CHAPTER XXXII.

EUREKA.

“Like one who had set out on his way by night, and travelled

through a region of smooth or idle dreams, our history now arrives

on the confines, where daylight and truth meet us with a clear

dawn, representing to our view, though at far distance, true colors

and shapes.”

MILTON, _History of England_.

When Great Britain, looking through the eyes of the Long Parliament

in 1641, glanced across the Atlantic, she was surprised to see that

the despised bantling of 1620 had, against all discouragements,

staggered to its feet, and stood a nation, self-sustaining, robust,

independent.

Already twenty-one thousand Pilgrims were permanently seated in

New England;[1048] fifty prosperous villages[1049] peeped from the

openings in the long unbroken forests. The steeples of forty churches

pointed their white fingers to the sky.[1050] The rude log-cabins

of the first months of settlement had been replaced by well-built

houses.[1051] Agriculture climbed the hill-sides. Commerce played

by the sea-shore. Trade laughed and chaffed and dickered in the

market-place. The spindle and the loom nodded merrily to each other

over their work, as they labored side by side in the fabrication of

“cotton and woollen and linen cloth;” for manufactures were even thus

early established in New England.[1052]

And the Pilgrims had a foreign influence. When a Madeira merchant

visited Boston in 1642, he told Winthrop that the West Indian Jesuits

taught that the “New-Englanders were the worst of all heretics, and

that they were the cause of the civil war in the British island, and

of the downfall of Archbishop Laud.”[1053]

The Pilgrims in England cordially recognized their kinship to the

exiles. When the Parliament held regal prerogatives, in 1641,

the colonists were urgently advised to solicit the admission of

their delegates to its floor. “But upon consulting about it,” says

Winthrop, “we declined the motion, for this consideration, that if

we should put ourselves under the protection of the Parliament,

we should then be subject to all its laws, or at least to such

as the Commons might be pleased to impose on us; which might be

inconvenient, and prove very prejudicial to us.”[1054] And when, a

twelvemonth later, “letters arrived inviting the colonial churches to

send representatives to the Westminster Assembly of Divines, the same

sagacity led them to neglect the invitation. The love of political

independence declined even benefits. New England spoke almost as one

sovereign to another.”[1055]

The Pilgrims were singularly jealous of their franchises, and they

never neglected an opportunity to consolidate and enlarge their

liberty. And now, since the days had come when England was rent by

the demon of war, when the throne tottered to its fall, when exultant

republicanism, speaking through the lips of Cromwell, shouted, “_Sic

semper tyrannis!_” as the head of a royal despot was struck off, the

colonists had ample time in which to develop and define their rights.

Thus, exciting and momentous as were the scenes enacted on the

European stage, and deeply as the Forefathers were interested in

the issue, they were not won to overlook their own home drama. They

were busy at this very time in reaping the benefits of secure and

liberal domestic legislation. A bill of rights was promulgated; and

under this, “though universal suffrage was not established, every

man, whether citizen or alien, received the right of introducing

any business into any public assembly, and of taking part in its

deliberations. Then Massachusetts, by special law, offered free

welcome and aid, at the public cost, to Christians of any nationality

who might fly beyond the Atlantic ‘to escape from wars or famine,

or the oppression of their persecutors.’ Thus the fugitive and the

downtrodden were, by statute, made the guests of the commonwealth.

Pilgrim hospitality was as wide as misfortune.”[1056]

This noble legislation was but the forerunner of a yet more

significant act. In 1643, after several prior ineffectual

essays, the four chief colonies of New England clasped hands in

a confederacy.[1057] Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Haven, and

Plymouth, by solemn and free agreement, became the “UNITED COLONIES

OF NEW ENGLAND.”[1058] The Dutch Republic was the model of this

union;[1059] and the reasons which impelled the Pilgrims to cement it

are recited in the preamble to the twelve Articles of Agreement:

“Whereas, we all came into these parts of America with one and

the same end and aim, namely, to advance the kingdom of our Lord

Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity

and peace; and whereas, in our settling—by a wise providence of

God—we are farther dispersed upon the seacoasts and rivers than was

at first intended, so that we cannot, according to our desires,

with convenience communicate in one government and jurisdiction;

and whereas we live encompassed with people of several nations

and strange languages, which may hereafter prove injurious to

us or our posterity; and forasmuch as the natives have formerly

committed sundry insolences and outrages upon several plantations

of the English, and have of late combined themselves against us;

and seeing, by reason of these sad distractions in England, which

the Indians have heard of, and by which they know we are hindered

from that humble way of seeking advice or reaping those comfortable

fruits of protection which at other times we might well expect; we

hereby conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a

present consociation for mutual help and strength in all our future

concernments; that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects,

we be and continue one.”[1060]

The old Hindoo dreamed that he saw the human race led out to its

varied fortune. First, he saw men bitted and curbed, and the reins

went back to an iron hand. But his dream changed on and on, until

at last he saw men led by reins that came from the brain and ran

back into shadowy fingers. It was the type of progress. The first

was despotism; the last was a government of ideas, of morals, of the

normal forces of society.[1061] The New England Confederation was the

forerunner of a mightier union; and when Liberty saw it, she cried,

“Eureka!” and thanked God.

The machinery of the league was very simple, very sensible, and

very effective. The colonies were co-equal. Each appointed two

commissioners, who formed a directory, which was to hold an annual

session. The commissioners were empowered to assemble more frequently

if necessity pressed; and they could deliberate on all matters which

were “the proper concomitants or consequents of confederation.”[1062]

“The affairs of peace and war exclusively belonged to them. They

were authorized to make internal improvements at the common charge,

assessed according to population. They too were the guardians to see

equal and speedy justice assured to all the confederates in every

jurisdiction; but each colony carefully reserved its respective local

rights, as the badges of continued independence; so that, while the

commissioners might decree war and levy troops, they had no executive

power, but were dependent on the states for the execution of the

plans they matured and voted.”[1063]

Two bodies of colonists were rigidly excluded from this union.

Gorges’ pioneers, beyond the Piscataqua, were not admitted,

because “they ran a different course” from the Pilgrims, “both in

their ministry and in their civil administration.” Providence and

Rhode Island were shut out, partly because they were not esteemed

sufficiently strong and settled to add strength to the league,

and also because they were regarded as the haunts of heresy and

fanaticism.[1064] It was thought that the confederacy, in order to be

effective, should be homogeneous. On that basis it was launched; and,

surviving “the jealousies of the Long Parliament, it met with favor

from the Protector, remained safe from censure at the restoration of

the Stuarts,” and walked buoyantly on, scattering its benefactions

on the right hand and on the left, until James II. vacated the New

England charters, in 1686.[1065]

The colonial union was the crowning service of the founders of New

England to humanity. Now they began, one by one, to descend into the

grave, worn to early death by a toilsome grapple with the rough and

grinding forces of nature. But in their footsteps trudged their sons,

succeeding to the same blessed inheritance of faith, and love, and

godly energy.[1066]

Travellers tell us that at Florence there is a rich table, worth a

thousand crowns, made of precious stones neatly inlaid, in whose

construction thirty men were employed daily for fifteen years. The

Pilgrim Fathers were twice that time in carving out and inlaying

New England with churches, and free schools, and printing-presses,

and manufactures. Think of their task. “That gore of land, a few

hundred miles wide and long, which lies between the St. Lawrence and

the Atlantic ocean, and seems to have been formed of the leavings

and fragments after the rest of the continent was made, whose ribs

stick out past all covering; which has sand enough to scour the

world; where there are no large rivers, but many nimble little ones,

which seem to have been busy since the flood in taking exercise over

rifts and rocks. This was their field of action. The only indigenous

productions were ice, Indians, and stunted trees. Trading and

commercial adventurers had essayed to effect a settlement in vain.

