The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***

Dates of addresses by Thomas Jefferson in this eBook:

December 8, 1801

December 15, 1802

October 17, 1803

November 8, 1804

December 3, 1805

December 2, 1806

October 27, 1807

November 8, 1808

***

State of the Union Address

Thomas Jefferson

December 8, 1801

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting the

great council of our nation I am able to announce to them on grounds of

reasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have for so many

years afflicted our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that

the communications of peace and commerce are once more opening among them.

Whilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent Being who has been

pleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we

are bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to Him that our own peace

has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted

quietly to cultivate the earth and to practice and improve those arts which

tend to increase our comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly

disposition received from all the powers with whom we have principle

relations had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have

been disturbed. But a cessation of irregularities which had affected the

commerce of neutral nations and of the irritations and injuries produced by

them can not but add to this confidence, and strengthens at the same time

the hope that wrongs committed on unoffending friends under a pressure of

circumstances will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as

founding just claims of retribution for the past and new assurance for the

future.

Among our Indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship generally

prevails, and I am happy to inform you that the continued efforts to

introduce among them the implements and the practice of husbandry and the

household arts have not been without success; that they are becoming more

and more sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and

subsistence over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing, and

already we are able to announce that instead of that constant diminution of

their numbers produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to

experience an increase of population.

To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only

exception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States,

had come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and

had permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to comply before a

given day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer.

I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances

to that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders to

protect our commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was

seasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war. His cruisers

were out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean

was blockaded and that of the Atlantic in peril.

The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan

cruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner Enterprise,

commanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger

vessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss

of a single one on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on that

element will, I trust, be a testimony to the world that it is not the want

of that virtue which makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious desire

to direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human

race, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the Constitution, without

the sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the vessel,

being disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated with its

crew.

The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing measures of

offense also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that of

its adversaries. I communicate all material information on this subject,

that in the exercise of this important function confided by the

Constitution to the Legislature exclusively their judgment may form itself

on a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight.

I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary States was

entirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place in the

performance of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by

immediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right

of considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their side. From

the papers which will be laid before you you will be enabled to judge

whether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of

their demands or as guarding from the exercise of force our vessels within

their power, and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave

our affairs with them in their present posture.

I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,

to a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ration of

representation and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of numbers

during the last 10 years, proceeding in geometric ratio, promises a

duplication in little more than 22 years. We contemplate this rapid growth

and the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may

enable us to do others in some future day, but to the settlement of the

extensive country still remaining vacant within our limits to the

multiplication of men susceptible of happiness, educated in the love of

order, habituated to self-government, and valuing its blessings above all

price.

Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced

an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a ratio far beyond

that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations now

taking place so desirably for the whole world may for a season affect this

branch of revenue, yet weighing all probabilities of expense as well as of

income, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely

dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps,

auctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on

news papers may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and

that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the

support of Government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and to

discharge the principals within shorter periods than the laws or the

general expectation had contemplated.

War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things and

call for expenses which imposts could not meet; but sound principles will

not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate

treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps,

happen but from the temptations offered by that treasure.

These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the

expectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction may

take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of the

civil Government, the Army, and Navy will need revisal.

When we consider that this Government is charged with the external and

mutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves have

principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation,

constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether

our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and

officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily and sometimes injuriously

to the service they were meant to promote.

I will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those

who, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury

or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the

ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely

traced in a first trial.

Among those who are dependent on Executive discretion I have begun the

reduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency

have been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue who

were found to obstruct the accountability of the institution have been

discontinued. Several agencies created by Executive authorities, on

salaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the

expediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises

to legislative inspection and sanction.

Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which

is requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained.

But the great mass of public offices is established by law, and therefore

by law alone can be abolished. Should the Legislature think it expedient to

pass this roll in review and try all its parts by the test of public

utility, they may be assured of every aid and light which Executive

information can yield.

Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies and

to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can

bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents

itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that

after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can

subsist, Government shall itself consume the whole residue of what it was

instituted to guard.

In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction it

would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by

appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of

definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the

appropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the

undefined field of contingencies and thereby circumscribing discretionary

powers over money, and by bringing back to a single department all

accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt,

efficacious, and uniform.

