum occupies a peculiar and interesting
position as a writer for the newspapers. He writes very long novels,
the plots of which are drawn from books in French, German or Russian.
About these plots he weaves incidents and characters from American
history, and inserts popular ideas of science and philosophy. His aim
is to educate the Ghetto by dishing up science and philosophy in a
palatable form. D. Hermalin's distinctive character is that of a
translator of foreign books into Yiddish. Swift, Tolstoi, de
Maupassant, have been in part translated by him into the Ghetto's
dialect. He, like some of the other men best known for more
unpretentious work, is an author of very poor plays. David Pinsky, a
writer for the _Abendblatt_, is very interesting not only as a writer
of short sketches of literary value, in which capacity he is mentioned
in another chapter, but also as a dramatic critic and as one of the
more wide-awake and distinctively modern of the young men of Yiddish
New York. He is so keen with the times that he looks even on realism
with distrust. Even the great philosopher, the second Spinoza, a man
highly respected in a professional way by eminent scientists of the
day, Silverstein, is an occasional contributor to these interesting
newspapers.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] Recently defunct--June, 1901.
Chapter Seven
The Sketch-Writers
The Russian Jews of the east side of New York are, in proportion as
they are educated, as I have said, realists in literary faith. Is it
natural? Is it true to life? they are inclined to ask of every piece
of writing that comes under their eyes. As their lives are
circumscribed and more or less unfortunate, their ideas of what
constitutes the truth are limited and gloomy. Their criteria of art
are formed on the basis of the narrow but intense work of modern
Russian fiction. They look up to Tolstoi and Chekhov, and reject all
principles founded upon more romantic and more genial models. The
simplicity of their critical ideals lends, however, to their
intellectual lives a certainty which is striking enough when compared
with the varied, wavering, ungrounded literary norms and judgments of
the ordinary intelligent Anglo-Saxon. The lack of authoritative
literary criticism in America is partly due to the multiplicity of our
classic models. With a simpler literature in mind the Russian is more
constantly able to apply a decisive test.
[Illustration: A TYPE OF LABORING MAN]
The Russian Jew of culture when he comes to New York carries with him
Russian ideals of literature. The best Yiddish work produced in
America is Russian in principle. Many of the writers who publish
literary sketches in the newspapers of the Ghetto have written
originally in the Russian language, and know the Russian Jewish life
better than the life of the Yiddish east side; and even now they write
mainly about conditions in Russia. Moreover, those who know their New
York and its special Jewish life thoroughly and mirror it in their
work are in method, tho not in material, Russian; are close, faithful,
unhappy realists.
Whatever its form, however, a considerable body of fiction is
published more or less regularly in the daily and weekly periodicals
of the quarter which represents faithfully the life of the poor
Russian Jew in the great American city. A "Gentile" who knew nothing
of the New York Ghetto, but could read the Yiddish language, might get
a good picture of something more than the superficial aspects of the
quarter through the sketches of half a dozen of the more talented men
who write for the Socialist newspapers. The conditions under which the
children of Israel live in New York, their manners, problems and
ideals, appear, if not with completeness, at least with
suggestiveness, in these short articles, usually in fiction form, the
best of them direct, simple and unpretentious, true to life in general
and to the life of the Russian Jew in America in particular. The sad
aspect of life predominates, but not through conventional
sentimentality on the part of the writers, who are not aware that they
are objects of possible pity. They merely tell without comment the
facts they know. For the most part, those facts are gloomy and
sordid, often lightened, however, by the sense of the ridiculous,
which seldom entirely deserts the Jew; and as likely as not rendered
attractive by feeling and by beauty of characterization.
SOME REALISTS
[Illustration: S. LIBIN]
S. Libin holds the place among prose writers that Morris Rosenfeld
does among poets. Like Rosenfeld, he has been a sweat-shop worker,
and, like him, writes about the sordid conditions of the life. The
shop, the push-cart pedler and the tenement-house mark the range of
his subjects; but into these unsightly things he puts constant feeling
and an unfailing pathos and humor. As in the case of Rosenfeld, there
are tears in everything he writes; but, unlike Rosenfeld, he also
smiles. He is a dark, thin, little man, as ragged as a tramp, with
plaintive eyes and a deprecatory smile when he speaks. He is
uncommonly poor, and at present sells newspapers for a living and
writes an occasional sketch, for which he is paid at the rate of $1.50
or $2.00 a column by the Yiddish newspapers. He is able to produce
these little articles only on impulse; and, consequently, altho he is
one of the more prolific of the sketch-writers of the quarter, writes
for relief rather than for income. Some of his contemporaries, with
greater constancy to commercial ideals, have partly given up
unremunerative literature for the position of newspaper hacks; but
Libin, remembering his sweat-shop days, does not like a "boss," and is
under the constant necessity of relieving his feelings by his work.