The soil was too hard even for Indians and rovers. It was apparently

set apart for a wilderness, and it had peculiar aptitudes for keeping

man away from it. Its summers were short, its winters were long, its

rocks were innumerable, its soil was thin.” Yet the Pilgrims entered

and subdued this waste, making it to bud with churches and to bloom

with schools; cultivating it to the sterile hill-tops; dotting the

landscape with neat farm-houses, factories, mills, the evidences and

the tokens of a ripe, full civilization.

But the fierce struggle with nature left its scars upon the Pilgrims,

and it has marked their children. They had to seize and impress into

their service every help. This begot the inventive faculty, and the

habit of looking at every thing from the angle of its utility. This

it was which strung factories on every stream-side, as gold beads

are hung on a silver cord; which used every drop of water a dozen

times over in turning wheels before it was suffered to run, weary

and fretted, to the sea; which sent the little feet toddling to the

woodpile to pick up chips; which made labor-saving machines, those

gnomes whose cunning fingers were to work up the black earth and the

hard rock into golden grains.

“Looking, therefore, at civilization in New England, we see a

people beginning without aristocracy or hierarchical forms. We see

the leading men among them educated and honorable; the working men

devoted to agriculture and owners of the soil. We see all resisting

the incoming of a state church, persistently opposing a distant but

domineering court; and, singularly enough, through nigh two centuries

of savage and civilized war, steadily refusing to organize a standing

army, trusting to the native valor of the mass. Thus the commonalty

educated themselves by daily practice in self-government, until, at

this present time, rulers there are simply lay-figures for show-days.”

“The Pilgrims were readers. Drunkenness, pauperism, filth, and

dilapidation, nowhere abounded. They were thrifty, and industrious,

and frugal; and so, though the land was poor, they lived in comfort.

Money was hard to get, and carefully spent; no man lavished it,

or lent it except on good security; yet nowhere else was there

such a constant contribution for the relief of suffering or the

cure of secular and religious ignorance; nowhere else would men

more quickly risk life and health to serve a fellow. As there was

no aristocracy, so there was no inferior or pariah class, except

when, at an unguarded moment, negro slavery crept in for a time.

But servitude was so palpably contrary to the genius and principles

of the Pilgrims, that it was banished as soon as the mind and

conscience grappled with it;” for the corner-stone of New England was

religion, and the top-stone was honest, self-respecting, well-paid,

and skilled labor. Religion and labor begot that spirit which has

tamed the continent, cheered it with churches and schools, set the

busy spindles humming and the shuttles flying, plunged into the

earth and into the sea, run over the prairies, talking by lightning

from the Atlantic to the Pacific, until the whole land where men are

intelligent, industrious, and free, seems singing and smiling at its

daily work.

The Pilgrim Fathers literally obeyed the injunction of the great

German poet—they knew the aim and reason of yesterday; they worked

well to-day for worthy things, calmly trusting the future’s hidden

season, and believing with unquestioning faith that their children

would eat of the fruit of the tree which they had planted in a

sterile soil and under wintry skies. Patient in waiting, they never

hurried; they did not dig up their seed every twelve hours to see

whether it had sprouted. Without haste, they were also without rest;

and in their treatment of causes, they never paused to worry and fret

about effects; for they knew that justice was the best policy, and

that the steady every-day bravery which vaunteth not itself is more

than a match for the Hotspur valor which presumes that any cause is

good which is desperately defended.

The Pilgrims were men of conscience; and this they carried with them

into work and into statesmanship. Quincy Adams once, in a happy

moment, called New England “the colony of conscience.” It was a

religious plantation, not an essay for trade. “He that made religion

as twelve and the world as thirteen had not the spirit of a true New

England man.” “Religion was the object of the Pilgrims; it was also

their consolation. With this the wounds of the outcast were healed,

and the tears of exile were sweetened.”

Puritanism has been finely called religion struggling for the

people—evoking, in the logical sequence of events, political

equality. “Those peculiar outward emblems, which were its badges at

first, were of transient duration; like the clay and ligaments with

which the graft is held in its place, made to be brushed away as

soon as the scion is firmly united. The spirit of the Pilgrims was a

life-giving spirit; activity, thrift, intelligence, liberty, followed

in its train; and as for courage, a coward and a Puritan never went

together. ‘He that prays best and preaches best will fight best;’

such was the judgment of Cromwell, the greatest soldier of his age.”

From any enumeration of the elements of the early colonial felicity,

purity of morals must not be omitted. “As Ireland would not brook

venomous serpents, so would not that land vile livers.” One might

dwell there “from year to year, and not see a drunkard, nor hear an

oath, nor meet a beggar.” The consequence was wide-spread health, one

of the chief promoters of social happiness.

As for the soil, it was owned by the colonists. It was bought

and paid for. The little farms, the straggling villages, the

slowly-growing towns, were the absolute private property of

their occupants; and in a time of unusual commotion, when their

settlements, for which they had done and dared so much, seemed

menaced with subversion—seemed liable to be converted into a

receptacle for all the spawn of England—the Pilgrims assumed to

decide, standing on their own grounds, who should be welcomed among

them as fellow-citizens, who should be treated as guests, and who

should be bidden to depart, never to return under the heaviest

penalty.

Yet “on every subject but religion, the mildness of Puritan

legislation corresponded to the popular character of the Puritan

doctrines. Hardly a European nation has as yet made its criminal code

as humane as was that of early New England. The Pilgrims brushed a

crowd of offences at one sweep from the catalogue of capital crimes.

They never countenanced the idea that the forfeiture of human life

may be demanded for the protection of material interests. The

punishment for theft, burglary, highway robbery, was far more mild

than the penalties imposed even by modern American legislation.

Domestic discipline was highly valued; but if the law was severe

against the child who was undutiful, it was also severe against

the parent who was faithless. The earlier laws did not decree

imprisonment for debt, except when there was an appearance of some

estate which the debtor would not produce. Even the brute creation

was not forgotten; and cruelty to animals was a civil offence. The

sympathies of the colonists were wide; a regard for Protestant

Germany was as old as emigration; and during the Thirty Years’ war,

the Pilgrims held fasts and offered prayers for the success of the

Saxon cause”—crowned with the gospel.

But the glory of the Pilgrim Fathers was their faith. They trusted

God, and acted. The secret of their strength and success was the

open Bible and the family altar. They were men, and therefore not

infallible. They sometimes erred grievously, and walked limping and

awry; but they always meant right, and with God’s word as a lamp

to their feet, they could not stray and grope far or long from the

sunlight. To much that the Pilgrim conscientiously believed, and with

his whole heart accepted, the present age has grown careless; we are

lukewarm or indifferent upon some points which he esteemed vital;

but it is small credit to us, if we are tolerant of error simply

because we care little for truth. In former times New England was

not latitudinarian; and, clad in her sparkling snow, crowned with

her evergreen pine, the glory of her brow was justice, the splendor

of her eye was liberty, the strength of her hands was industry,

the whiteness of her bosom was faith; for the Pilgrims were men

of absolute conviction. Moral earnestness was the key with which

they unlocked the treasure-house of success. They were always true

to their highest conceptions; and they could say as Paul said to

Agrippa, “I obeyed the heavenly vision.”

Yet they were not visionaries, but they made that fine distinction

between material nature and spirituality: “giving to Cæsar the things

which are Cæsar’s, and unto God the things which are God’s.” Thus it

was that, though they were the most practical of men, they were also

the most spiritual—wedding a paradox.

The curse of our age is materialism. We kindle only within the

sphere of material interests and pursuits. On higher subjects we

are as cold as an ice-field on the breast of Alp. There is an

apotheosis of dirt. Men do not half believe in what they cannot see,

and feel, and handle. They group about them the tokens of their

skill—steam-engines, and telegraphs, and sewing-machines—and worship

these as the ultimate good, saying, “See, these are the realities of

life.”