An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared

by the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. The

success which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that

with attention they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the

payments those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the

national debt will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained.

To these will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the

ensuing year. This last will, of course, be affected by such modifications

of the system of expense as you shall think proper to adopt.

A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature

consideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be

expedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole

amount is considerably short of the present military establishment. For the

surplus no particular use can be pointed out.

For defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it

conceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of

peace for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular

point in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only

force which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is the

body of the neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these,

collected from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the

invading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack, but if

it threatens to be permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be

engaged to relieve them. These considerations render it important that we

should at every session continue to amend the defects which from time to

time shew themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are

sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now or at any time separate until we

say we have done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy

at our door.

The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you

may judge of the additions still requisite.

With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be

expected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every part

of the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will probably

continue to be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever

annual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval

preparations would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles

which may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when

any exigence calls them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by

papers now communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as

directed by law.

How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and

establishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and

pursued in the execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses

already incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I have in certain

cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the Legislature might

determine whether so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated.

The works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and 5 of the 7

frigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up here, where,

besides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of the

Executive Administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves

also will be guided by your own view in the legislative provisions

respecting them which may from time to time be necessary. They are

preserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to

them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others

are yet to be laid up so soon as they shall have received the repairs

requisite to put them also into sound condition. As a superintending

officer will be necessary at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto

fixed by the Executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation. A

communication will also be made of our progress in the execution of the law

respecting the vessels directed to be sold.

The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present

considerations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale

sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the

efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within it,

others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection, so much

in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them as to make

it questionable what is best now to be done. A statement of those commenced

or projected, of the expenses already incurred, and estimates of their

future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you

may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws

respecting this subject.

Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our

prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual

enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes

be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or

inquiries they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our

constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient

assurance they will occupy your attention. We can not, indeed, but all feel

an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade

will soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is

a subject of important consideration.

The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion of

it recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of

Congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the

institution bears on the business it has to perform, I have caused to be

procured from the several States and now lay before Congress an exact

statement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the

courts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges

were brought in to their aid.

And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your

consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of

juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our

persons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to

their value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently

secured in those States where they are named by a marshal depending on

Executive will or designated by the court or by officers dependent on

them.

I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of

naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of

citizenship under a residence of 14 years is a denial to a great proportion

of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their first

settlement by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to

their prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from

distress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to

our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum

on this globe? The Constitution indeed has wisely provided that for

admission to certain offices of important trust a residence shall be

required sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the

general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to

everyone manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes

permanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the

fraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which brings so much

embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much danger to the

nation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be spared to detect

and suppress it?

These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation

which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at

this time. Some others of less moment or not yet ready for communication

will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of

committing the arduous affairs of our Government to the collected wisdom of

the Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform as far as in my

power the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful

execution.

The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within your

own walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion,

and by its example will encourage among our constituents that progress of

opinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all

should be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but

I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will

cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for their

object to preserve the General and State Governments in their

constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order

and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of

administration favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to

reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of Government.

***

State of the Union Address

Thomas Jefferson

December 15, 1802

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

When we assemble together, fellow citizens, to consider the state of our

beloved country, our just attentions are first drawn to those pleasing

circumstances which mark the goodness of that Being from whose favor they

flow and the large measure of thankfulness we owe for His bounty. Another

year has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship

abroad; law, order, and religion at home; good affection and harmony with

our Indian neighbors; our burthens lightened, yet our income sufficient for

the public wants, and the produce of the year great beyond example. These,

fellow citizens, are the circumstances under which we meet, and we remark

with special satisfaction those which under the smiles of Providence result

from the skill, industry, and order of our citizens, managing their own

affairs in their own way and for their own use, unembarrassed by too much

regulation, unoppressed by fiscal exactions.

On the restoration of peace in Europe that portion of the general carrying

trade which had fallen to our share during the war was abridged by the

returning competition of the belligerent powers. This was to be expected,

and was just. But in addition we find in some parts of Europe monopolizing

discriminations, which in the form of duties tend effectually to prohibit

the carrying thither our own produce in our own vessels. From existing

amities and a spirit of justice it is hoped that friendly discussion will

produce a fair and adequate reciprocity. But should false calculations of

interest defeat our hope, it rests with the Legislature to decide whether

they will meet inequalities abroad with countervailing inequalities at

home, or provide for the evil in any other way.