Libin lives with his wife and child in a tenement-house in Harlem,
where he has continually before his eyes the home conditions which
form the subject of so many of his sketches. This little man, who
looks like the commonest kind of a sweat-shop "sheeny," has the
simplest and sincerest interest in domestic things. With great pride
he pointed out to the visitor his one-year-old baby, who lay asleep on
a miserable sofa, and talked of it and of his wife, who has also been
a worker in the shops, with greater pleasure even than of his
sketches, which, however, he writes with joy and solace. He wept when
he spoke of his child that died, and he has written poems in prose
about it which weep, too. In the story of his life which he told, a
common, ignorant Jew was revealed, a thorough product of the
sweat-shop--a man distinguished from the proletarian crowd only by a
capacity for feeling and by a genuine talent. He was born in Russia
twenty-nine years ago, and came to New York when he was twenty-two
years old. For four years he worked as a cap-maker in shops which were
then more wretched than they are now, from sixteen to seventeen hours
a day. While at his task he would steal a few minutes to devote to his
sketches, which he sent to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. Cahan recognized in
Libin's misspelled, illiterate, almost illegible manuscript a quality
which worthily ranked it with good realistic literature. Since then
Libin has written extensively for the _Zukunft_, a monthly now
defunct; the _Truth_, published at one time by the poet Winchevsky in
Boston, and for the New York daily _Vorwärts_, to which he still
contributes.
[Illustration: HE IS TIRED, DISTRESSED AND IRRITATED]
One of his sketches, the "New Law," about a column and a half long,
expresses one aspect of the life led by a sweat-shop family. A tailor,
going to the shop one morning, as usual, finds the boss and the other
workers in a state of excitement. They have just heard about the new
law limiting the day in the shop to ten hours and forbidding the men
to do any work at home. This to them is a serious proposition, for,
as they are paid by the piece, they need many hours to make enough to
pay their expenses. The tailor goes home earlier than usual that
night, about ten o'clock, with the customary bundle of clothes for his
wife and children to work over. He is tired, distressed and irritated
at the thought of the law. He finds his wife and ten-year-old daughter
half asleep, as usual, but yet sewing busily. They, too, are pale and
tired, and near them on the lounge is a sleeping baby; on the floor
another. The little girl tries to hide her drowsiness from her father,
and works more busily than ever.
"Why are you back so early?" asks his wife.
"Pretty soon," he replies morosely, "I'll be back still earlier."
"Is work slack again?" she asks, her cheek growing paler.
"It's another trouble, not that," he says. "It's a new law, a bitter
law." To his little daughter he adds: "Sleep, child, you will soon
have time to sleep all day."
His ignorant wife does not understand.
"A new law? What is that? What does it mean?" she asks.
"It means that I can work only ten hours a day."
Then they calculate how much money he can make in ten hours. Now he
works nineteen hours, and they have nothing to spare. Under the new
law he will be idle seven or eight hours a day. What will they do? She
thinks the boss must be responsible for the terrible arrangement, for
does not all trouble come from the boss? He is irritated by her
simplicity, and she begins to weep. The little girl is overjoyed at
the thought that she will no longer have to work, but tries to conceal
her pleasure. The laborer, moved by his wife's tears, endeavors to
comfort her.
"Ah," he says, "it's only a law! Two years ago there was one like it,
but the work went on just the same." But she continues to weep until
their evening meal is ready, when the children are aroused from their
sleep to obey "the supper law," Libin concludes in a spirit of
tragi-comedy.
[Illustration: HE WAS BEWITCHED BY MATHEMATICS]
"She Got Her Prize" is the title of a sketch in which unexhilarating
comedy predominates. A laborer borrows some clothes to go to a party.
