PREFACE

Historical researches which throw fresh light on the consequences of the

Napoleonic invasion of Egypt are a matter of general interest, since the

forces set in motion in 1798 are still at work in the life of East and

West alike. There are two nations, however, which are concerned in a

particularly intimate way: the Egyptians, whose country—with its

wonderful productivity and its unrivalled strategic position—has been

one of the two focuses of the so-called Eastern Question (the other

focus being the Black Sea Straits), and the British, who eventually

succeeded to the heritage which Napoleon staked out as a prize to be

contended for, through War and Diplomacy, by the Western Powers. The

historical work introduced by this foreword has been written, in

English, by an Egyptian historian who has made postgraduate studies in

two British Universities and is now engaged in public work in his own

country. It is to be hoped that an Arabic translation of the book will

be published in due course in Egypt, in order that it may be accessible

to students of history in both countries. In the opinion of the writer

of this prefatory note (who had the pleasure of “supervising” part of

Mr. Ghorbal’s researches—a “supervision” in which he learnt more than he

taught), Mr. Ghorbal possesses just that combination of qualifications

which these researches require. He is in personal touch with both East

and West—with the East because it is his home, and with the West because

he has lived and studied here—and at the same time he is so thoroughly

detached from the passions and prejudices that enter into his field of

study that—were not his name printed on the title page—it would be

difficult to guess from internal evidence whether the author were an

Englishman, a Frenchman, an Egyptian, or none of these. This is a

remarkable achievement because these passions and prejudices of more

than a century ago are not without a bearing on contemporary

controversies between Englishmen and Egyptians. Yet no reflection of

contemporary politics can be discerned in Mr. Ghorbal’s work. When it is

added that Mr. Ghorbal understands not only the science of extracting

information from archives, but the art of presenting the information

which he obtains, enough will have been said to show that this book is

very well worth reading, if only for the author’s merits. Nor is this

one of those good books on bad subjects. The subject which Mr. Ghorbal

has chosen to study is as good as can be desired.

Let anyone who is not alive to its fascination turn to the passage in

the contemporary Egyptian historian, Djabarti (he has been published in

a French translation as well as in his own original Arabic), in which he

describes the descent of the French upon Egypt in 1798. The piquancy of

the situation lay in the fact that the French had descended on Egypt

before—in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—at a time when they had

been the inferiors of the Orientals in general civilisation, not

excluding the art of war. The mediæval French Knight had been a clumsier

and less expert version of the Mameluke; and accordingly, when he tried

conclusions with the Mameluke, he had been badly beaten and had

abandoned the attempt to conquer Egypt as a total failure. For five and

a half centuries the Frenchman left Egypt alone, while he metamorphosed

himself from the Frank of 1250 into the Westerner of 1798. For five and

a half centuries the Mamelukes remained as they were (except that they

abandoned their Central Asian bows for English carbines) and they

naturally assumed that the French had changed as little as they had

changed themselves. Consequently, when they heard that Napoleon had had

the temerity to land at Alexandria, they proposed to deal with him as

they had dealt with St. Louis. Light-heartedly they rode out to trample

his little army under their horses’ hoofs, and then suddenly they

encountered not men (as human capacity was conceived of by Orientals in

1798), but creatures armed with all the incomprehensible and

irresistible powers of Mr. Wells’s “Martians.” At the first onset, these

Occidental “Martians” carried all before them, and Oriental mankind was

stunned. Egypt became a battleground on which superhuman Frenchmen and

superhuman Englishmen fought one another.

Then there appeared in Egypt the Oriental man of genius who disputes

with Napoleon the title to be the leading personality in this drama:

Mehemet Ali. Like the troglodyte artilleryman in Mr. Wells’s story,

Mehemet Ali had the imagination and the audacity to conceive the idea of

stealing the supermen’s thunder. He saw that the French and English were

not gods, after all, but men of like passions with the Turks and

Egyptians. Their superiority lay in technique and organisation, and the

secret of these could be learnt. The first Oriental man of action to

learn this secret might become the master of Egypt, and Mehemet Ali

determined to be that man. Though Mr. Ghorbal does not carry the story

of Mehemet Ali down beyond 1812, he shows him already reaping in Egypt

the harvest which Napoleon had sown.

These two principal characters occupy the front of the stage and rivet

the attention, but there are a number of minor characters who contribute

to the interest and the entertainment of the play. We see Sultan Mahmud

II of Turkey just coming into action. In his obstinate refusal to

surrender the Danubian Principalities he is already displaying that

staying-power which was to make him the embodiment of the Turkish

national character and the preserver of the Ottoman Empire. We see

Abdallah Jacques Menou, the ex-aristocrat-turned-Muslim commander of the

French Army in Egypt after the departure of Napoleon and the

assassination of Kléber, speculating on the application of the “single

tax” to Egyptian fiscal conditions while the British expeditionary

forces close in on him from the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. We see

Sir Sidney Smith conducting his psychological offensive against the

home-sickness of the French Army of Egypt and its supposed anti-

Republican proclivities. We see Lord Elgin dividing the time which he

was presumed to be devoting to diplomatic activities on behalf of his

country to the collection of Turkish “purses” and Greek “marbles.” We

see the Mameluke Bey Elfi carrying away “a taste for milk punch” as the

fruit of his visit to England. And we see Dundas passing sleepless

nights over the French menace to India, but failing to make the flesh of

his colleagues in the Cabinet creep in sympathy with his own.

These are a few features taken at random from Mr. Ghorbal’s very

thorough and comprehensive, and also very readable, study. He has gone

back to the original authorities at every point (a good illustration of

this is his re-examination of the celebrated report of Sebastiani) and

he has treated his subject on the right scale. He has realised that

Egypt was a pawn in a diplomatic game played at Constantinople, and that

this game itself was a “side-show” in the bigger game of Western

politics. That, however, which was a “sideshow” from the standpoint of

the West was the first act in an economic, political and cultural

revolution from the standpoint of the Oriental World.

The beginnings of the Egyptian question and the rise of Mehemet Ali · 第 31 / 154 题