It is with satisfaction I lay before you an act of the British Parliament

anticipating this subject so far as to authorize a mutual abolition of the

duties and countervailing duties permitted under the treaty of 1794. It

shows on their part a spirit of justice and friendly accommodation which it

is our duty and our interest to cultivate with all nations. Whether this

would produce a due equality in the navigation between the two countries is

a subject for your consideration.

Another circumstance which claims attention as directly affecting the very

source of our navigation is the defect or the evasion of the law providing

for the return of sea men, and particularly of those belonging to vessels

sold abroad. Numbers of them, discharged in foreign ports, have been thrown

on the hands of our consuls, who, to rescue them from the dangers into

which their distresses might plunge them and save them to their country,

have found it necessary in some cases to return them at the public charge.

The cession of the Spanish Province of Louisiana to France, which took

place in the course of the late war, will, if carried into effect, make a

change in the aspect of our foreign relations which will doubtless have

just weight in any deliberations of the Legislature connected with that

subject.

There was reason not long since to apprehend that the warfare in which we

were engaged with Tripoli might be taken up by some other of the Barbary

Powers. A reenforcement, therefore, was immediately ordered to the vessels

already there. Subsequent information, however, has removed these

apprehensions for the present. To secure our commerce in that sea with the

smallest force competent, we have supposed it best to watch strictly the

harbor of Tripoli. Still, however, the shallowness of their coast and the

want of smaller vessels on our part has permitted some cruisers to escape

unobserved, and to one of these an American vessel unfortunately fell prey.

The captain, one American sea man, and two others of color remain prisoners

with them unless exchanged under an agreement formerly made with the

Bashaw, to whom, on the faith of that, some of his captive subjects had

been restored.

The convention with the State of Georgia has been ratified by their

legislature, and a repurchase from the Creeks has been consequently made of

a part of the Talasscee country. In this purchase has been also

comprehended a part of the lands within the fork of Oconee and Oakmulgee

rivers. The particulars of the contract will be laid before Congress so

soon as they shall be in a state for communication.

In order to remove every ground of difference possible with our Indian

neighbors, I have proceeded in the work of settling with them and marking

the boundaries between us. That with the Choctaw Nation is fixed in one

part and will be through the whole within a short time. The country to

which their title had been extinguished before the Revolution is sufficient

to receive a very respectable population, which Congress will probably see

the expediency of encouraging so soon as the limits shall be declared. We

are to view this position as an outpost of the United States, surrounded by

strong neighbors and distant from its support; and how far that monopoly

which prevents population should here be guarded against and actual

habitation made a condition of the continuance of title will be for your

consideration. A prompt settlement, too, of all existing rights and claims

within this territory presents itself as a preliminary operation.

In that part of the Indiana Territory which includes Vincennes the lines

settled with the neighboring tribes fix the extinction of their title at a

breadth of 24 leagues from east to west and about the same length parallel

with and including the Wabash. They have also ceded a tract of 4 miles

square, including the salt springs near the mouth of that river.

In the Department of Finance it is with pleasure I inform you, that the

receipts of external duties for the last 12 months have exceeded those of

any former year, and that the ration of increase has been also greater than

usual. This has enabled us to answer all the regular exigencies of

Government, to pay from the Treasury within one year upward of $8 millions,

principal and interest, of the public debt, exclusive of upward of $1

million paid by the sale of bank stock, and making in the whole a

reduction of nearly $5.5 millions of principal, and to have now in the

Treasury $4.5 millions which are in a course of application to the

further discharge of debt and current demands. Experience, too, so far,

authorizes us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the

expenses which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than were

contemplated by Congress at their last session, that we shall not be

disappointed in the expectations then formed. But nevertheless, as the

effect of peace on the amount of duties is not yet fully ascertained, it

is the more necessary to practice every useful economy and to incur no

expense which may be avoided without prejudice.