In his absence his wife sells a number of rags to the old-clothes man,
who innocently takes off her husband's only suit, carelessly put near
the bundle he was to carry away. The husband does not notice the loss
until the next day, when he has nothing to wear, cannot go to the
shop, and so loses his job. "Betty" is the story of a girl who falls
sick just before the day set for her wedding, and is taken to the
hospital. The sketch pictures her in bed, reading a farewell letter
from her lover who has deserted her. "Misery" is a prose poem, written
by Libin when his child died. It has no plot, is merely the outcry of
a simple, wounded heart, telling of pain, longing and wonder at the
sad mystery of the world. A pleasing rhythm runs through the Yiddish,
and as the author read it aloud it seemed, indeed, like a "human
document." "A Child of the Ghetto," one of the longest and most
detailed of all, is full of the sad, tho gently satiric, quality of
Libin's art. The author meets a pedler on Ludlow Street, who
recognizes him as the man who once saved his life by attracting to
himself the snow-balls of a number of urchins who had been plaguing
the pedler one cold winter day. They have a chat, and the author asks
the ragged push-cart man how he is getting on in the world. The
pedler replies that all of his class have their troubles--the fruit
quickly spoils, and the "bees" (policemen) come around regularly for
some of the "honey." But he has a sorrow all to himself. His oldest
son is a mathematician, and no good. When in the Jewish school in
Russia the little fellow had learned to figure, and had been figuring
ever since. His father had found, much to his disappointment, that in
America also the boy would have to spend some time in school. The
"monkey business" of learning had ruined the child. He was bewitched
by mathematics and studied all day long. Sent successively to a
sweat-shop, a grocery, to tend a push-cart, he proved thoroughly
incapable of learning any trade; was absent-minded and constantly
calculating, and always lost his job. And his old father bemoaned the
misfortune all day long as he sold his bananas on Ludlow Street.
Younger than Libin, less mature and less devoted to his art, with a
very limited amount of work done; simpler and more naïve, if possible,
than the older man, is Levin, a typesetter in the office of
_Vorwärts_. His sketches are swifter and shorter than those of Libin,
more effective and dramatic in form, with greater conventional relief
of surprises and antitheses, but they have not so much feeling and do
not manifest so high a degree of realistic art. In contrast with
Libin, who aims only for the quiet picture of ordinary life, Levin
seeks the poignant moment in the flow of daily events. With more of a
commercial attitude toward his work, Levin is, consequently, in more
comfortable circumstances. Like Libin, he has worked in the shops, is
uneducated and has married a tailor girl. Like Libin, again, he takes
his subjects from the sweat-shop, the tenement house and the street.
He is a handsome, ingenuous young fellow of twenty-two years. Only
eight of these have been spent in America, yet in this short time he
has worked himself into the life of Hester and Suffolk streets to such
an extent that his short sketches give most faithful glimpses of
various little points of human nature as it shapes itself on the east
side.
[Illustration: HE LEAVES HER WITH THE CART AND RUNS TO THE
TENEMENT-HOUSE]
"Where Is She?" is a striking and typical incident in the career of a
push-cart pedler. The itinerant seller of fruit is doing some hard
thinking one day in Hester Street. He is worried about something, and
does not display the activity necessary for a successful merchant of
his class. A vivid picture of the street is given--the passers-by, the
tenement-houses, the heat. He knows that his business is suffering,
but his thoughts dwell, in spite of himself, with his wife, who is
about to be confined, perhaps that very day. Yesterday she had done
the washing, but on this day, for the first time, remained in bed. But
he must go to the street, as usual. Otherwise, his bananas would
spoil. He worries, too, about the condition of his children, left
without the care of their mother. A woman crosses the street to
inspect his bananas. Perhaps a buyer, he thinks, and concentrates his
attention. She selects the best bananas, those that will keep the
longest, and asks the price. "Two for a cent," he says. "Too much,"
she replied. "I will give you two cents for five." That is less than
they cost him, and he refuses, and she goes away, and then he is sorry
he had not sold. Just then his little daughter runs hatless,
breathless up to him. "Mamma," she says, and weeps. She can say no
more. He leaves her with the cart and runs to the tenement-house,
finds his little boy playing on the floor, but his wife gone. He
rushes distractedly out, looks up the stairs, and sees clothes hanging
on a line on the roof, where he goes and finds his wife. She had left
the bed in order to dry the wash of the day before, and was unable to
return. He carries her back to bed and returns to his push-cart.
"Put Off Again" is the story of a man and a girl who try to save
enough money from their work in the sweat-shop to marry. They need
only a couple of hundred dollars for clothes and furniture, and have
saved almost that sum when a letter comes from the girl's mother in
Russia: her husband is dead after a long illness, and she needs money.