The Pilgrim spirit protests against this tendency. It comes to remind

us that the controllers of the present, the moulders of the future,

are not the babblers who plead for an unreal realism; that they are

not the heaviest brains of the epoch, but the heroes of religious

earnestness, men inspired by drinking from the spiritual springs,

men who go forth to fight like the red knight of Odessa, with the

cross emblazoned on their shield, and with Christ buried in their

hearts. Behind intellect there must be a ground-swell of religious

earnestness, else brains are a snare, and useless. Rousseau, and

Voltaire, and Pascal, do not mark the ages. Name them anywhere, and

scores of vacant eyes will ask you, “Who are they?” The Luthers,

the Calvins, the Ridleys, the Brewsters, shake the world, seize

all hearts, and educate the centuries, because they were fired by

conviction, and built for God.

This is the lesson which the story of the Pilgrims teaches us. Let

us heed it; and then, clasping hands with the martyrs and apostles,

we too may press forward with our “garlands and singing-robes about

us,” and by battling for Christ, insure for ourselves in the long

hereafter a blessed rest and a fragrant memory.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Palfrey, Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 101.

[2] Perhaps this whole chapter of history is nowhere more graphically

treated than in D’Aubigné’s Hist. of the Ref. in the Sixteenth

Century. See also, Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes.

[3] Uhden, New England Theocracy, p. 15.

[4] Grote, Hist. of Greece.

[5] Preface to Warburton’s Divine Legation.

[6] Neale, Hist. of the Puritans. Collier’s Church Hist. Hallam,

Const. Hist. of Eng.

[7] See “An Account of the Principles and Practices of Several

Non-conformists, wherein it appears that their religion is no other

than that which is professed in the Church of England,” etc. By Mr.

John Corbet; London, 1682.

[8] Elliot, Hist. of New Eng., vol. 1, p. 43.

[9] Fuller, Church Hist. Strype, Life of Parker. Heylin, Life of Lord

Clarendon.

[10] Palfrey, Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 113, note.

[11] Palfrey, Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 114.

[12] Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches.

[13] Fuller, Ch. Hist., vol. 3. Rymer’s Fœdera, vol. 16, p. 694.

[14] Goodrich, Ch. Hist.

[15] Neale, History of the Puritans, vol. 1. Rushworth, Clarendon,

etc.

[16] Parliamentary History.

[17] Strype, Life of Whitgift. Bradshaw, English Puritanism, 1605.

[18] Calderwood, True Hist. of the Ch. of Scotland. Perry, Ch. Hist.,

vol. 1.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Fuller, Ch. Hist., vol. 3. Hume, Hist. of Eng., etc.

[21] Barlow’s Account of the Hampton Court Conference. A copy of it

is in Harvard college library. Harrington, Nugæ Antiquæ.

[22] Palfrey, Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 131.

[23] Bradford, Hist. of the Plymouth Plantation, p. 9.

[24] Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, pp. 277, 278.

[25] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation.

[26] Ibid., Morton’s Memorial, Founders of New Plymouth, etc.

[27] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation, pp. 10, 11. See also Neal’s

Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 76.

[28] Some authorities say 1602. Newell, for instance, p. 348, citing

the British Quarterly Review. But so competent an authority as

Bradford gives the date in the text. See also Young’s Chronicles, etc.

[29] Bradford, p. 12.

[30] Ibid. Young’s Chronicles of the Pilgrims.

[31] Bradford, p. 12.

[32] Stoughton, Spiritual Heroes, p. 72.

[33] British Quarterly Review, vol. 1, p. 15.

[34] Stoughton, Young, Bancroft.

[35] Young’s Chronicles, Stoughton, Bradford, etc.

[36] Stoughton.

[37] British Quarterly Review, vol. 1, p. 15.

[38] Stoughton, p. 74.

[39] Young, cited in Stoughton, p. 74.

[40] Young’s Chronicles, p. 29.

[41] The facts in the above description of Amsterdam are taken from

Motley’s Rise of the Dutch Republic, from various accounts of travels

in the Low Countries, and particularly from the very interesting and

instructive “Tour” of W. Chambers. London, 1837.

[42] Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, p. 303.

[43] Ibid. Bradford, Young, Stoughton, etc.

[44] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation.

[45] Stoughton, p. 82. Young’s Chronicles.

[46] Morton’s Memorial, Prince, Bradford.

[47] Bradford, Cotton Mather, etc.

[48] Stoughton, p. 82.

[49] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation, p. 17.

[50] Golden Book of Marcus Aurelius; first printed in English in

1534. Debley’s Typog. Antiq., vol. 3, p. 289.

[51] Bradford, pp. 17, 18.

[52] Bradford, pp. 17, 18. Young, etc.

[53] Bradford, pp. 17, 18.

[54] Cotton Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 47.

[55] Bradford, p. 18. Stoughton.

[56] Cited in Stoughton, p. 84.

[57] Robinson died at Leyden, March 1, 1625.

[58] For an interesting account of Ziska, or Zisca, the blind Hussite

leader of the Bohemian insurgents, who was never defeated, see

Mosheim’s Eccles. Hist., cent. XV., Hallam’s Hist. of the Middle

Ages, vol. 1, p. 463, or the Encyclopædia Americana, article “Zisca.”

[59] Bradford, pp. 18, 19.

[60] Ibid., pp. 19, 20.

[61] The Walloons inhabited the southern Belgic provinces bordering

on France. As they spoke the French language, “they were called

_Gallois_, which was changed, in Low Dutch, into Waalsche, and in

English into Walloon.” Many of them were Protestants, and being

subject to relentless persecution by the Spanish government,

they emigrated in great numbers into Holland, carrying with them

a knowledge of the industrial arts. See Bradford’s Hist. Plym.

Plantation, p. 20, note.

[62] Bradford, p. 20. Stoughton, Young, Ashton’s Life of Robinson.

[63] Stoughton, p. 85.

[64] Bradford, Young, Neal, Mather, etc.

[65] A collection of the Works of John Robinson was printed in London

in 1851, with a memoir and annotations by Mr. Robert Ashton.

[66] Bradford, p. 21. Cotton Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 47.

[67] Bradford, Mather, Stoughton.

[68] Ibid., Young, Ashton’s Life of Robinson.

[69] Robinson’s Apology for the Romanists.

[70] Uhden, New England Theocracy, p. 42. Robinson’s Works, etc.

[71] Uhden, p. 42.

[72] This “famous truce,” so long desired, embraced a period of

twelve years. It was signed in April, 1609, and expired in 1621.

Grattan, Hist. Netherlands.

[73] Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, p. 303.

[74] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation, pp. 22, 23.

[75] See Plutarch’s Life of Cato the Younger.

[76] Bradford.

[77] Proverbs 22:3.

[78] Bradford.

[79] Bradford, p. 24.

[80] Bradford, p. 24.

[81] For additional reasons, see Young, p. 385.

[82] Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, p. 303.

[83] Bradford, p. 24; Young’s Chronicles, etc.

[84] In allusion, probably, to the plantation project at Sagadahoc,

in 1607. See Bancroft and others.

[85] This debate is copied from Bradford, pp. 25-27.

[86] Bradford, Young, Elliot, Bancroft, etc.

[87] Wilson’s Pilgrim Fathers, p. 341.

[88] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 204.

[89] Ibid.

[90] Ibid., Bradford, Young.

[91] Wilson’s Pilgrim Fathers, p. 356.

[92] Ibid., Bradford, Bancroft.

[93] Bradford, p. 29.

[94] Ibid.

[95] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 304.

[96] Bradford, p. 28.

[97] Bradford, p. 28.

