kingdom of Kent, the whole question is settled. But I do not
contemplate the thanes in Kent acting here as a legislative body: that
is, I do not believe Æðelstán’s witan in Wessex to have passed a law,
and then his witan in Kent to have accepted or continued it. I believe
his witan from all England to have made certain enactments, which the
proper officers brought down to the various shires, and in the
shiremoots there took pledge of the shire-thanes that they accepted
and would abide by the premises; just as in the case quoted on the
preceding page. And this is the more striking because there is every
reason to suppose that the witena gemót whose acts the shire-thanes of
Kent thus accepted was actually holden at Feversham in that county.
But it is further to be observed that the document we possess is a
late Latin translation of the original sent to Æðelstán: I will
venture to assert that in that original the words used were, “ealle
scírþegnas on Cent, ge eorl ge ceorl,” or perhaps “ge twelfhynde ge
twihynde.” Again, there is no reason to suppose that the ceorls did
_not_ form an integrant part of the shiremoot, the representative of
the ancient, independent legislature. A full century later than the
date of the council of Feversham, they continued to do so in the same
kingdom or, at that period, earldom: and it will be readily admitted
that during those hundred years the tendency of society was not to
increase the power or improve the condition of the ceorl. Between 1013
and 1020 we thus find Cnut addressing the authorities in Kent (Cod.
Dipl. No. 731):—“Cnut the king sends friendly greeting to archbishop
Lýfing, bishop Godwine, abbot Ælfmǽr, Æðelwine the sheriff, Æðelríc,
and all my thanes, both twelve-hundred and two-hundred men,—ealle míne
þegnas twelfhynde and twihynde:”—in other words, both eorl and ceorl,
nobilis and ignobilis, or as the witan of Æðelstán have it, in the
Norman translation, comites et villani. The nature of Cnut’s writ,
which is addressed to the authorities of the county, the archbishop
and sheriff, shows clearly that the thanes in question are not those
royal officers called cyninges þegnas—who could never be two-hundred
men—but the scírþegnas. These are of frequent occurrence in Anglosaxon
documents. The scírgemót at Ægelnóðes stán (about 1038) was attended
by Æðelstán the bishop, Ranig the ealdorman, Bryning the sheriff and
all the thanes in Herefordshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 755. A sale by Stigand
was witnessed by all the scírþegnas in Hampshire; that is, it was a
public instrument completed in the shiremoot. Cod. Dipl. No. 949.
Again a grant of Stigand was witnessed about 1053 by various
authorities in Hampshire, including Eádsige the sheriff and all the
scírþegnas. Cod. Dipl. No. 1337: and similarly a third of the same
prelate, Cod. Dipl. No. 820. About the same period Wulfwold abbot of
Bath makes title to lands, which he addresses to bishop Gisa, Tofig
the sheriff and all the thanes of Somersetshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 821.
In the year 1049, Ðurstán granted lands at Wimbush by witness of a
great number of persons, among whom are Leófcild the sheriff and all
the thanes of Essex. Cod. Dipl. No. 788: and about the same time
Gódríc bought lands at Offham, in a shiremoot at Wii, before all the
shire. Cod. Dipl. No. 789. Lastly, Leófwine bought land, by witness of
Ulfcytel the sheriff and all the thanes in Herefordshire. Cod. Dipl.
No. 802. The relation of these thanes to the gódan men or dohtigan men
(good men, doughty men, boni et legales homines, Scabini,
Rachinburgii, etc.) will be examined in a subsequent Book, when I come
to treat of the courts of justice: but I will here add one example,
which is illustrative of the subject of this note. The
marriage-covenants of Godwine, arranged before Cnut, by witness of
archbishop Lyfing and others, including Æðelwine the sheriff, and
various Kentish landowners, are stated to be in the knowledge
(geenǽwe) of every _doughty man_ in Kent and Sussex (where the lands
lay) both thane and churl. Cod. Dipl. No. 732. There was nothing
whatever to prevent a man from being a scírþegn, whether eorlcund or
ceorlcund, as long as he had land in the scír itself: without land,
even a cyninges þegn could certainly not be a scírþegn. It is true
that a man might be of síðcund rank, that is noble, without owning
land (see Leg. Ini, § 51), and there were king’s thanes who had no
land (Æðelst. v. § 11); but such a one could assuredly not represent
himself in the scírgemót. There is a common error which runs through
much of what has been admitted on this subject: the ceorl is
universally represented in a low condition. This is not however
necessarily the case: some ceorls, though well to do in the world, may
have preferred their independence to the conventional dignity of
thaneship. We may admit, as a general rule, that the thanes were a
wealthier class than the ceorls; indeed, without becoming a thane, a
ceorl had little chance of getting a grant of folcland or bócland, but
some of them may have, through various circumstances, inherited or
purchased considerable estates: as late as the year 984, I find an
estate of eight hides (that is 264 acres according to my reckoning) in
the possession of a _rusticus_, obviously a ceorl:—“Illud videlicet
rus quod Æðeríc quidam rusticus prius habuisse agnoscitur.” Cod. Dipl.
No. 1282.
Footnote 582:
Thorpe, i. 216. Æðelstán complains on another occasion that the oaths
and _weds_ which had been given _to the king and his witan_ were all
broken: “quia iuramenta et vadia, quae regi et sapientibus data
fuerunt, semper infracta sunt et minus observata quam Deo et saeculo
conveniant.” Æðelst. iii. § 3. Thorpe, i. 218. Again: Æðelstán the
king makes known, that I have learned that our peace is worse kept
than is pleasing to me, or as was ordained at Greatley; and my witan
say that I have borne with it too long.... Because the oaths, and
weds, and _borhs_ are all disregarded and broken which on that
occasion were given, etc. Æðelst. iv. § 1. Thorpe, i. 220.
-----
It is plain from the preceding passage that the witan gave their _wed_
to observe, and cause to be observed, the laws they had enacted[583].
Eádgár says, “I command my geréfan, upon my friendship, and by all they
possess, to punish every one that will not perform this, and who by any
neglect shall break the _wed_ of my witan.” This seems to imply that the
people were generally bound by the acts of the witan, and their pledge
or _wed_; and if it were so, it would naturally involve the theory of
representation. But this deduction will not stand.
-----
Footnote 583:
Conc. Wihtbordes stán. Eádg. Supp. § 1. Thorpe, i. 272.
