CHAPTER IX

A FEW “MINOR” DETAILS

My dear John,

When the Socialists promise to see that you get the full product of

your labor, there are a few minor details which they overlook. Not the

least of these is the detail as to how they are going to do it.

If you should ask your friend, the soap-box man, where he gets the

figures which he reels off so glibly when he is talking to you about

the way you are robbed, he may find it difficult to answer; but the

difficulty he encounters when confronted with such a question is

nothing in comparison to that which he will experience if you ask him

to inform you how the Socialist bosses are going to figure out your

labor value in a way to assure you against robbery. It is easy for him

to say that under Socialism you will get all you produce, but don’t let

him get away with the idea that he can make such statements without

being called upon to prove them.

It is a beautiful promise, this assurance of Socialism that every

worker in the Co-operative Commonwealth will get every penny that is

represented in his labor. It is a beautiful promise; but lots of people

have made beautiful promises and haven’t kept them. Can it be possible

that the bright little promiser who talks to you at the street corner

is one of the “four-flushers,” too?

Ask him the next time he invites questions. Tell him that you are a

practical man, and that you want more definite details.

Do you know what he will tell you? He will use a lot of words rounded

out into more or less eloquent periods, but, when you attempt to

analyze what he has said, you will find that all his wisdom could have

been expressed in a single sentence. In plain English, he tells you

that your request for details is nothing more or less than “a mark of

ignorance.” He wants you to believe that Socialism’s plan will be all

right for everybody, because, as the old negro said, “it jes’ works out

so.”

Well, perhaps it will! Let us see.

To test the truth of this theory, we must tackle one of the most

difficult problems that we shall be called upon to consider. But I

think, if we are patient, we shall be able to get to the bottom of

Marx’s complicated methods of reasoning, and so show that even the

promise to ascertain the full value of the worker’s labor--to say

nothing of the detail of giving it to him afterwards--is one of the

most glaring absurdities in the whole Socialist scheme.

Marx tells us that value is determined by labor.

What does he mean?

He means that the value of a commodity is fixed by the labor that is

put into it. This is all right as far as this statement goes, but it

does not help us very much in determining the value of a particular

commodity. Before we can know what a commodity is worth, we must know

(according to Marx) what it cost to produce the mental and physical

energy that was used in making it. To do this, we must first know the

total cost of all the commodities which the worker consumed during the

period when he was performing this particular task.

You know the old problem of the hen and the egg--which was first? The

Socialist’s labor-value puzzle is much more perplexing, because, in

addition to a lot of other things, you are called upon to find out

which was first, the worker or the commodity which he consumed--the

clothes he wore, the food he ate, the bed in which he slept while

acquiring the strength for the work that produced this commodity.

If you were called upon to answer this question, to fix the value of

even a single article, you would find the task anything but an easy

one. Can you imagine what will happen when the government functionaries

sit down to figure out this problem for every kind of article that is

sold--anywhere in the world?

But, don’t imagine that their task ends here. When they have once

succeeded in getting this puzzle solved, they will next be called upon

to find out how many persons have contributed their labor toward the

production of each and all of the commodities that have entered into

the transaction.

Benedict Elder, in exposing this particular absurdity of Socialism

in _The Common Cause_ (September, 1912), illustrated his argument by

showing the difficulties that the Socialist statisticians will face

when they are called upon to find the value of the labor necessary in

producing an ordinary pin. As it is difficult to obtain a more striking

example, we may well follow Mr. Elder’s calculations.

To find the value of the labor of making a pin, it is necessary to

begin by getting the exact time expended by every person who has

contributed a necessary part towards the production of the pin.

This includes the time of the man who sells the pin to you over

the counter--for, of course, there will have to be salesmen under

Socialism--the time spent by the miner who dug the metal from the earth

and by every other individual who has had anything to do in handling

it. Talk about tracing your ancestry back to the days of William the

Conqueror--that would be a “cinch” compared to this kind of mental

gymnastics!