The girl sends her $70, and the wedding is put off. The next time it
is the girl's brother who arrives in New York and borrows $50 to make
a start in business. When they are again ready for the wedding, and
the day set, the young fellow quarrels with the sweat-shop boss, and
is discharged. That is the evening before the day set for the wedding,
and the young man calls on the girl and tells her. "We must put it off
again, Jake," she says, "till you get another job." They cling to each
other and are silent and sad.
A sketch so simple that it seems almost childish is called "The Bride
Weeps." It is a hot evening, and the people in the quarter are all out
on their stoops. There are swarms of children about, and a bride and
groom are embracing each other and watching the crowd. "Poor people,"
says the bride reflectively, "ought not to have children." "What do
you know about it?" asks the groom, rather piqued. Their pleasure is
dampened, and she goes to bed and wets her pillow with tears.
"Fooled," one of the most interesting of Levin's sketches, is the tale
of an umbrella pedler. It is very hot in the Ghetto, and everybody is
uncomfortable, but the umbrella pedler is more uncomfortable than any
one else. He hates the bright sun that interferes with his business.
It has not rained for weeks, and his stock in trade is all tied up in
the house. He has no money, and wishes he were back in Russia, where
it sometimes rains. He goes back to his apartment and sits brooding
with his wife. "When are you going to buy us some candy, papa?" ask
the children. Suddenly his wife sees a cloud in the sky, and they all
rush joyfully to the window. The sun disappears, and the clouds
continue to gather. The wife goes out to buy some food, the children
say, "Papa is going to the street now, and will bring us some candy";
and the pedler unpacks his stock of umbrellas and puts on his rubber
boots. But the clouds roll away, and the hated sun comes out again,
and the pedler takes off his boots and puts his pack away. "Ain't you
going to the street, papa?" ask the children sorrowfully. "No,"
replies the pedler, "God has played a joke on me."
Libin and Levin, altho they differ in the way described, are yet to be
classed together in essentials. They are both simple, uneducated men
who write unpretentious sketches about a life they intimately know.
They picture the conditions almost naïvely without comment and without
subtlety. Libin, in a way to draw tears, Levin with the buoyant
optimism of healthy youth, notice the quiet things in the every-day
life of the Yiddish quarter that are touching and effective.
A CULTIVATED LITERARY MAN
Contrasting definitely with the sketches of Libin and Levin are those
of Jacob Gordin, who, altho he is best known in the Ghetto as a
playwright, has yet written voluminously for the newspapers. Unlike
the other two, Gordin is a well-educated man, knowing thoroughly
several languages and literatures, including Greek, Russian and
German. His greater resources of culture and his sharper natural wit
have made of him by far the most practised writer of the lot. With
many literary examples before him, he knows the tricks of the trade,
is skilful and effective, has a wide range of subjects and is full of
"ideas" in the semi-philosophical sense. The innocent Libin and Levin
are children in comparison, and yet their sketches show greater
fidelity to the facts than do those of the talented Gordin, who is too
apt to employ the ordinary literary devices wherever he can find them,
caring primarily for the effect rather than for the truth, and almost
always heightening the color to an unnatural and pretentious pitch. In
the drama Gordin's tendency toward the sensational is more in place.
He has the sense of character and theatrical circumstance, and works
along the broad lines demanded by the stage; but these qualities when
transferred to stories from the life result in what is sometimes
called in the Ghetto "onion literature." So definitely theatrical,
indeed, are many of his sketches that they are sometimes read aloud by
the actors to crowded Jewish audiences. Another point that takes from
Gordin's interest to us as a sketch-writer is that his best stories
have Russia rather than New York as a background; that his sketches
from New York life are comparatively unconvincing. He has a great
contempt for America, which he satirizes in some of his sketches,
particularly the political aspect, and intends some day to return to
Russia, where he had a considerable career as a short-story writer in
the Russian language. He is forty-nine years old, and, compared with
the other men, is in comfortable circumstances, as he now makes a
good income from his plays, which grow in popularity in the quarter.
Before coming to America he taught school and wrote for several
newspapers in Russia, where he was known as "Ivan der Beissende," on
account of the sharp character of his feuilletons. He came to this
country in 1891, and shortly after, his first play, _Siberia_, was
produced and made a great hit among the "intellectuals" and Socialists
of the quarter. He began immediately to write for the Socialist
newspapers, and also established a short-lived weekly periodical in
the Russian language, which he wrote almost entirely himself.