-----
The whole principle of Teutonic legislation is, and always was, that the
law is made by the constitution of the king, and the consent of the
people[584]: and we have seen one way in which that consent was
obtained, viz. by sending the _capitula_ down into the provinces or
shires, and taking the _wed_ in the shiremoot. The passage in the text
seems to presuppose an interchange of oaths and pledges between the king
and witan themselves; and even those who had no standing of their own in
the folcmót or scírgemót, were required to be bound by _personal_
consent. The lord was just as much commanded to take oath and pledge of
his several dependents (the hired men, _familiares_, or people of his
household), as the sheriff was required to take them of the free
shire-thanes[585]. Of course this excludes all idea of representation in
our modern sense of the word, because with us, promulgation by the
Parliament is sufficient, and the constituent is bound without any
further ceremony by the act of him whom he has sent in his own place.
But the Teutons certainly did not elect their representatives as we
elect ours, with full power to judge, decide for, and bind us, and
therefore it was right and necessary that the laws when made should be
duly ratified and accepted by all the people.
-----
Footnote 584:
“Lex consensu populi fit, et constitutione regis.” Edict. Pistense.
an. 864. Pertz, iii. 490, § 6.
Footnote 585:
Æðelst. v. § 11. Thorpe, i. 240.
-----
Although the dignified clergy, the ealdormen and geréfan, and the þegnas
both in counties and boroughs, appear to have constituted the witena
gemót properly so called, there is still reason to suppose that the
people themselves, or some of them, were very often present. In fact a
system gradually framed as I suppose that of our forefathers to have
been, and indebted very greatly to accident for its form, must have
possessed a very considerable elasticity. The people who were in the
neighbourhood, who happened to be collected in arms during a sitting of
the witan, or who thought it worth while to attend their meeting, were
very probably allowed to do so, and to exercise at least a right of
conclamation[586],—a right which must daily become rarer, as the freemen
gradually disappeared, and the number of landowners, dependent upon and
represented by lords, as rapidly increased. In conclusion a few passages
may be cited, which seem to render it probable that the people, when on
the spot, did take some part in the business, as I have already
mentioned with respect to the Frankish levies in the Campus Madius of
Charlemagne. But it must also be borne in mind that such a case ought to
be looked upon as accidental, rather than necessary, and that a meeting
of the witan did not require the formality of an acceptance by the
people on the spot, to render its acts obligatory. It was enough that
the thanes of the gemót should pass, and the thanes of the scír accept
the law. Indeed it could not be otherwise; for as the heads of all the
more important social aggregations of the free, and the lords whose men
were represented by them even in courts of justice, were the members of
the gemót, their decisions must have been, strictly considered, the real
decisions of the _populus_, or franchise-bearing people.
-----
Footnote 586:
There is evidence of their doing this on a somewhat less solemn
occasion, though perhaps it was a shiremoot. Æðelstán, a duke, booked
land to Abingdon, by witness of bishop Cynsige, archbishop Wulfhelm,
Hroðweard, and other prelates. The boundaries were solemnly led, and
then the assembled bishops and abbots excommunicated any one who
should dispossess the monastery: and all the people that stood round
about cried “So be it! So be it!” “And cwæð ealle ðæt folc ðe ðǽr
embstód, Sý hit swá. Amen. Amen.” “Et dixit onmis populus qui ibi
aderat, Fiat, Fiat. Amen.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1129.
-----
Beda, relating the discussion which took place respecting the
celebration of Easter, and which was held in the presence of Oswiu and
Alhfrið of Northumberland, and Wilfrið’s successful defence of the Roman
custom, adds: “When the king had said these words, all who sat or stood
around assented: and abandoning the less perfect institution, they
hastened to adopt what they recognized as a better one[587].” Again the
deposition of Sigeberht is stated to have taken place in an assembly of
the _proceres_ and _populus_, the princes and people of the whole
realm[588]. A doubtful charter of Ini, A.D. 725, is said to be consented
to “cum praesentia populationis[589],” by which words are meant either
the witan or the people of Wessex. In 804 Æðelríc’s title-deeds were
confirmed before a gemót at Clofesho: the charter recites that
archbishop Æðelheard gave judgment, with the witness of king Cóenwulf
and his _optimates_, before all the synod or meeting: whence it is clear
that others were present besides the _optimates_ or witan strictly so
called[590]. On the 28th of May 924 a gemót was held at Winchester,
“tota populi generalitate,” as the charter witnesses[591], and in 931
another at Worðig, “tota plebis generalitate[592].” Æðelstán in 938
declares that certain lands had been forfeited for theft, by the just
judgment of all the people, _and_ the Seniores and Primates; and that
the original charters were cancelled by a decree of all the people[593].
-----
Footnote 587:
Hist. Eccl. iii. c. 25.
Footnote 588:
Hen. Hunt. lib. iv.
Footnote 589:
Cod. Dipl. No. 73.
Footnote 590:
Cod. Dipl. No. 186.
Footnote 591:
Ibid. No. 364.
Footnote 592:
Ibid. No. 1103.
Footnote 593:
“Iusto valde iudicio totius populi, et seniorum et primatum,” etc.
“Ideoque decretum est ab omni populo,” etc. Cod. Dipl. No. 374.
-----
But whether expressions of this kind were intended to denote the actual
presence of the people on the spot; or whether _populus_ is used in a
strict and technical sense—that sense which is confined to those who
enjoy the full franchise, those who form part of the πολιτευμα,—or
finally whether the assembly of the witan making laws is considered to
represent in our modern form an assembly of the whole people,—it is
clear that the power of self-government is recognized in the latter.
In order to facilitate reference to the important facts with which this
chapter deals, I have added to it a list of witena gemóts, with here and
there a few remarks upon the business transacted in them. They do not
nearly exhaust the number that must have been held, but still they form
a respectable body of evidence; and we may perhaps be justly surprised,
not that so little, but that so much has survived. We need not lament
that the present forms and powers of our parliament are not those which
existed a thousand years ago, as long as we recognize in them only the
matured development of an old and useful principle. We shall not appeal
to Anglosaxon custom to justify the various points of the Charter; but
we may still be proud to find in their practice the germ of institutions
which we have, throughout all vicissitudes, been taught to cherish as
the most valuable safeguards of our peace as well as our freedom. Truly
there are few nations whose parliamentary history has so ample a
foundation as our own.
THE WITENA GEMÓTS OF THE SAXONS.