Yet our Socialist statisticians are not finished with their work, even

yet! Before they can tell the cashier how much to pay the worker so

as to give him the full value of his labor in producing the pin, they

must also determine how much labor-power each man spent in doing his

part of this work and how many commodities, and how much of each, the

man consumed to produce the labor-power necessary to complete the task

assigned to him.

“Here,” says Mr. Elder, “we have indeed a monumental undertaking,

one that staggers the mind to contemplate, one that challenges a

combination of figures to express. Yet we are not fairly started at

our task.... We have taken but one commodity where the number of

commodities is practically infinite. We cannot follow the Socialists

many steps; their range becomes so vast, their intricacies so

bewildering, their complications so overwhelming, the throne of reason

would be threatened by the stupendous scale of thought demanded almost

at the outset. It is said that a German scientist once undertook to

figure out the number of possible moves on a chess-board. He reached

a point where the combination of figures required could no longer be

expressed in any known language, and then his mind unhinged. On the

chess-board there are just thirty-two pieces to be moved on sixty-four

spots.”

The Socialist program may seem very plausible and extremely attractive

when the Socialist propagandist is describing it in broad generalities

and you do not examine its details too critically; but, when you

get down to cases, John, and begin to try to find out how all these

magnificent promises are to be kept, you will begin to feel that you

are in danger of joining the German scientist whose “mind unhinged.”

Just for the sake of argument, let us admit that the Socialist

functionaries have finally succeeded in performing the apparently

impossible task of ascertaining exactly how much your labor-time has

been worth to the community. This fact equitably determined, the worker

would probably be given labor checks, for which he could secure other

things of equal value with his labor. For example, if it required

1,000,000 days’ labor to provide this year’s shoes for the community

and 2,000,000 pairs of shoes were made in that time, we can imagine

that a check for one day’s labor might exchange for two pairs of shoes.

It is easy to see that it would require no small amount of book-keeping

to keep even this matter of detail adjusted fairly, especially when we

remember what intricate calculations are necessary to find out how many

persons contributed to the production of these shoes, and how the value

of the time of each worker must be figured. But the same difficulty

would present itself with every kind of commodity in any way dependent

upon the labor-power of man.

If the labor checks that each worker receives are to be of real value,

they must be exchangeable for articles which the worker himself needs

or thinks he needs. In other words, our Socialist officials are also

to be called upon to ascertain what the public may be expected to

demand. This does not mean merely the articles that are necessary to

life--food, clothing, fuel, etc.--but everything that must be placed

at the disposal of a man if he is to enjoy unrestricted freedom of

choice as to the character of the articles which he purchases. Even

the smallest thing must be considered--the boy’s jumping-Jack and the

button-boots for the doll baby; for it is not admitted that any wants

of man--however small or great--are to be prohibited by the government.

The ordinary playthings of the child represent a demand upon raw

material, and each of these demands must be considered in calculating

the total production for which arrangements must be made in advance.

To accomplish this result the statistical expert will be compelled to

ascertain the actual needs of every family--indeed, of every individual

from one end of the country to the other, if not throughout the

entire world, since, of course, there would still be an interchange

of products between the various lands. A statistical estimate based

upon present conditions would be of little avail. To overcome the

difficulty, an accurate schedule of every article that will be needed

to meet the demands of the purchaser must be made.

The taking of a census is a long and laborious task, and to its

completion years are devoted. Yet the census which the United States

government takes is mere child’s play compared with the schedules which

will have to be filled out, arranged and digested, if all the small

commodities which people want to buy, and which they buy to-day, are to

be ascertained and tabulated in preparation for production.