[98] For some account of Sir Edwin Sandys, one of the most prominent

members of the Virginia company, see Hood’s Athenæ Oxon., vol. 2, p.

472.

[99] This letter, as also that of Sandys which occasioned it, may be

found _in extenso_ in Bradford, pp. 30, 31, 32, 33.

[100] Bradford, p. 29.

[101] Bancroft, p. 305.

[102] Bancroft.

[103] Bradford.

[104] Ibid. “Being taken in the name of one who failed to accompany

the expedition, the patent was never of the least service.” Bancroft,

vol. 1, p. 303.

[105] Bancroft, pp. 305, 306. The title of the company thus formed

was “The Merchant Adventurers.” See Elliot, vol. 1, p. 49.

[106] Bradford. Winslow in Young’s Chronicles.

[107] Ibid.

[108] Bradford. Winslow in Young’s Chronicles.

[109] Bradford, p. 42.

[110] Bancroft.

[111] Ezra 8:21. This is the version in Bradford’s Narrative.

[112] Stoughton, Spiritual Heroes—The Pilgrim Fathers.

[113] Neale; Winslow in Young; Belknap, Stoughton, etc.

[114] Stoughton, p. 97.

[115] The first separatists were so called after Robert Brown, who,

in the latter part of the sixteenth century, propounded a system of

church government which contained many of the features of modern

Congregationalism. Brown was born in 1549, and was a relative of

Elizabeth’s lord-treasurer, the famous Burleigh. In 1582 he published

his book, “The Life and Manners of True Christians,” and suffered

persecution therefor. Eventually, after a roving life, he conformed

to the church of England, and was made rector in Northamptonshire.

Shortly after, he died very miserably in a jail. Strype’s Annals,

vol. 2. Collier’s Eccl. Hist., part 2, book 7.

[116] Winslow’s account of Robinson’s Sermon.

[117] Wilson’s Pilgrim Fathers. Bradford, Belknap.

[118] Elliot, Hist. of New England, vol. 1. Palfrey, etc.

[119] Ibid., Bradford, Young.

[120] Winslow in Young’s Chronicles.

[121] Stoughton.

[122] Ibid., p. 100.

[123] Young’s Chronicles. Bradford.

[124] Bradford.

[125] Bradford, pp. 69, 70.

[126] Dated Dartmouth, August 17, 1620. Cushman remained in England.

Elliot, vol. 1, p. 57.

[127] Bancroft.

[128] Virgil’s Æneid, book 1.

[129] Elliot, Hist. New England, vol. 1, pp. 58, 59.

[130] See this whole letter in Bradford, pp. 64-67.

[131] Bradford, Young, etc.

[132] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 310. This compact was signed Nov. 11, 1620.

[133] Ibid., p. 309.

[134] “Some have charged that the Dutch bribed the captain to deceive

the Pilgrims. Bradford does not mention it, and the Dutch historians

deny it.” Elliot, vol. 1, p. 59.

[135] Uhden, Wilson, Smith’s Narrative, etc.

[136] Bradford, Elliot, Bancroft.

[137] Longfellow’s Courtship of Miles Standish.

[138] Journal of the Pilgrims.

[139] Ibid.

[140] Journal of the Pilgrims.

[141] Ibid.

[142] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 61.

[143] Bancroft.

[144] Bradford, Winslow.

[145] Ibid. Young, Elliot, Bancroft.

[146] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 62, 63.

[147] Ibid. Bradford, Young.

[148] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 312.

[149] According to the new style of reckoning time, it was the 22d of

December, now kept as “Forefathers’ Day.”

[150] Bradford, Winslow.

[151] Ibid., Elliot, Bancroft.

[152] Fort Hill, now Burial Hill.

[153] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 66.

[154] Now called Leyden-street.

[155] Elliot, Bradford, Young’s Chronicles.

[156] Journal of the Pilgrims.

[157] Ibid., Bancroft.

[158] One of these was Clarke’s Island; the other was probably

Saquish Peninsula.

[159] Young’s Chronicles. Journal of the Pilgrims.

[160] Cotton Mather, Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 51.

[161] Ibid., Elliot, Felt.

[162] Elliot, p. 67.

[163] Ibid. Journal of the Pilgrims. Young, Bradford.

[164] Longfellow’s Miles Standish, p. 11.

[165] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 310.

[166] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 308.

[167]

“Exiguam sedem sacris, litusque rogamus

Innocuum, et cunctis undamque; auramque; patentem.”

Cotton Mather, Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 52.

[168] Bancroft, Banvard, Elliot, Felt.

[169] Journal of the Pilgrims.

[170] Young’s Chron. of the Pilg’s. Pilgrims’ Jour.

[171] Ibid.

[172] Bradford, Young, Pilgrims’ Journal.

[173] Ibid.

[174] Bradford, Young.

[175] Ibid. Pilgrims’ Journal.

[176] Ibid.

[177] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[178] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 71.

[179] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[180] Bradford, Young.

[181] Ibid. Banvard.

[182] Bancroft, Elliot, Banvard.

[183] Bradford, Pilgrims’ Journal.

“On the 22d of March, the first interview took place between the

Pilgrims and the Indians, with their great chief Massasoit, Squanto

acting as interpreter. This was conducted becomingly on both sides,

and according to the manner of the time. After Gov. Carver had drunk

some ‘strong water’—rum—to the sachem, Massasoit ‘drunk a great

draught that made him sweat all the while after.’ The result of the

conference was an alliance, offensive and defensive, between the

governor and the chief, applauded by the followers of both, and

Massasoit was received as an ally of the dread King James.” Elliot,

vol. 1, p. 72.

[184] Young’s Chronicles, Pilgrims’ Journal.

[185] Bancroft, p. 317.

[186] Pilgrims’ Journal, p. 58.

[187] Elliot, p. 73.

[188] Bancroft, Pilgrims’ Journal.

[189] Ibid.

[190] Ibid.

[191] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[192] Banvard.

[193] Elliot, p. 74.

[194] Bradford’s Journal.

[195] Holmes’ Annals, Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 37.

[196] Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation, p. 101.

[197] Ibid.

[198] Holmes, Thatcher, Elliot, etc.

[199] Elliot, p. 75.

[200] Sigourney.

[201] Elliot, ut antea.

[202] Bradford, Young, Thatcher.

[203] Pilgrims’ Journal. Winslow.

[204] Ibid.

[205] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[206] Palfrey, Hist. New England, vol. 1, p. 182.

[207] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[208] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 182.

[209] Pilgrims’ Journal.

[210] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 317, 318.

[211] Chronicles of the Pilgrims.

[212] Ibid., Palfrey.

[213] Winslow in Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 201.

[214] Ibid.

[215] Ibid.

[216] Winslow in Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 201. Banvard, Wilson.

[217] Chronicles of the Pilgrims.

[218] Ibid. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 184.

[219] Chronicles of the Pilgrims. Mount, Journal, p. 45.

[220] Ibid.

[221] Wilson, p. 386.

[222] Ibid. Pilgrims’ Journal.

[223] Banvard. Chronicles of the Pilgrims.

[224] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 184. Banvard, p. 55. Wilson, p. 386.

[225] Chronicles of the Pilgrims. Mount, Journal, p. 47.

[226] Banvard, Plymouth and the Pilgrims, p. 55.

[227] Mount, Journal. Chronicles, etc.

[228] Wilson.

[229] Whittier, Ballads and other Poems.

[230] Pilgrims’ Journal, Palfrey, Bradford.

[231] Banvard, p. 56. Prince; Mount in Young, pp. 214-218.

[232] Mount in Young. Banvard.

[233] Bradford, p. 103.

[234] Banvard, p. 56. Mount.

[235] Mount in Young. Banvard.

[236] Ibid.

[237] Bradford, p. 103.

[238] Banvard, p. 58.

[239] Mount in Young. Banvard.