----------
ÆÐELBERT OF KENT, A.D. 596-605.—The promulgation of the laws of
Æðelberht took place during the life of Augustine. This fixes their date
between 596, when he arrived in England, and 605, when he died. Beda
tells us that these laws were enacted by the advice of the witan, “cum
consilio sapientium[594].” We may therefore conclude that a gemót was
held in Kent for the purpose: and from the contents of the laws
themselves, it is obvious that the Roman clergy filled an important
place therein. They had probably stepped into the position of the Pagan
priesthood, and improved it.
-----
Footnote 594:
Hist. Eccl. ii. 5.
-----
EÁDUUINI OF NORTHUMBERLAND, A.D. 627.—The first witena gemót of which we
have any detailed record was holden in 627, near the city of York,
wherein no less important business was discussed than the desertion of
Paganism and reception of Christianity, by the people of Northumberland.
From Beda[595] we learn that this step was not ventured without the
gravest deliberation; and that Eáduuini had taken good care to sound the
most influential of his nobles, before he called a public meeting to
decide upon the question. Indeed the parts in this great drama appear to
have been arranged beforehand. The interesting account given by
Beda[596] is to this effect. Eáduuini had determined to embrace
Christianity, but still he was not contented, or would not venture, to
do this alone. He wished to extend the blessings of the new faith to his
subjects; perhaps also to avoid the difficulties which might result from
his conversion, while the rest of the people remained pagans. To the
exhortations of the missionary Paulinus he rejoined, “suscipere quidem
se fidem quam docebat, et velle, et debere ... verum adhuc cum amicis,
principibus et consiliariis suis, sese de hoc collaturum esse dicebat;
ut si illi eadem cum illo sentire vellent, omnes pariter in fonte vitae
Christo consecrarentur. Et annuente Paulino, fecit ut dixerat. Habito
enim cum sapientibus consilio, sciscitabatur singillatim ab omnibus,
qualis sibi doctrina haec eatenus inaudita, et novus divinitatis qui
praedicabatur cultus videretur.” The chief of his priests, Cóefi,
immediately commenced an attack upon the ancient religion, and was
followed by other nobles, one of whose speeches, the earliest specimen
of English parliamentary eloquence, is yet on record[597]. “His similia
et caeteri maiores natu ac regis consiliarii, divinitus admoniti,
prosequebantur.” Paulinus was now invited to expound at greater length
the doctrines which he recommended. At the close of his address Cóefi
declared himself a convert, and proposed the destruction of the ancient
fanes. Eáduuini now professed himself a Christian, and in turn demanded
whose duty it was to profane the pagan altars. This Cóefi at once
assumed to himself, and taking the most conspicuous means to demonstrate
to the people (who, the historian says, thought him mad,) his apostasy
from the old creed, hurled his lance into the sacred enclosure, and
commanded its immediate destruction. The scene of this daring act was
Godmundingahám, not far from the British Delgovitia, and now Godmundham
or Goodmanham. The king then as speedily as possible, “citato opere,”
built a wooden basilica in the city of York, in which he was solemnly
baptized on the twelfth of April, being Easter-day. And thus, says the
historian, Eáduuini became a Christian, “cum cunctis gentis suae
nobilibus ac plebe perplurima[598].”
-----
Footnote 595:
Ibid. ii. 9.
Footnote 596:
Ibid. ii. 13.
Footnote 597:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. ii. 13.
Footnote 598:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. ii. 14.
-----
WULFHARI OF MERCIA, A.D. 657.—In this year a witena gemót was probably
held for the endowment and consecration of Saxwulf’s monastery at
Peterborough. This the king is stated to have done by the advice, and
with the consent, of all the witan of his kingdom, both clerical and
lay[599]. The charter in the Saxon Chronicle is a late forgery, but
throws no well-grounded doubt upon the fact.
-----
Footnote 599:
Chron. Sax. an. 657. Cod. Dipl. No. 984.
-----
ÓSUUIU OF NORTHUMBERLAND, A.D. 662.—A meeting was held this year at
Streoneshalh, to bring about uniformity of Paschal observance, tonsure,
and other ecclesiastical details. It was presided over by Osuuiu and
Alhfrið[600].
-----
Footnote 600:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. iii. 25.
-----
ECGBERHT OF KENT, A.D. 667.—A gemót was probably held in Kent, and
Wighard was elected archbishop of Canterbury[601].
-----
Footnote 601:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. iii. 29.
-----
ARCHBISHOP THEODORE, A.D. 673.—In this year was held the synod or gemót
of Hertford[602]. Beda has preserved its ecclesiastical acts. The
seventh provision is an important one, viz. that similar meetings should
be held twice in every year. But this appearing inconvenient, it was
agreed that there should be one, on the first of August yearly at
Clofeshoas.
-----
Footnote 602:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 5. Chron. Sax. an. 673.
-----
ARCHBISHOP THEODORE, A.D. 680.—In this year was held the gemót at
Hǽðfeld, in the presence of the kings of Northumberland, Mercia,
Eastanglia and Kent. Its ecclesiastical acts are preserved[603]: they
are particularly directed against the heresy of Eutyches. But there was
a witena gemót at the same time probably to sanction the decision of the
clergy.
-----
Footnote 603:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 17. Chron. Sax. an. 675, 680. Cod. Dipl. No.
991.
-----
ECGFRIÐ OF NORTHUMBERLAND, A.D. 684.—There was a gemót at Twyford, on
the river Alne, and Cúðberht was elected bishop of Hexham[604].
-----
Footnote 604:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 28. Cod. Dipl. No. 25.
-----
ÆÐELRED OF MERCIA, A.D. 685.—A gemót was held on the thirtieth of July
at Berhford, now Burford in Gloucestershire. Berhtwald the subregulus
and Æðelred were probably both present[605].
-----
Footnote 605:
Cod. Dipl. No. 26.
-----
WIHTRAED OF KENT, A.D. 696.—Immediately upon Wihtraed’s accession[606]
he held a great council, “mycel consilium,” or gemót of his witan, to
settle the ecclesiastical and secular difficulties which had arisen
during the civil wars of his predecessors and his own struggle for the
throne. The gemót was held at Beorganstede, now Berstead in Kent. Its
acts are extant in the laws which yet go under Wihtraed’s name[607].
Another gemót of Wihtraed’s, said by the Chronicle[608] to have been
held in 694 at Baccanceld, now Bapchild, in Kent, confirmed the
liberties of the Kentish clergy.
-----
Footnote 606:
The Saxon Chronicle, which often errs in its dates by two years, puts
this in 694. But the year 696 is ascertained by the indiction, which
was the ninth.
Footnote 607:
Thorpe, i. 36.
Footnote 608:
Chron. Sax. an. 694. Cod. Dipl. No. 996.
