VII

It is, of course, easy to write of these evils, the difficult thing is

to find a remedy. Many attempts are being made; much discussion is

taking place about the future position of women in industry; training is

being given to adolescent girls; even schools for wives have been

formed. The newly established Ministry of Health has wide schemes for

maternity and child welfare. Never was so much expended to right things

that are wrong. Yet, I cannot think the remedies offered are likely to

be satisfactory.

Let me here pause for a moment to compare my view of the true remedy for

the present unsatisfactoriness of women's lives, and the consequent

wastage of baby lives, with those remedies now so commonly put forward

by the reformers. I assert that women are trying in vain to transfer

their affection from babies to machines, and to take care of their

babies, if they have them, in the few hours left over after days

seriously devoted to business. I will test the results in a way fairer

to my opponents than to myself, comparing the effects of their method

at its best with my system in circumstances little favorable to human

life.

Bradford is a wealthy town: spending some £40,000 annually on the care

of infants in a total population of 300,000. Its institutions and

arrangements for this purpose are famous; its infant department, its

graded municipal milk, its free-feeding for expectant mothers--all are

as nearly perfect as is possible; and the men who have developed and

direct its municipal system of protection for infants are well known for

their ability and enthusiasm. The birth-rate is as low as Malthusians

could desire. But all its care is but an attempt to lessen evils brought

about by a wrong system; for the mothers of Bradford are not in their

homes, but in woolen factories.

County Roscommon is a poor district in Ireland, with a primitive and

superstitious population of agriculturists; the birth-rate is very high,

and there is practically no public provision for the safeguarding of

infant life. But its backward ignorant mothers tend and feed their

babies after the manner of the earliest ages.

_The infant death-rate is 135 in Bradford, and 35 in Roscommon._

You will see what I wish to make plain. Those whom I criticize are

dealing with symptoms instead of working to remove the real cause of the

disease. They work hard and achieve little. Of course their efforts are

praiseworthy, and, under present conditions, frightfully necessary. But

they are just about as lastingly useful as trying to mend a badly broken

china cup at home with cheap cement. You know what happens: as soon as

you succeed in getting two pieces to stick together another piece

tumbles away, and, at last, if by excessive patience the work gets done

and the cup is mended, the first shock of hot water makes all the pieces

again fall apart. It is a solution that gives great opportunity of

employment, one indeed that goes on forever; perhaps that is why it

fascinates the child-like minds of the feminists. I want something very

different.

I want a tradition of life to hand on to our daughters and to their

daughters. We need a strongly deepened sense of womanly responsibility,

wide-spread and universally accepted; an up-to-date sense, if you like

that term. I have no fears of change. I would re-fix our moral standards

more fearlessly than many who think me old-fashioned. But what I want

to insist upon is this: _The standard of conduct must be fixed for

women._ Our children want something settled, not everything left

uncertain. Our morals (I do not mean our sexual morals only, but our

whole ethical and social conduct) has become like a skein of wool that

has been unraveled by a puppy. We want a firm broad way in which it is

good and possible for all of us to walk without hurting one another, not

the horrid scramble that to-day we accept as life.

The modern conception of personal rights is essentially individualistic,

and has arisen only under industrial values of life; the result of its

further application as a social criterion for women, must logically be

exactly what it has been in the experience of the past century: a bitter

and brutal struggle for self-aggrandizement, with the failures

remorselessly crushed underfoot, and the very idea of a fixed common

responsibility and common good for all forgotten or denied. My plea for

women is, therefore, based not upon the notion of equal rights, but

rather upon that of equal duties. Moral equality means equality in the

will to serve--not self, but all. And the practical correlative of this

conception must be a social organization which secures equalities of

opportunity for service to women and men. The only rights I desire to

claim for my sex are those necessary to the discharge of its own duties;

the fulfillment of the instinctive maternal craving; the realization of

the deepest impulses of a woman's nature.

The pitiless war of every individual against his, or her, fellow waged

with gold or with steel, can never make life other than mean and empty.

Women and men must learn again to regard themselves as part of a

mightier whole, one of the human race, and, as we feel in moments of

deeper insight, of the universe, which is a unity in spite of all the

discords it contains.

It follows from this, that I am not greatly concerned with what any

individual woman, or group of women, can do, or cannot do, should be

encouraged to do, or be restrained from doing, in competition with men

and with each other, but rather what is most right and worth while for

all women, _as women_, to do. _I do not want freedom for each woman to

do what she wants._

You see, in my view of life, such freedom can lead only to a more

degraded slavery. And because I am certain about this, I do not desire

success for women in the blind struggle based on the doctrine (so

fundamentally untrue in my opinion) of personal rights. A doctrine which

results inevitably in separations, in hatreds, in disorders and

struggling one with another. Unity of ideals and of conduct becomes

impossible. The general life is driven about in this way or the other,

directed by this purpose or by that, but always by individualistic

principles, and not to serve the good of all, but by each person for his

own, or her own, ends. How can order come out of such a way of life? Do

you think you are going to improve things in the old selfish ways. I

tell you the result can be nothing but a further failure of vision. The

mountain heights become obscured by the mists going up from the damp

valleys, and the soul loses its way.

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