[240] Ibid.

[241] Ibid. Prince, vol. 1, p. 107.

[242] Ibid.

[243] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 185. Bradford, p. 103.

[244] Pope.

[245] Palfrey, Banvard, Bradford, Pilgrims’ Journal.

[246] Bradford, p. 103.

[247] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 185.

[248] Banvard, p. 62.

[249] Nabb’s Microcosmos.

[250] Bradford, pp. 103, 104.

[251] Mount in Young; Banvard, Bradford.

[252] Banvard, p. 64.

[253] Mount in Young.

[254] Ibid.

[255] Bradford, Mount, etc.

[256] Bradford, p. 104. Felt, Hist. of New England, vol. 1, pp. 64,

65. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 183.

[257] Bradford, ut antea.

[258] Ibid., Felt, Palfrey.

[259] Wilson.

[260] Bradford, p. 104. Palfrey, Banvard.

[261] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 186.

[262] The word _Massachusetts_ signifies an arrow-shaped hill. It is

supposed to have been given to the surrounding country from the Blue

Hills of Milton, which were formerly called Massachusetts Mount. See

Banvard, p. 65.

[263] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 186. For a fuller account of this

expedition, see Mount in Young, pp. 224-229.

[264] Bradford, p. 105.

[265] Ibid.

[266] Bradford, p. 105.

[267] Palfrey.

[268] Bradford.

[269] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 186, 187.

[270] Winslow in Mount, etc., cited in Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 187.

[271] Smith’s Description of New England, cited in Elliot, vol. 1, p.

77.

[272] Russell’s Pilgrims’ Memorial, p. 131. Young’s Chronicles, p.

232.

[273] Mount, in Young, pp. 224-229. Russell’s Pilgrim’s Manual, p.

153.

[274] Bradford, Elliot, Banvard.

[275] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 79.

[276] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 190.

[277] Ibid. Peckham’s Life of Nicholas Ferrar. London, 1852.

[278] Gorge’s Brief Narrative, chap. 16.

[279] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 193.

[280] Ibid.

[281] “It was dated June 1, 1621, and is interesting, as being the

first grant made by the great Plymouth company. ’Twas first printed

in 1854, in 4th Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 11. The original is now

at Plymouth. ’Tis probably the oldest document in Massachusetts

officially connected with her history,” Bradford, Ed. note, pp. 107,

108.

[282] Bradford, p. 107, Russell, Morton, Young.

[283] Ibid.

[284] Bradford, pp. 108, 109.

[285] Elliot, Felt, Banvard, Mount in Young.

[286] Bradford, p. 108. About twenty-five hundred dollars.

[287] Ibid.

[288] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 197. Bradford.

[289] Dr. Young has reprinted it in his Chronicles, p. 262, et seq.

[290] Cushman, cited in Felt, vol. 1, p. 67.

[291] Winslow’s Good News, London, 1624.

[292] “Captain Smith describes the Virginia settlers as made up of

forty-eight needy ‘gentlemen’ to four carpenters, who were come to do

nothing else ‘but dig gold, make gold, refine gold, and load gold.’”

Elliot, vol. 1, p. 79, note.

[293] Cited in Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 79, 80.

[294] Winslow, in Young’s Chronicles.

[295] Wilson, p. 389. Felt, vol. 1, p. 67.

[296] Smith, New England’s Trials. Prince, vol. 1, p. 115.

[297] Bradford, Young.

[298] Bradford, Mount in Young, Russell.

[299] Ibid. Prince, vol. 1.

[300] Bradford, p. 106.

[301] Bradford, p. 110.

[302] White’s Incidents, etc.

[303] White’s Incidents, etc.

[304] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 187-189.

[305] Chap. 7, p. 106.

[306] Winslow in Brief Narration, in Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 393.

Also, Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 189, note.

[307] Bradford, p. 106.

[308] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 189.

[309] Bradford, p. 112.

[310] Allen’s Biog. Dict. Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 77.

[311] Chap. 7, p. 108.

[312] Morton’s Memorial, Prince’s Annals, Hall’s Plymouth Records.

[313] Ibid.

[314] Ibid. Elliot, vol. 1, p. 109.

[315] Hall, Prince, Thatcher.

[316] Elliott, vol. 1, p. 110.

[317] Graham, vol. 1. Massachusetts Historical Records. Hazard, vol. 1.

[318] Ibid.

[319] Thatcher’s Plymouth.

[320] Graham, vol. 1, p. 230.

[321] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 112, 113.

[322] Plymouth Records. Hazard, vol. 1.

[323] Plymouth Records. Hazard, vol. 1. Elliot.

[324] Elliot.

[325] Thatcher’s Plymouth, Morton’s Memorials, etc.

[326] Book of Laws of New Plymouth, 1671.

[327] Laws of New Plymouth, cited in Elliot, vol. 1, p. 111.

[328] Prince, Annals, vol. 1, pp. 76, 98, 103, 105. Bradford, p. 101.

[329] Ibid.

[330] Ruth, chap. 4.

[331] Bradford, p. 101.

[332] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 196.

[333] This seal was dated 1620, and circumscribed with the words,

“Sigillum Societatis Plymouth, Nov. Anglia.”

[334] Winslow’s Good News from New England.

[335] Ibid.

[336] Winslow’s Good News from New England. Banvard, p. 70.

[337] Winslow in Young.

[338] Ibid. Banvard.

[339] Winslow in Young, Banvard, Bradford.

[340] Winslow in Young, Banvard.

[341] Ibid., Bradford.

[342] Bradford, pp. 111, 112.

[343] Banvard, p. 72.

[344] Longfellow’s Miles Standish’s Courtship, pp. 9-12.

[345] Winslow in Young, Bradford.

[346] Ibid.

[347] Bradford, p. 113.

[348] Ibid. Winslow.

[349] Ibid. Young’s Chronicles. Thatcher’s Plymouth.

[350] Ibid.

[351] Prince.

[352] Bradford, p. 113.

[353] Banvard, pp. 76, 77.

[354] Banvard, pp. 76, 77.

[355] Winslow in Young. Banvard.

[356] Bradford, p. 114.

[357] Ibid., p. 124.

[358] Ibid., 114.

[359] Bradford, p. 114.

[360] Cited in Bradford, pp. 115, 116.

[361] Bradford, p. 116. By the third article of the agreement, this

was permitted to be done by general consent. See Bradford, p. 46.

[362] Chap. 10, p. 137.

[363] Psalm 118:8.

[364] Ibid. 146:3.

[365] Ibid. verse 5.

[366] Bradford, pp. 116, 117.

[367] Smith’s General History, folio ed., p. 236. Winslow in Young,

p. 296.

[368] Cited _in extenso_ in Bradford, pp. 118, 119.

[369] Ibid., pp. 119, 120.

[370] Ibid., 122, 123.

[371] Cited _in extenso_ in Bradford ut antea.

[372] The vessels were gone most of the summer.

[373] Bradford, pp. 123, 124.

[374] This massacre occurred on the 22d of March, 1622. Smith says

that three hundred and fifty settlers were slain. General Hist., pp.

144-149.

[375] Bradford.

[376] Bradford, p. 125.

[377] Ibid. Winslow in Young.

[378] Thatcher’s Plymouth, Prince’s Annals, Banvard.

[379] Banvard, p. 82.

[380] Banvard, p. 82.

[381] Pope.

[382] Bradford.

[383] Weston in Young, Thatcher, Prince.

[384] Bradford.

[385] Cotton Mather, Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 58.

[386] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 200. Prince, Thatcher.

[387] Banvard.

[388] Ibid.

[389] Thatcher, Winslow in Young.

[390] Ibid.

[391] Banvard.

[392] Banvard, Bradford.

[393] Thatcher, Winslow in Young.

[394] Bradford.