-----
INI OF WESSEX, A.D. 704.—A witena gemót was held by Ini at Eburleáh, in
which, with the consent of his witan, he gave certain privileges to the
monasteries of Wessex[609]. Its acts were signed by the principes,
senatores, iudices and patricii present. We learn also from a charter of
Aldhelm[610], that before 705, a council had been held upon the banks of
the river Woder, which is possibly the “synodus suae gentis” mentioned
by Beda[611].
-----
Footnote 609:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 50, 51.
Footnote 610:
Ibid. No. 54.
Footnote 611:
Hist. Eccl. v. 18.
-----
ÓSRAED OF NORTHUMBERLAND, A.D. 705.—Upon the death of Aldfrið in 705, a
gemót was held upon the banks of the Nidd, and after long debates bishop
Wilfrið was restored to his see and possessions[612].
-----
Footnote 612:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. v. 19.
-----
A.D. 710.—In this year a gemót appears to have been held, in which
Sussex was erected into a separate see, and severed from the diocese of
Winchester[613].
-----
Footnote 613:
Beda, Hist. Eccl. v. 18.
-----
ARCHBISHOP NÓÐHELM, A.D. 734-737.—Difficulties having arisen about the
possession and patronage of certain monasteries, the case was referred
to and decided by a synod, “sancta sacerdotalis concilii synodus,” which
must have met between 734-737. It seems to have been purely
ecclesiastical, and its acts are signed only by the bishops who were
present[614]. Yet as its judgment involved a question of property, and
title to lands, I presume that the case was laid before a mixed gemót,
sitting very possibly in different chambers. If so, the record we have
is that of the clerical house only.
-----
Footnote 614:
Cod. Dipl. No. 82.
-----
ÆÐELBALD OF MERCIA, A.D. 742.—In this year a great council, “magnum
concilium,” was held at Clofeshoas, under Æðelbald, and Cúðbeorht,
archbishop of Canterbury. It took into consideration the state of the
church; but it was clearly a witena gemót, and its acts are signed by
clerks and laymen indifferently[615].
-----
Footnote 615:
Cod. Dipl. No. 87.
-----
ÆÐELBALD OF MERCIA, A.D. 749.—A witena gemót was held at Godmundes leáh
in this year. Ecclesiastical liberties were again provided for[616].
-----
Footnote 616:
Cod. Dipl. No. 99.
-----
A.D. 755.—A witena gemót in Wessex must have been held in this year, for
the deposing of Sigebeorht and election of Cynewulf to the throne[617].
-----
Footnote 617:
Chron. Sax. an. 755. Flor. Wig. 755. Æðelw. ii. 17. Hen. Hunt. lib.
iv. See the remarks in the text, p. 219 _seq._ of this volume.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 780.—A gemót called “synodale conciliabulum” was
held this year at Brentford. It transacted various business of a secular
character[618].
-----
Footnote 618:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 139, 140, 143.
-----
A.D. 782.—A gemót was held at Acleáh, now Ockley in Surrey[619].
-----
Footnote 619:
Chron. Sax. an. 782.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 785.—In this year was held the stormy synod of
Cealchýð, in which the province of Canterbury was partitioned; and the
archbishopric of Lichfield founded[620]. It was clearly a witena gemót;
as Offa caused his son Ecgferhð to be elected king by the meeting.
-----
Footnote 620:
Chron. Sax. an. 785. Flor. Wig. 785.
-----
A.D. 787.—In this year there was another gemót; “synodalis conventus,”
at Ockley[621].
-----
Footnote 621:
Cod. Dipl. No. 151.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 788.—A gemót was held at Cealchýð[622]. And in the
same year; according to the Chronicle and Florence[623]; but one year
sooner according to Simeon Dunelmensis[624], was held the synod of
Pincanhealh in Northumberland.
-----
Footnote 622:
Cod. Dipl. No. 153.
Footnote 623:
Chron. Sax. an. 788. Flor. Wig. 788.
Footnote 624:
Sim. Dunelm. 787.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 789.—In this year another gemót was held at
Cealchýð, where a good deal of secular business was transacted[625]. In
the second document cited in the note it is called “pontificale
conciliabulum,” and this charter is signed only by the king and the
bishops.
Another gemót is also said to have been held at Ockley[626]; but the
known error of two years in the dates of the Chronicle may make us
suspect that this really met in 791.
-----
Footnote 625:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 155, 156, 157.
Footnote 626:
Chron. Sax. an. 789.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA; A.D. 790.—A great gemót was held this year in London; on
Whitsunday[627].
-----
Footnote 627:
Cod. Dipl. No. 159.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 793.—A gemót at Cealchýð, called “conventus
synodalis”[628]. Also about this time a gemót at Verulam, “concilium
episcoporum et optimatum,”[629]
-----
Footnote 628:
Cod. Dipl. No. 162.
Footnote 629:
Rog. Wend. i. 257.
-----
OFFA OF MERCIA, A.D. 794.—A gemót at Clofeshoas, called “synodus,” and
“concilium synodale”[630].
-----
Footnote 630:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 164, 167.
-----
ECGFERHÐ OF MERCIA, A.D. 796.—A gemót at Cealchýð, called probably in
consequence of Offa’s death, and for reformation of affairs in the
church[631].
-----
Footnote 631:
Chron. Sax. an. 796. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 172, 173.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 798.—A gemót, called “synodus,” the place of
which is not known. The business recorded is merely secular[632]. Before
the signatures occur the words: “Haec sunt nomina episcoporum ac
principum qui hoc mecum in synodo consentientes subscripserunt.” The
signatures comprise the names of several laics,—a plain proof that the
word _synodus_ is not confined to ecclesiastical meetings. Another, or
perhaps the same, at Baccanceld, Bapchild, in Kent, where the clergy
made a declaration of liberties[633]. Another and very solemn one at
Clofeshoas[634].
-----
Footnote 632:
Cod. Dipl. No. 175.
Footnote 633:
Ibid. No. 1018.
Footnote 634:
Ibid. No. 1019.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 799.—A gemót of the witan was held this year at
Colleshyl, probably Coleshill in Berkshire[635].
-----
Footnote 635:
Ibid. No. 176.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 799-802.—Between these two years there was a
gemót, called “synodale conciliabulum,” at Cealchýð, in which secular
business was transacted. The signature of the king to one of its acts is
double; first at the head of the clergy, and then again at the head of
the lay nobles[636].
-----
Footnote 636:
Ibid. No. 116. Another act, Ibid. No. 1023.