The collection of the internal taxes having been completed in some of the

States, the officers employed in it are of course out of commission. In

others they will be so shortly. But in a few, where the arrangements for

the direct tax had been retarded, it will be some time before the system is

closed. It has not yet been thought necessary to employ the agent

authorized by an act of the last session for transacting business in Europe

relative to debts and loans. Nor have we used the power confided by the

same act of prolonging the foreign debt by reloans, and of redeeming

instead thereof an equal sum of the domestic debt. Should, however, the

difficulties of remittance on so large a scale render it necessary at any

time, the power shall be executed and the money thus employed abroad shall,

in conformity with that law, be faithfully applied here in an equivalent

extinction of domestic debt.

When effects so salutary result from the plans you have already sanctioned;

when merely by avoiding false objects of expense we are able, without a

direct tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing to make large and

effectual payments toward the discharge of our public debt and the

emancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an

encouragement, fellow citizens, of the highest order to proceed as we have

begun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful

for a nation placed as we are, rather than what is practiced by others

under different circumstances. And when so ever we are destined to meet

events which shall call forth all the energies of our country-men, we have

the firmest reliance on those energies and the comfort of leaving for calls

like these the extraordinary resources of loans and internal taxes. In the

mean time, by payments of the principal of our debt, we are liberating

annually portions of the external taxes and forming from them a growing

fund still further to lessen the necessity of recurring to extraordinary

resources.

The usual account of receipts and expenditures for the last year, with an

estimate of the expenses of the ensuing one, will be laid before you by the

Secretary of the Treasury.

No change being deemed necessary in our military establishment, an estimate

of its expenses for the ensuing year on its present footing, as also of the

sums to be employed in fortifications and other objects within that

department, has been prepared by the Secretary of War, and will make a part

of the general estimates which will be presented you.

Considering that our regular troops are employed for local purposes, and

that the militia is our general reliance for great and sudden emergencies,

you will doubtless think this institution worthy of a review, and give it

those improvements of which you find it susceptible.

Estimates for the Naval Department, prepared by the Secretary of the Navy,

for another year will in like manner be communicated with the general

estimates. A small force in the Mediterranean will still be necessary to

restrain the Tripoline cruisers, and the uncertain tenure of peace with

some other of the Barbary Powers may eventually require that force to be

augmented. The necessity of procuring some smaller vessels for that service

will raise the estimate, but the difference in their maintenance will soon

make it a measure of economy.

Presuming it will be deemed expedient to expend annually a convenient sum

toward providing the naval defense which our situation may require, I can

not but recommend that the first appropriations for that purpose may go to

the saving what we already possess. No cares, no attentions, can preserve

vessels from rapid decay which lie in water and exposed to the sun. These

decays require great and constant repairs, and will consume, if continued,

a great portion of the moneys destined to naval purposes. To avoid this

waste of our resources it is proposed to add to our navy-yard here a dock

within which our present vessels may be laid up dry and under cover from

the sun. Under these circumstances experience proves that works of wood

will remain scarcely at all affected by time. The great abundance of

running water which this situation possesses, at heights far above the

level of the tide, if employed as is practiced for lock navigation,

furnishes the means for raising and laying up our vessels on a dry and

sheltered bed. And should the measure be found useful here, similar

depositories for laying up as well as for building and repairing vessels

may hereafter be undertaken at other navy-yards offering the same means.

The plans and estimates of the work, prepared by a person of skill and

experience, will be presented to you without delay, and from this it will

be seen that scarcely more than has been the cost of one vessel is necessary

to save the whole, and that the annual sum to be employed toward its

completion may be adapted to the views of the Legislature as to naval

expenditure. To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all

their lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries of

navigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted

to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact

discharge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same

care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens

no unnecessary burthens; to keep in all things within the pale of our

constitutional powers, and cherish the federal union as the only rock of

safety--these, fellow citizens, are the land-marks by which we are to

guide ourselves in all proceedings. By continuing to make these the rule of

our action we shall endear to our country-men the true principles of their

Constitution and promote an union of sentiment and of action equally

auspicious to their happiness and safety. On my part, you may count on a

cordial concurrence in every measure for the public good and on all the

information I possess which may enable you to discharge to advantage the

high functions with which you are invested by your country.

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