[395] Ibid.

[396] Cited in Russell’s Guide to Plymouth, p. 143.

[397] Winslow in Young. Thatcher, Bradford.

[398] Prince, Hubbard, Banvard.

[399] Cotton Mather, Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 66.

[400] Winslow in Young. Bradford, p. 131.

[401] Ibid.

[402] Ibid. Banvard, p. 95.

[403] Banvard, Winslow’s Good News, etc.

[404] “Mr. Baylies, in his Memoirs of Plymouth, assumes that this

was the great Hampden, vol. 1, p. 410. I find no facts sufficient to

sustain that opinion.” Elliot, vol. 1, p. 93, note.

[405] Elliot, Banvard, Winslow.

[406] Winslow’s Good News.

[407] Ibid.

[408] Winslow’s Good News.

[409] Banvard, pp. 95, 96.

[410] Winslow’s Good News.

[411] Ibid.

[412] Winslow’s Good News.

[413] Ibid.

[414] Banvard, pp. 101, 102.

[415] Ibid.

[416] Banvard, p. 102.

[417] Winslow’s Good News.

[418] Bradford, p. 131.

[419] Bradford, pp. 130, 131.

[420] Winslow’s Good News.

[421] Banvard.

[422] Banvard, p. 116.

[423] Ibid.

[424] Ibid.

[425] Shakspeare.

[426] Winslow, cited in Banvard, p. 120.

[427] Winslow, Elliot, Palfrey.

[428] Ibid.

[429] Winslow, Bradford, Thatcher.

[430] Winslow, Bradford, Thatcher.

[431] Morton, Young’s Chronicles.

[432] Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, p. 319.

[433] Fountain’s Rewards of Virtue.

[434] Bradford, p. 133.

[435] Winslow in Young. Banvard.

[436] Bradford, pp. 133, 134.

[437] In the latter part of 1623, Weston went to Virginia; thence he

returned to England, where he disappears from history. Palfrey, vol.

1, p. 207.

[438] Judge Davis, note on Morton’s Memorial.

[439] Winslow in Young, p. 346. Palfrey, Thatcher, etc.

[440] Winslow in Young, p. 346. Palfrey, Thatcher, Banvard, etc.

[441] Bradford, pp. 135, 136.

[442] Ibid., p. 136.

[443] Bradford, p. 136.

[444] White’s Incidents, p. 41.

[445] Winslow in Young.

[446] White’s Incidents, p. 42.

[447] Banvard, Thatcher, Morton’s Memorial.

[448] Chap. 10, p. 137.

[449] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 320. Bradford, p. 138.

[450] Morton’s Memorial, pp. 95-97. Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 210, 211.

[451] “Pierce sold his patent for five hundred pounds; he gave fifty

for it.” Banvard, p. 133. See Palfrey, ut antea, on this point.

[452] Cotton Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 60.

[453] Cited in extenso in Bradford, pp. 139, 140.

[454] Bradford, p. 141. Winslow in Young.

[455] Banvard, p. 134.

[456] Morton’s Memorial, Thatcher, Palfrey.

[457] Bradford, p. 146.

[458] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 211, 212.

[459] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 60.

[460] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 212, note.

[461] Bradford, p. 145.

[462] Ibid., pp. 145, 146.

[463] Prince, Morton’s Memorial, Bradford, Thatcher’s Plymouth.

[464] Bradford, p. 147.

[465] Ibid.

[466] Bradford, p. 148.

[467] Felt, Hist. New England, Prince, Bradford.

[468] Felt, Bradford, Morton’s Memorial, etc.

[469] Felt, vol. 1, p. 77.

[470] Bradford, p. 149.

[471] Ibid. Morton’s Memorial.

[472] Ibid.

[473] Felt.

[474] Ibid. Bradford, Morton’s Memorial.

[475] Felt, vol. 1, p. 78.

[476] Cited in Felt, ut antea.

[477] “There were also this year some scattering beginnings made

in other places, as at Piscataway, by Mr. David Thompson, who was

sent over by Mason and Gorges, at Monhegin, and some other places by

sundry others.” Bradford, p. 154.

[478] Prince, Bradford, Pilgrims’ Journal.

[479] Bradford, pp. 156, 157.

[480] Seneca’s Epis. 123.

[481] Phillips’ Letters and Speeches, p. 372.

[482] Prince, Bradford.

[483] Morton’s Memorial.

[484] Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 111.

[485] Morton’s Memorial, p. 103.

[486] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 215.

[487] Bradford, pp. 159, 160, 167.

[488] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 216-219.

[489] Psalm 10:10.

[490] Jeremiah 41:6.

[491] Bradford, p. 171.

[492] Ibid.

[493] Ibid., p. 172.

[494] Bradford, p. 172. Morton’s Memorial, p. 112.

[495] Ibid.

[496] Bradford, p. 173.

[497] Bradford, p. 173.

[498] Bradford, p. 175.

[499] Ibid.

[500] He had a wife and four children. Bradford, p. 175, editor’s

note.

[501] Ibid, pp. 175, 176.

[502] Ibid.

[503] Bradford, pp. 175, 176.

[504] Ibid., p. 182.

[505] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 221, note. Morton’s Memorial, p. 117, note.

[506] Ibid.

[507] Bradford.

[508] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 221.

[509] Winslow, quoted in Palfrey, ut antea.

[510] Thatcher, Prince, Palfrey, Bradford.

[511] Bradford, p. 190.

[512] Ibid., p. 192. Morton’s Memorial, p. 120.

[513] Ibid.

[514] Bradford, p. 192. Morton’s Memorial, p. 120.

[515] Ibid.

[516] Cheever’s Journal, p. 327. Morton’s Memorial.

[517] Bradford, p. 189.

[518] Ibid., p. 188.

[519] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 119, 120.

[520] Ibid., p. 116. Prince’s Chronology. Thatcher’s Plymouth.

[521] A Brief Review of the Rise and Progress of New England. London,

1774.

[522] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 135.

[523] Morton, Prince, Hazard, Bradford, Thatcher, Banvard.

[524] Bradford, pp. 202, 203.

[525] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 224.

[526] Hazard, Bradford, Palfrey.

[527] Ibid.

[528] Bradford, p. 207.

[529] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 225.

[530] Banvard, p. 151.

[531] Elliot’s Biog. Dict.

[532] Young’s Chronicles, p. 481.

[533] “It is not certain where he lies buried; George Sumner thinks

in St. Peter’s church, Leyden.” Elliot, Hist. New Eng., vol. 1, p.

125, note.

[534] Stoughton, Heroes of Puritan Times, p. 102.

[535] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 321.

[536] Smith’s General History, p. 247.

[537] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 221, 222.

[538] Bradford, p. 204.

[539] Pliny, lib. 18, chap. 2.

[540] Bradford, p. 168.

[541] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 225.

[542] Ibid.

[543] Bradford, Morton’s Memorial.

[544] Felt, Hist. New England, vol. 1, p. 91.

[545] These were Bradford, Brewster, Standish, Allerton, Fuller,

Jeremy, Alden, Howland. Prince, Bradford, Hazard, etc.

[546] Bradford, pp. 212, 213. Palfrey.

[547] Ibid., p. 214.

[548] Bradford, p. 214.

[549] Ibid., p. 214. Morton’s Memorial.

[550] Ibid.

[551] Ibid.

[552] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 229.

[553] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 85.

[554] Bradford, p. 226.

[555] The names of the formers of the trade were: Bradford, Brewster,

Standish, Prince, Alden, Howland, and Allerton. Prince had come out

in the “Fortune,” all the rest in the “Mayflower.” Palfrey.

[556] Hazard, Prince, Cheever’s Journal, Thatcher.

[557] These were James Shirley—who became their English agent—John

Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and T. Hathaway—“the glue of the old

company.” Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 3, p. 34.