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 803.—In the year 803 was held a memorable synod
at Clofeshoas, which lasted from the ninth till the twelfth of October.
Affairs of great importance were discussed. The principal object of the
meeting was to restore the ancient splendour of Canterbury by the
abrogation of the archiepiscopal see at Lichfield, and further to secure
the liberties of the church. We have two solemn acts, dated on the
twelfth of October[637]: the signatures are exclusively those of
clerics. The second of those documents deserves the highest attention,
as the signatures may be taken to represent the members of a full
convocation of the clergy, called for a most important purpose. But it
is nevertheless certain that a general meeting of the witan took place
at the same time, for on the sixth of October they heard and determined
causes relating to landed property, and various laymen signed the
acts[638]. Moreover an archbishopric established by a witena gemót could
only be abrogated by another,—not by a mere assemblage of clergymen,
however dignified and influential they might be.
-----
Footnote 637:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 185, 1024.
Footnote 638:
Ibid. Nos. 183, 184.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 804.—There was a “synodus” in this year at
Clofeshoas, the nature of the business transacted in which and before
whom transacted, appears from these words following[639]:—“Anno ab
incarnatione Christi 804, indictione duodecima, ego Æðelríc filius
Æðelmundi cum conscientia synodali invitatus ad synodum, et in iudicio
stare, in loco qui dicitur Clofeshoh, cum libris et ruris, id est, æt
Westmynster, quod prius propinqui mei tradiderunt mihi et donaverunt,
ibi Æðelheardus archiepiscopus mihi regebat atque iudicaverat, cum
testimonio Coenwulfi regis, et optimatibus eius, coram omni synodo,
quando scripturas meas perscrutarent, ut liber essem terram meam atque
libellos dare quocumque volui.” He had been regularly summoned to appear
before the synodus, as a court of justice.
-----
Footnote 639:
Cod. Dipl. No. 186.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 805.—A witena gemót was held at Ockley, a
favourite locality[640].
-----
Footnote 640:
Cod. Dipl. No. 190.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 810.—Another gemót, “sancta synodus,” sat at
Ockley, and decided a lawsuit between Æðelhelm, and Beornðryð, the widow
of Óswulf, duke of Kent[641].
-----
Footnote 641:
Ibid. No. 256.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 811.—A great gemót, “concilium pergrande,” was
held this year in London[642]. In the same year a great gemót was
collected at Wincelcumbe, Winchcomb in Gloucestershire, for the
dedication of Cénwulf’s new abbey there[643].
-----
Footnote 642:
Ibid. Nos. 196, 220.
Footnote 643:
Ibid. No. 197. Chron. MS. Wincelc. an. 811.
-----
CÉNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 815.—In this year a gemót assembled at
Cealchýð[644].
-----
Footnote 644:
Cod. Dipl. No. 208.
-----
BEORNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 824.—At a meeting held this year at
Clofeshoas, there attended a considerable number of laymen, as well as
prelates: the gemót however is called “pontificate et synodale
conciliabulum[645].” In 824 there was also a gemót of Wessex at Ockley
in Surrey. Ecgberht gave Meon to Wulfward his praefectus or geréfa. The
act is signed by four geréfan[646].
-----
Footnote 645:
Ibid. No. 218.
Footnote 646:
Ibid. No. 1031.
-----
BEORNWULF OF MERCIA, A.D. 825.—A gemót was held also at Clofeshoas in
825; this is called “sionoðlíc gemót”[647], and it is stated that there
were assembled the bishops, ealdormen, and all the weotan of the nation:
one act of this gemót[648] declares it to have consisted of the king,
bishops, abbots, dukes, “omniumque dignitatum optimates,
aecclesiasticarum vel saecularium personarum[649].” The acts of this
council are signed by no less than one hundred and twenty-one persons,
of whom ninety-five are clerical, embracing all ranks from bishops to
deacons. But one reason for this large attendance is, that as some cases
of disputed title were to be decided by the gemót, these monks and
clerks attended in order to make oath to the property in dispute.
-----
Footnote 647:
Ibid. No. 219.
Footnote 648:
Ibid. No. 220: see also No. 1034.
Footnote 649:
In some Saxon original, no doubt, “and eal dúgoð, ge cyriclíces ge
woroldlíces hádes.”
-----
ECGBERHT OF WESSEX, A.D. 826.—In 825 Ecgberht had taken the field
against the Welsh. He seems to have made various grants while _in
hoste_. These were afterwards confirmed and reduced to writing by a
gemót held in 826 at Southampton[650].
-----
Footnote 650:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 1035, 1036, 1038.
-----
ECGBERHT OF WESSEX and ÆÐELWULF OF KENT, A.D. 838.—In this year there
was a council at Kingston, under these kings, Ceólnóð the archbishop,
and the prelates of his province. Secular affairs of great importance
were settled on this occasion, and a regular treaty of peace and
alliance agreed between the Kentish clergy and the kings[651]. At first
this was signed only by Ceólnóð and the clergy; but for further
confirmation it was taken to king Æðelwulf at the royal vill of Wilton,
and there executed by the king, his dukes and thanes. Another document
exists in which the clergy of Winchester enter into similar engagements
with the kings[652].
-----
Footnote 651:
Ibid. No. 240.
Footnote 652:
Ibid. No. 1044.
-----
ÆÐELWULF OF WESSEX, A.D. 839.—The treaty mentioned in the last article
was read in a council of all the southern bishops, held at Astra[653].
-----
Footnote 653:
Ibid. No. 240.
-----
ÆÐELWULF OF WESSEX, ÆÐELSTÁN OF KENT, A.D. 844.—A gemót at Canterbury,
attended by the kings, the archbishop, the bishop elect of Rochester,
“cum principibus, ducibus, abbatibus, et cunctis generalis dignitatis
optimatibus[654].”
-----
Footnote 654:
Ibid. No. 256.
-----
ÆÐELWULF OF WESSEX, A.D. 851.—The very questionable authority of Ingulph
mentions a witena gemót this year at Cyningesbyrig[655].
-----
Footnote 655:
Cod. Dipl. No. 265.
-----
BURHHRED OF MERCIA, A.D. 853.—This year, the Chronicle says[656], a
formal application was made by the Mercian king Burhhred and his witan
for military aid, in order to the subjugation of the Northern Britons.
This seems to imply a regular meeting in Mercia.
-----
Footnote 656:
Chron. Sax. an. 853.
-----
ÆÐELWULF OF WESSEX, A.D. 855.—In this year there was a gemót at
Winchester[657].