As Cathrein points out (“Socialism,” p. 270), it will be necessary

to consider “the numerous articles of food which are required even

in the humblest family, the supplying of the kitchen with fuel and

cooking utensils, the fitting up of the drawing-room and bedrooms with

furniture and ornamentation, the lighting and heating, the stocking of

the pantry, etc., besides the necessary repairs. There must be included

the mending of clothes, furniture, etc.... The authorities will have to

supply needle and thread to replace the missing shirt-button. All these

items must be tabulated for the determination of the demand upon which

the great system of production is to be based. And all this would have

to be done not for one family alone, but for the millions of families

which constitute a modern State and for everyone of their members....

Even a cursory glance at the immense department stores of our large

cities with their thousands of different articles, will convince anyone

of the great variety of modern requirements.

“Moreover, the social demand is not at all constant; it varies

from month to month, from week to week, even from day to day. Many

requirements cannot be foreseen in the least; suddenly and unexpectedly

they make their presence felt. Weekly or even daily inquiries would

become necessary, or at least there would be needed numerous offices

where lists of requirements could be filed.

“However, it would not suffice to provide for single families. The

needs of society at large, all the public requirements, would also

have to be satisfied. In the first place would come the arrangements

for transportation: streets and roads, bridges, railways, canals,

vehicles of all kinds. The care of all this would be incumbent on the

paternal State. What an amount of daily exertion to supply a large city

with meat, milk, fruit, vegetables, etc. Private hotels would also be

abolished. It would become the functions of public officials to provide

shelter, food, and service for every comer, unless travelling is to be

forbidden in the Socialist commonwealth. Then, again, the whole of the

building business will be in the hands of the State. Public and private

edifices, dwellings, schools, hospitals, insane asylums, storehouses,

theatres, museums, public halls, post and telegraph offices, railroad

stations, would have to be erected and kept in repair, or enlarged

as necessity required. And these buildings could not be handed over

to contractors as is generally done nowadays; the State alone could

take care of drawing up the plans and specifications, of gathering

the necessary materials and workmen, of directing and supervising

the erection. If the State is supposed to do all this systematically,

without squandering an immense amount of labor and materials, the

extent and quality of the requirements in the entire commonwealth must

be ascertained long beforehand by some responsible authority.

“What the different cities and town administrations are doing now,

and as a rule through private contractors, in the matter of streets,

public health, water supply, lighting, baths, etc., would fall to the

care of the State. Physicians, surgeons, druggists, nurses, midwives,

would have to be appointed, and it would be incumbent upon the State to

provide for the professional education of a sufficient number of people

for all these offices. The State would have to find ways and means

to take care of education, of the press, literature, arts, theatres,

museums, etc.... To this would have to be added the management of

the farms, vineyards, vegetable gardens, cattle and stock raising,

the forests and fisheries, mining, smelting, and other industrial

processes. In all these departments, the requirements would have to

be accurately ascertained before there would be any question of a

systematic regulation of production.”

There are several important items that have been omitted, but it

does not seem necessary to enumerate them. Enough has been shown

to demonstrate that, to perform all this work and to compile such

an overwhelming amount of statistical labor alone, a huge army of

public officials will be required, and they must be public officials

of such capability and integrity as not to be subject to the human

weaknesses that are responsible for so many of the blunders in work

of this kind--blunders that might prove fatal to the entire system of

production and even threaten the very existence of the nation.

Do you think that human intelligence is equal to such a task? The

soap-box orator may call your attention to the fact that this work is

being done to-day. Yes, it is being done, but, as the Socialist so very

often asserts, many of our worst evils are due to the fact that the

work is being done so badly.

The Socialist also assures us that he will remedy all these evils,

which means that Socialism will do the work much better than it is

being performed at the present time. Do you think that this is

possible? Do you believe that so gigantic a system of State machinery

can be organized and made to operate without a hitch? Is it possible

that a system of collective government composed of human units, all

subject to human frailties, can perform what private enterprise, with

its vast resources and its boundless ambition, has never been able to

accomplish, especially when no hope of extra recompense stimulates

these human units in the performance of their appointed tasks?

Your pay envelope · 第 9 / 17 章