[558] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 230.

[559] Thatcher, Prince, Morton’s Memorial.

[560] Cheever’s Journal. Bradford, p. 243.

[561] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 62.

[562] Cited in Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, pp. 62, 63.

[563] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 321.

[564] Felt’s Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 95.

[565] “The Dutch had trading in those southern parts divers years

before the English came, but they began no plantation until after the

Pilgrims came and were here seated.” Morton’s Memorial, p. 133, note.

[566] Davis’ New Amsterdam, Booth’s History of New York City,

Bradford.

[567] Bradford, p. 222, et seq.

[568] In Roger Williams’ Key, wampum is considered as Indian money,

and is described in the twenty-fourth chapter of that interesting

tract. Their _white_ money they called _wampum_, which signifies

_white_; their _black_, _suckawhack_, sucki signifying _black_. Hist.

Col., vol. 3, p. 231.

[569] Mr. Gookin says: “Wampum is made chiefly by the Narragansett

Block Island Indians. Upon the sandy flats and shores of those coasts

the wilk shell are found.” Hist. Col., vol. 1, p. 152.

[570] Bradford, p. 234.

[571] Mr. Brodhead, who obtained this valuable letter, only

summarized in the text, from the archives at the Hague, gives it in

full in the New York Hist. Col., sec. series, vol. 2, p. 343, et seq.

[572] Prince, vol. 1, p. 160. Deane’s Scituate, p. 332. “Mrs.

Robinson, widow of Rev. John Robinson, came over with the latter

company, with her son Isaac, and perhaps with another son.” Editorial

note in Bradford, p. 247. “There was an Abraham Robinson early

at Gloucester, who is surmised to have been a son of the Leyden

minister.” Ibid. It has been thought that Mrs. Robinson did not

remain in Plymouth, but went to Salem, “where was a Mrs. Robinson

very early.” MS. Letters of J. J. Babson, Esq., of Gloucester, Mass.

[573] Bradford, pp. 247, 248.

[574] Bradford, pp. 247, 248.

[575] Ibid., p. 249.

[576] Bradford’s Letter-Book, in Mass. Hist. Col., vol. 3, pp. 69, 70.

[577] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 233.

[578] Bradford, p. 236.

[579] Morton’s Memorial, pp. 137, 138.

[580] Bradford, Morton’s Memorial, etc.

[581] Vide Harris’ Life of Charles I., p. 278.

[582] Bradford’s Letter-book.

[583] “’Tis not known when Conant came over. Nothing appears in any

of the Plymouth documents to confirm Hubbard’s statement, that Conant

was one of Lyford’s party at Plymouth. Though historians have adopted

that _ipse dixit_, it rests on his word alone. But since Hubbard and

Conant were afterwards neighbors and friends, he is likely to have

been well informed.” Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 255, note.

[584] Elliot. Hubbard’s Hist. of New England, chap. 18.

[585] Hubbard, chap. 9. Palfrey, Elliot.

[586] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 286.

[587] Elliott, vol. 1, p. 139.

[588] Hubbard, chap. 17.

[589] Conant’s petition of May 28, 1671, in Mass. Hist. Archives.

[590] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 287.

[591] Planters’ Plea, chap. 9.

[592] Cited in Bradford, p. 251.

[593] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 139, 140.

[594] Planters’ Plea, chap. 9. Johnson’s Wonder-working Providence.

Belknap’s Biography, p. 249. Hubbard’s Hist.

[595] Ibid.

[596] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, pp. 67, 68.

[597] Charlestown Records, Palfrey, Elliot, Everett’s Address.

[598] Wilson’s Pilgrim Fathers, p. 483.

[599] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 290.

[600] Colony Records. Cradock’s Letter in Young’s Chronicles.

[601] Prince; Hazard. Hubbard’s Hist. Memoir of J. Endicott, Salem,

1847.

[602] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 342.

[603] This is filed in the State-House in Boston, and is printed in

Colony Laws, in Hutchinson’s Call, and in Hazard. Bancroft.

[604] Palfrey, Wilson.

[605] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 342, 343.

[606] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 291.

[607] Young’s Chronicles, Prince, Mass. Hist. Coll.

[608] Bacon’s Works, vol. 2.

[609] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 346.

[610] Prince’s Chronicles, p. 247.

[611] Ibid.

[612] Cited in Elliot, vol. 1, p. 142. “In a subsequent letter this

is reiterated thus: ‘We especially desire you to take care that no

tobacco be planted under your government, unless it be some small

quantity for mere necessity, for physic, or the preservation of

health; and that the same be taken privately by old men, and no

other.’” Ibid.

[613] Young’s Chronicles, p. 141. Hazard, vol. 1.

[614] Bancroft.

[615] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 345.

[616] History of the English Puritans, American Tract Society, N. Y.,

1867.

[617] Hist. of the English Puritans, ut antea.

[618] Hume, Hist. of Eng., vol. 2, p. 253.

[619] Perry, Eccl. Hist., vol. 1.

[620] Mass. Col. Rec., vol. 1. Palfrey.

[621] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 293.

[622] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 293. Mather’s Magnalia.

[623] Higginson’s New England Plantation. Palfrey.

[624] Bradford, p. 263. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 294.

[625] Mather’s Magnalia.

[626] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 68. Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 294, 295.

[627] Hutchinson’s Coll., 24, 25. Hubbard, Bancroft.

[628] Mather’s Magnalia, ut antea. “_Ungrateful country of my birth,

thou shall not possess even my lifeless bones._”

[629] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 74. Uhden, pp. 63, 64.

[630] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 150.

[631] They landed on the 24th of June, 1629. Uhden, Hutchinson.

[632] Higginson’s New England Plantation, pp. 123, 124.

[633] Bradford, pp. 263, 264.

[634] Bradford, pp. 263, 264.

[635] In allusion to the wide-spread charge of Brownism, and bigoted

exclusion of all other sects from Christian fellowship.

[636] Bradford, pp. 264, 265.

[637] Bradford, p. 245.

[638] Higginson’s New England Plantation. Gott’s letter to Bradford;

cited in Bradford, pp. 265, 266.

[639] Palfrey.

[640] Ibid., Bradford, Gott, etc.

[641] Gott’s Letter to Bradford.

[642] Morton’s Memorial, p. 146. Hubbard, Prince.

[643] See the Covenant in Neale’s History of New England, vol. 1, pp.

141-143. The subordinate church officers were not chosen till later.

See Bradford’s Letter-book.

[644] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 298.

[645] Uhden’s New England Theocracy.

[646] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 348.

[647] Mather’s Magnalia.

[648] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 72.

[649] Ibid., Morton, Prince, Young, Cheever.

[650] Young’s Chronicles, p. 288.

[651] Mass. Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. 408.

[652] Mass. Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. 408.

[653] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 350.

[654] See the _ipsissima verba_ of the charter, Mass. Hist. Col.

[655] Hutchinson’s Hist. of Mass., vol. 1, p. 13. Bancroft, Grahame.

[656] Ibid.

[657] Ibid. Young’s Chronicles, p. 88.

[658] Hutchinson, Winthrop, Palfrey, Bancroft.

[659] Ibid.

[660] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 302.

[661] Cited in Hutchinson, in Winthrop, vol. 1, pp. 359, 360, and in

Bancroft.

[662] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 310.

[663] Ibid.

[664] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 107.

[665] See Winthrop’s Life, by R. C. Winthrop, Boston, 1866. Mather’s

Account, Hutchinson’s Sketch, Palfrey, etc., etc.

[666] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 303.

[667] Ibid. Elliot, Wilson.

[668] Winthrop’s Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 332.

[669] Mass. Hist. Col. Palfrey, Prince, Mather.

[670] Ibid.

[671] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 303.

[672] Ibid.