-----
Footnote 657:
Cod. Dipl. No. 275.
-----
BURHHRED OF MERCIA, A.D. 868.—In this year the Mercian witan applied to
those of Wessex for aid against the Danes. We may conclude that gemóts
were held both in Mercia and Wessex[658].
-----
Footnote 658:
Chron. Sax. an. 868.
-----
A.D. 866-871.—We learn from king Ælfred himself that there was a witena
gemót at Swínbeorh in some year between these limits, wherein the
successions to lands, among the members of the royal family, were
settled, and placed under the guarantee of the witan[659].
-----
Footnote 659:
Cod. Dipl. No. 314.
-----
ÆLFRED OF WESSEX, A.D. 878.—In this year there was a gemót, very
probably at Wedmore[660], where the Dane Guðorm made his submission to
Ælfred, and where the articles of peace between the Saxons and Danes
were settled[661].
-----
Footnote 660:
Chron. Sax. an. 878. Flor. Wig. 878.
Footnote 661:
Thorpe, i. 152 _seq._
-----
ÆLFRED OF WESSEX, A.D. 880-885.—A gemót sat at Langandene between these
two years, and the affairs of Ælfred’s family were again considered. The
validity of king Æðelwulf’s will was admitted, and Ælfred’s settlement
of his lands guaranteed[659].
ÆÐELRED, DUKE OF MERCIA, A.D. 883.—In this year the witan of Mercia met
at Risborough, under Æðelred their duke[662]: an interesting
circumstance, inasmuch as it shows that the union with Wessex did not
abrogate the ancient rights, or interfere with the independent action of
the Mercian witan.
-----
Footnote 662:
Cod. Dipl. No. 1066.
-----
ÆÐELRED, DUKE OF MERCIA, A.D. 888.—This gemót was held at Saltwíc in
Worcestershire, to consult upon affairs both ecclesiastical and secular.
The witan assembled from far and near[663].
-----
Footnote 663:
Ibid. Nos. 327, 1068.
-----
ÆÐELRED, DUKE OF MERCIA, A.D. 896.—Another gemót of the Mercians was
held this year at Gloucester, whose interesting acts are yet
preserved[664].
-----
Footnote 664:
Ibid. No. 1073.
-----
ÆÐELRED, DUKE OF MERCIA, A.D. 878-899.—At a gemót held between these
years, and very likely at Worcester, Æðelred and Æðelflǽd commanded a
burh or fortification to be built for the people of that city, and the
cathedral to be enlarged. The endowments and privileges which are
granted by the instrument are extensive and instructive[665].
-----
Footnote 665:
Ibid. No. 1075.
-----
EÁDWEARD OF WESSEX, A.D. 901.—The death of Ælfred, and Eádweard’s
election probably caused an assembly of witan at Winchester in this
year[666], and it is likely that we still possess one of its acts[667].
This is the more probable because Æðelwald, Eádweard’s cousin, disputed
the succession, and not only seized upon the royal vill of Wimborne,
which he is said to have done without the consent of the king and his
witan, but broke into open rebellion, and after being acknowledged king
in Essex, joined the Danes in Northumberland, and perished in an
unsuccessful battle against his countrymen.
-----
Footnote 666:
Chron. Sax. an. 901.
Footnote 667:
Cod. Dipl. No. 1087.
-----
ÆÐELRED, DUKE OF MERCIA, A.D. 904.—In this year a Mercian gemót was
held, and duke Æðelfrið obtained permission to have new charters
written, his own having perished by fire[668]. And a gemót of the
Westsaxon witan was held at the king’s hunting-seat of Bicanleáh[669].
About the same period a gemót of Wessex was held at Exeter by
Eádweard[670].
-----
Footnote 668:
Cod. Dipl. No. 338.
Footnote 669:
Ibid. Nos. 1082, 1084.
Footnote 670:
Leg. Eádw. § 4. Thorpe, i. 162.
-----
EÁDWEARD OF WESSEX, A.D. 909.—A gemót of Wessex was held in 909: its
acts are signed by fifty of the witan[671].
-----
Footnote 671:
Cod. Dipl. No. 1091.
-----
EÁDWEARD OF WESSEX, A.D. 910.—A gemót was held in Wessex this year[672].
And there appears to have been another at Aylesford in Kent, in which
the witan gave judgment in the suit between Góda and queen Eádgyfu[673].
-----
Footnote 672:
Ibid. No. 1096.
Footnote 673:
Ibid. No. 499.
-----
EÁDWEARD OF WESSEX, A.D. 911.—In this year a gemót was probably held, in
which terms of peace were offered to the Danes in Northumberland[674].
But this may possibly be only the last-named gemót in 910, as we know
that Eádweard was in Kent in 911.
-----
Footnote 674:
Chron. Sax. an. 911.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 925 or 926.—About this date a gemót was held by Æðelstán
at Ham near Lewes, and the suit between Góda and Eádgyfu was again
decided by public authority[675].
-----
Footnote 675:
Cod. Dipl. No. 499.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 928.—A solemn gemót was held this year at Exeter[676].
-----
Footnote 676:
Ibid. No. 1101.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 930.—In this year the gemót met at Nottingham. It was
attended by three Welsh princes, the archbishops and sixteen bishops,
thirteen dukes, twelve thanes, twelve untitled persons, “et plures alii
milites quorum nomina in eadem carta inseruntur.” There are fifty-eight
signatures[677].
-----
Footnote 677:
Ibid. No. 352.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 931.—In this year several gemóts were held. First, one at
Luton in Bedfordshire, signed by 106 persons[678]. One at Worðig, “cum
tota plebis generalitate[679].” One at Colchester[680], and one at
Wellow in Wilts[681].
-----
Footnote 678:
Cod. Dipl. No. 353.
Footnote 679:
Ibid. No. 1103.
Footnote 680:
Ibid. No. 1102.
Footnote 681:
Ibid. No. 1105.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 932.—There was a gemót at Amesbury, said to be attended
by the dukes, bishops, abbots and “patriae procuratores”[682]. Also one
at Middleton, in which the same words occur: the signatures amount to
ninety, and comprise four Welsh princes, nineteen archbishops and
bishops, fifteen dukes, four abbots, and forty-seven ministri or
thanes[683].
-----
Footnote 682:
Ibid. No. 361.