"A Nipped Romance" is a story of two children who are collecting coals
on a railway track. The boy of thirteen and the girl of eleven talk
about their respective families, laying bare the sordidness, misery
and vice in which their young lives are encompassed. They know more
than children ought to know, and insensibly develop a sentimental
interest in each other, when a train comes along and kills them.
"Without a Pass," sometimes recited in the theatre by the actor
Moshkovitch, pictures with gruesome detail a girl working in the
sweat-shop. The brutal doorkeeper refuses to let her go out for relief
without a pass, and she dies of weakness, hunger and cold. "A Tear,"
one of the best, is the tale of an old Jewish woman who has come to
New York to visit her son. He is married to a Gentile, and the old
lady is so much abused by her daughter-in-law that she goes back to
Russia. The sketch represents her alone at the pier, about to embark.
She sees the friends of the other passengers crowding the landing, but
no one is there to say good-by to her; and as the ship moves away a
tear rolls down her cheek to the deck. "Who Laughs?" satirizes the
Americans who laugh at Russian Jews because of their beards, dress and
accent. Another sketch denounces the "new woman"--she who apes
American manners, lays aside her Jewish wig, becomes flippant and
interested in "movements." Still another is a highly colored contrast
between woman's love and that of less-devoted man. A story
illustrating how the author's desire to make an effect sometimes
results in the ludicrous is the would-be pathetic wail of a calf which
is about to be slaughtered.
AMERICAN LIFE THROUGH RUSSIAN EYES
In connection with Gordin, two other writers of talent who work on the
Yiddish newspapers may be briefly mentioned, altho one of them has
written as yet nothing and the other comparatively little that is
based on the life of New York. They are, as is Gordin in his best
sketches, Russian not only in form, but also in material. David
Pinsky, who did general translating and critical work on the
_Abendblatt_ until a few months ago, when that newspaper died, has
been in New York only a little more than a year, and has written very
little about the local quarter. He has not even as yet approached near
enough to the New York life to realize that there are any special
conditions to portray. He is the author, however, of good sketches in
German and is somewhat different in the character of his inspiration
from the other men. They are close adherents of the tradition of
Russian realism, while he is under the influence of the more recent
European faith that disclaims all "schools" in literature. His
stories, altho they remain faithful to the sad life portrayed, yet
show greater sentimentality and some desire to bring forward the
attractive side.
The other of these two writers, B. Gorin, knew his Russian-Jewish life
so intimately before he came to New York, seven years ago, that he has
continued to draw from that source the material of his best stories;
altho he has written a good deal about Yiddish New York. His sketches
have the ordinary Russian merit of fidelity in detail and
unpretentiousness of style. Compared with the other writers in New
York, he is more elaborate in his workmanship. More mature than Libin,
he is free from Gordin's artistic insincerity. He has been the editor
of several Yiddish papers in the quarter, and has contributed to
nearly all of them.
Of Gorin's stories which touch the Russian-Jewish conditions in New
York, "Yom Kippur" is one of the most notable. It is the tale of a
pious Jewish woman who joins her husband in America after he has been
there several years. The details of the way in which she left the old
country, how she had to pass herself off on the steamer as the wife of
another man, her difficulties with the inspecting officers, etc., give
the impression of a life strange to the Gentile world. On arriving in
America, she finds her husband and his friends fallen away from the
old faith. He had shaved off his beard, had grown to be slack about
the "kosher" preparation of food and the observance of the religious
holidays, no longer was careful about the morning ablutions, worked on
the Sabbath and compelled her to take off the wig which every orthodox
Jewish woman must wear. She soon fell under the new influence and felt
herself drifting generally into the ungodly ways of the New World. On
the day of the great "White Feast" she found herself eating when she
should have fasted. On Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement, the sense of
her sins overpowered her quite.
"Yom Kippur! Now the children of Israel are all massed together in
every corner of the globe. They are congregated in synagogues and
prayer-houses, their eyes swollen with crying, their voices hoarse
from wailing and supplicating, their broken hearts full of repentance.
They all stand now in their funeral togas, like a throng of newly
arisen dead."
She grows delirious and imagines that her father and mother come to
her successively and reproach her for her degeneracy. In a series of
frightful dreams, all bearing on her repentance, the atmosphere of the
story is rendered so intense that her death, which follows, seems
entirely natural.