Footnote 683:
Ibid. Nos. 1107, 1108.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 934.—A gemót was held in London on the seventh of
June[684]; but on the twenty-eighth of May there was a great meeting at
Winchester, “tota populi generalitate.” The total number of names is
ninety-two[685]. Again on the twelfth of September, the king was at
Buckingham, and there held a gemót, “tota magnatorum generalitate[686].”
-----
Footnote 684:
Ibid. No. 361.
Footnote 685:
Ibid. No. 364.
Footnote 686:
Ibid. No. 365.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 935.—On the twenty-first of September in this year there
was a gemót at Dorchester, “tota optimatum generalitate[687],”
-----
Footnote 687:
Ibid. Nos. 367, 1112.
-----
ÆÐELSTÁN, A.D. 937.—A gemót was held, “archiepiscopis, episcopis,
ducibus et principibus Anglorum insimul pro regni utilitate
coadunatis[688].”
-----
Footnote 688:
Ibid. No. 1113.
-----
An undated charter of Æðelstán[689] records a meeting of witan at
Abingdon: a grant was made to the abbey. The archbishop, bishops and
abbots present solemnly excommunicated any one who should disturb the
grant; to which all the people present exclaimed, “So be it! Amen.” “Et
dixit omnis populus qui ibi aderat, Fiat, Fiat. Amen.” “And cwæð ealle
ðæt folc ðe ðǽr embstód, Sy hit swá. Amen. Amen.”
-----
Footnote 689:
Ibid. No. 1129.
-----
Gemóts of Æðelstán’s, the dates of which are uncertain, were held at
Witlanburh[690], Greátanleá[691], Fevershám[692], Thundersfield[693],
and Exeter[694].
-----
Footnote 690:
Thorpe, i. 240.
Footnote 691:
Ibid. i. 194.
Footnote 692:
Thorpe, i. 216.
Footnote 693:
Ibid. i. 217.
Footnote 694:
Ibid. i. 220. This however may have been in 926, when Æðelstán was in
that city.
-----
EÁDMUND, before A.D. 946.—This prince held at least two gemóts, one at
London, one at Culintún, but in what years is uncertain[695].
-----
Footnote 695:
Leg. Eádm. Thorpe, i. 244, 252.
-----
EÁDRED, A.D. 946.—This year there was a gemót at Kingston, and king
Eádred was crowned[696].
-----
Footnote 696:
Cod. Dipl. No. 411.
-----
EÁDRED, A.D. 947.—In this year there was at least one witena gemót, in
which the terms of peace with the Northumbrian witan were arranged[697].
There were others also in Mercia, and I have little doubt that all the
charters bearing that date in the Codex Diplomaticus are really acts of
such meetings.
-----
Footnote 697:
Chron. Sax. an. 947.
-----
EÁDRED, A.D. 948.—In this year the witan of Northumberland having
elected a king Eirik, Eádred marched into their country and plundered
it; upon which they again made a formal submission to him[698].
-----
Footnote 698:
Chron. Sax. an. 948.
-----
Between 960-963.—In one of these years a gemót was held, but the place
is unknown, and Eádgyfu ultimately succeeded in putting an end to the
pretensions of Goda’s family[699].
-----
Footnote 699:
Cod. Dipl. No. 499.
-----
EÁDGÁR, A.D. 966.—A gemót in London[700].
-----
Footnote 700:
Ibid. No. 528.
-----
EÁDGÁR, A.D. 968.—A gemót was held at some place unknown[701].
-----
Footnote 701:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 1265, 1266.
-----
EÁDGÁR, A.D. 973.—A great gemót was held in St. Paul’s church,
London[702].
-----
Footnote 702:
Ibid. No. 580.
-----
EÁDGÁR, A.D. 977.—After Easter (April 8th), there was held a great
gemót, “ðæt mycele gemót,” at Kirtlington in Oxfordshire[703].
-----
Footnote 703:
Chron. Sax. an. 977.
-----
EÁDGÁR, A.D. 978.—In this year was held the celebrated gemót at Calne in
Wiltshire, when the floor gave way and precipitated the witan to the
ground[704]. There was another gemót at Ceodre, now Cheddar in
Somersetshire[705].
-----
Footnote 704:
Ibid. an. 978.
Footnote 705:
Cod. Dipl. No. 598.
-----
In addition to these Eádgár held at least two gemóts, one at Andover in
Hants, one at a place called Wihtbordesstán, which we cannot now
identify. In both of these meetings laws were passed[706].
-----
Footnote 706:
Thorpe, i. 272.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 979.—A gemót was held at Kingston for the coronation of
Æðelred[707].
-----
Footnote 707:
Chron. Sax. an. 979.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 992.—In this year there were probably several witena
gemóts for the prosecution of the Danish war[708].
-----
Footnote 708:
Ibid. an. 992.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 993.—In this year there was at least one gemót at
Winchester[709].
-----
Footnote 709:
Cod. Dipl. No. 684.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 994.—A witena gemót met this year at Andover[710].
-----
Footnote 710:
Chron. Sax. an. 994. Ll. Æðelr. 11. Thorpe, i. 284.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 995.—A gemót at Ambresbyrig, now Amesbury, where Ælfríc
was elected archbishop of Canterbury in the place of Sigeríc[711]. There
seems to have been another meeting in the same year, one of whose acts
we still possess[712].
-----
Footnote 711:
Chron. Sax. an. 995.
Footnote 712:
Cod. Dipl. No. 692.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 996.—In this year a gemót was held at Cealchýð[713].
Footnote 713:
Ibid. No. 696.
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 997.—This year a gemót was held in the palace at Calne:
“collecta haud minima sapientium multitudine, in aula villae regiae quae
nuncupative a populis Et Calnæ vocitatur[714].” A few days later we find
the gemót assembled at Waneting or Wantage; and here they promulgated
laws which we yet possess[715]. There is a charter also, passed at this
gemót[716]. A previous gemót of uncertain year had been held at
Brómdún[717], and another at Woodstock[718].
-----
Footnote 714:
Ibid. No. 698.
Footnote 715:
Thorpe, i. 292.
Footnote 716:
Cod. Dipl. No. 698.
Footnote 717:
Thorpe, i. 280, 294.
Footnote 718:
Ibid. i. 280.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 998.—A gemót was held this year in London[719]; and
another apparently at Andover[720], where conditions of peace were
ratified with Anláf or Olaf Tryggvason[721].
-----
Footnote 719:
Cod. Dipl. No. 702.
Footnote 720:
Chron. Sax. an. 998.
Footnote 721:
Thorpe, i. 284.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 999.—At least one gemót was held this year, to concert
measures of defence against the Danes[722].
-----
Footnote 722:
Chron. Sax. an. 999.
-----
A.D. 996-1001.—Between these years there was a gemót at Cócham, now
Cookham in Berks, which was attended by a large assemblage of thanes
from Wessex and Mercia, both of Saxon and Danish descent[723].
-----
Footnote 723:
Cod. Dipl. No. 704.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1002.—In this year the witan met and paid tribute to the
Danes[724]. We have still an evident act of such a gemót in this
year[725].
-----
Footnote 724:
Chron. Sax. an. 1002
Footnote 725:
Cod. Dipl. No. 707.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1004.—In this year a meeting of the Eastanglian witan,
under earl Ulfcytel, took place. From the description I do not think it
could have been an ordinary scírgemót. It shows, at any rate, that the
witan were resident in the shires, and not permanently attached to the
royal person or household[726].
-----
Footnote 726:
Chron. Sax. an. 1004.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1006.—Another gemót was held this year, somewhere in
Shropshire, for the melancholy and shameful purpose of buying peace from
the Danes[727].
-----
Footnote 727:
Ibid. an. 1006.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1008.—A gemót was held, one of whose acts we have
still[728].
-----
Footnote 728:
Cod. Dipl. No. 1305.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1009.—In this year we are told that the king and his
heáhwitan met; but the place is unknown[729].
-----
Footnote 729:
Chron. Sax. an. 1009.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1010.—In this year a gemót was proclaimed, to concert
measures of defence against the Danes[730]. “Ðonne beád man eallan witan
tó cynge, and man sceólde ðonne rǽdan hú man ðisne eard werian sceólde.”
-----
Footnote 730:
Chron. Sax. an. 1010.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1011.—A gemót was again held for the shameful purpose of
buying peace[731].
-----
Footnote 731:
Ibid. an. 1011.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1012.—At Easter (April 13th) there was a great meeting at
London, and tribute was paid to the Danes[732].
-----
Footnote 732:
Ibid. an. 1012.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1014.—In this year was holden that important gemót,
perhaps we might say convention, which has been mentioned in the text;
when the witan, upon the death of Swegen, consented again to receive
Æðelred as king, upon promises of amendment[733].
-----
Footnote 733:
Ibid. an. 1014.
-----
ÆÐELRED, A.D. 1015.—In this year was the great gemót of Oxford, “ðæt
mycel gemót,” and Sigeferð and Morcar the powerful earls of the north
were slain[734].
-----
Footnote 734:
Chron. Sax. an. 1015.
-----
It is uncertain in what years we must place the promulgation of
Æðelred’s laws[735], at Enham, and Haba[736]; and others without date or
place.
-----
Footnote 735:
Thorpe, i. 314.
Footnote 736:
Thorpe, i. 366.
-----
EÁDMUND ÍRENSÍDA, A.D. 1016.—In this year there must have been various
meetings of the witan, if tumultuous and armed assemblages can claim the
name of witena gemóts at all. The witan in London elected Eádmund king;
and there was a meeting at Olney, near Deerhurst, where the kingdom was
partitioned[737].
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Footnote 737:
Chron. Sax. an. 1016.
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A.D. 1016-1020.—Probably between these years was the great gemót at
Winchester, in which Cnut promulgated his laws[738].
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Footnote 738:
Thorpe, i. 358.
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CNUT, A.D. 1020.—In this year was a great gemót at Cirencester[739].
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Footnote 739:
Chron. Sax. an. 1020.
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HARALD HARANFOT, A.D. 1036.—Upon the death of Cnut, there was a gemót at
Oxford, and Harald was elected king[740].
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Footnote 740:
Chron. Sax. an. 1036.
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HARDACNUT, A.D. 1042.—In this year there was probably a gemót at
Sutton[741]. And another on Hardacnut’s death, when all the people chose
Eádweard the Confessor to be king[742].
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Footnote 741:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 765, 766.
Footnote 742:
Chron. Sax. an. 1042. At Gillingham. Will. Malm. i. 332, § 197. “Nihil
erat quod Edwardus pro necessitate temporis non polliceretur, ita,
utrinque fide data, quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit. Nec mora
Gillingcham congregato concilio, rationibus suis explicitis, regem
effecit (Godwinus) hominio palam omnibus dato: homo affectati leporis,
et ingenue gentilitia lingua eloquens, mirus dicere, mirus populo
persuadere quae placerent. Quidam auctoritatem eius secuti, quidam
muneribus flexi, quidam etiam debitum Edwardi amplexi.”
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1043.—A witena gemót was held at Winchester, April 3rd,
and Eádweard was crowned[743].
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Footnote 743:
Chron. Sax. an. 1043.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1044.—There was a gemót, “generale concilium,” in London;
the only business recorded is the election of Manni, abbot of
Evesham[744]; but there is a charter[745].
-----
Footnote 744:
Flor. Wig. an. 1044.
Footnote 745:
Cod. Dipl. Nos. 776, 777.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1045.—There seems to have been a gemót this year[746].
-----
Footnote 746:
Ibid. Nos. 779, 783.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1046.—A gemót, the place of which is unknown[747].
-----
Footnote 747:
Ibid. No. 786.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1047.—On the 10th of March this year there was “mycel
gemót” in London[748].
-----
Footnote 748:
Chron. Sax. an. 1047.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1048.—A gemót sat on the 8th of September at
Gloucester[749]; and on the 21st of September, another met in London,
and outlawed the family of earl Godwine.
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Footnote 749:
Chron. Sax. an. 1048.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1050.—There was a great gemót in London[750].
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Footnote 750:
Ibid. an. 1050.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1052, 1053.—A gemót, place unknown[751].
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Footnote 751:
Cod. Dipl. No. 799.
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EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1055.—A gemót in London[752].
-----
Footnote 752:
Chron. Sax. an. 1055.
-----
EÁDWEARD, A.D. 1065.—There was a great gemót at Northampton[753],
Another was held at Oxford on the 28th of October[753], and lastly at
Christmas in London[753]. At this Eádweard dedicated Westminster Abbey,
and dying on the 5th of January, 1066, the assembled witan elected
Harald king.
-----
Footnote 753:
Ibid. an. 1065.
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Having now completed this list, which must be confessed to be but an
imperfect one, I do not scruple to express my belief that every charter
in the Codex Diplomaticus, which is not merely a private will or private
settlement, is the genuine act of some witena gemót: and that we thus
possess a long and interesting series of records, enabling us to follow
the action of the Saxon Parliaments from the very cradle of our
monarchy.