[673] Hume, Hist. Eng. Mather, Prince.

[674] Archæologia Americana, vol. 3, 47, et seq. From this work most

of the above facts have been cited.

[675] Formerly the “Eagle;” she was a naval vessel, and carried

twenty-eight guns. She had been recently bought by the Company.

Palfrey.

[676] Winthrop’s Hist. of New England.

[677] Elliot, vol. 2, pp. 16, 17.

[678] The most common orthography is _Arabella_, but later writers

almost unanimously reject this spelling, which is founded on the

often erring authority of Mather in the Magnalia, and of Josselyn,

and accept that of John Winthrop in his Diary, of Johnson in the

“Wonder-working Providence,” and of Dudley’s Epistles. All of these

men were personally intimate with Mrs. Johnson, and they must have

known her name. See Winthrop, p. 1, note.

[679] Mather, Winthrop, Palfrey, Elliot, Hutchinson, etc., etc.

[680] Hist. of the Result of the American Colonies, vol. 1, p. 58.

[681] Winthrop’s Diary.

[682] This address is said to have been drawn by Mr. White. Palfrey.

[683] Elliot.

[684] Elliot.

[685] Winthrop’s Diary, p. 31.

[686] Ibid.

[687] Ibid., Palfrey, Bancroft.

[688] Winthrop’s Journal, p. 32.

[689] Dudley’s letter to the countess of Lincoln, cited in Hutchinson.

[690] Hubbard, Mass. Col. Rec., Archæol. Am.

[691] Ibid.

[692] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 350.

[693] Hubbard, p. 133.

[694] Ibid. Prince, Winthrop.

[695] Ibid.

[696] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 77.

[697] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 34.

[698] Palfrey, Bancroft, Archæol. Am.

[699] Ibid. Mass. Hist. Col.

[700] Dudley’s Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. Prince’s Chronology.

[701] Winthrop’s Hist. of New England. Hutchinson.

[702] Ibid.

[703] Shawmut, or the Settlement of Boston, p. 2.

[704] Drake’s Hist. of Boston.

[705] Ibid. Elliot.

[706] Drake’s Hist. of Boston. Elliot.

[707] “Blackstone retained nothing in America of his ministerial

character but his canonical coat. He devoted himself to the

cultivation of the six or seven acres of land which he retained

in his possession, and planted, it is said, the first orchard of

apple-trees in New England. He left Boston because he was annoyed by

its strict sectarian laws. Banishing himself again to the wilderness,

he settled in a place now called Cumberland, on the banks of the

Pawtucket river. Here he built a house in the midst of a park,

planted an orchard near it, and divided his time between study and

labor. He called his retreat “Study Hill,” and resided there until

his death in May, 1675.

“He was a man of a kind and benevolent heart; and when he went to

Providence to preach, as he did occasionally, notwithstanding his

disagreement in opinion with Roger Williams, he would carry with him

some beautiful apples as a present to the children, who had never

seen such fruit before. Indeed, the kind called Yellow Sweetings were

first produced in his orchard; and the older inhabitants, who had

seen apples in England, had never before seen that sort.” Shawmut, or

the Settlement of Boston, p. 27.

[708] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 152.

[709] Bancroft, p. 359. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 313.

[710] Hutchinson, Prince, Hubbard.

[711] Ibid. Charlestown Records.

[712] Mass. Col. Rec., Bancroft.

[713] Bancroft, Story, Palfrey. See the Charter, in Massachusetts

Hist. Col.

[714] Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard.

[715] See chap. 19, pp. 245 et seq.

[716] Bradford, Winthrop, Hubbard.

[717] On the 19th of Oct.

[718] Winthrop, Hutchinson.

[719] See the charter.

[720] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 359.

[721] Ibid.

[722] Ibid., p. 360.

[723] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 360.

[724] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 360, 361.

[725] Uhden’s New Eng. Theocracy, p. 68. Dexter’s Congregationalism.

[726] Ibid., p. 71.

[727] Ibid., Bancroft.

[728] Ibid. Vide Cambridge Platform.

[729] Vide the Cambridge Platform, 1648. “This Confession of Faith

belongs, indeed, to a later period, but it expresses throughout the

principles of the early colonists unchanged.” Uhden, p. 68.

[730] Wilson’s Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 487, 488.

[731] Winthrop’s Journal.

[732] Elliott, vol. 1, pp. 155, 156.

[733] Longfellow’s Courtship of Miles Standish. See, also, Banvard

and Thatcher.

[734] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 154. Winthrop, Bradford, Prince.

[735] Ibid., p. 68. Banvard, Thatcher, Morton.

[736] Elliott, vol. 1, p. 68. Banvard, Thatcher, Morton. This was in

1630.

[737] Winthrop’s Journal.

[738] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 329.

[739] Ibid.

[740] Bradford, p. 294.

[741] Winthrop’s Journal.

[742] Bradford, p. 295.

[743] Ibid.

[744] Winthrop’s Journal.

[745] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 330.

[746] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 155.

[747] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 103.

[748] Ibid., p. 97.

[749] Orations, N. Y., 1855.

[750] Winthrop’s Hist., vol. 1, p. 97.

[751] Ibid., p. 76.

[752] Eliot spent the first years of his transatlantic life as a

preacher at Roxbury. Here he was engaged with Weld and Richard Mather

in compiling the first book published in New England—“The Psalms in

Metre”—which appeared in 1640. In 1645, he became deeply interested

in the work of evangelizing the Indians, “those ruins of mankind.”

Into this labor he threw his whole heart; and he never relinquished

it until God called him home; for he believed with the psalmist, that

Jehovah was perpetually saying, “Ask of me, and I will give thee the

heathen for thine inheritance.”

Going into the wilderness, he preached his first Indian sermon in

October, 1646, in a wigwam at Nonantum, near Watertown. He had

already familiarized himself with the aboriginal languages; and since

the New England tribes—loosely estimated at a united membership of

forty thousand—were a part of the Algonquin race, whose tongues

were similar, this acquisition was not as difficult as it might

seem. Eliot had the happiness to witness several conversions as

the result of his first essay; and from that moment he worked on

with a resolution and self-abnegation above all earthly praise. The

“Apostle,” as he soon came to be called, at once commenced several

translations. Two catechisms were done into the Indian dialects.

A primer, the Psalms, and Baxter’s Call, followed; and finally,

an Indian Bible, a marvellous monument of patience, industry, and

faith, appeared in 1663. Of course, this work necessitated money.

Eliot appealed for aid. The English Parliament granted, in 1649, a

special sum for the promotion of the gospel among the aborigines.

Large collections were made throughout England for the same purpose;

and even infant Boston contributed twenty-five hundred dollars in

its poverty. The zeal of Eliot and the funds of the godly were not

in vain expended. A number of Indians were hopefully converted, and

these were colonized into separate towns. The chief seat of the

“praying Indians” was Natick, settled by them in 1651. There Eliot

erected his headquarters; and he gave his converts “the same advice

as to government that Jethro gave to Moses; so they assembled, and

chose their rulers of hundreds, fifties, and tens, and proclaimed,

‘that God should rule over them.’” Their houses were Indian cabins,

built of bark, except the meeting-house, which was fashioned after

the churches of the pale-faces. In this latter building Eliot had

a bed and a room. Natick then contained one hundred and fifty-two

persons. Eliot saw that civilization was necessary for his dusky

_protégés_, both as a bond of union and as a fulcrum for his gospel

lever. He knew also that responsibility educates. So he was careful

to induct into offices of honor and responsibility those of his

converts who seemed the most trusty, energetic, and intelligent.

Such commissions were highly esteemed by the Indians, and sometimes

they performed their official duty with amusing formality. On one

occasion, a native magistrate named Hihoudi, issued the following

warrant, directed to an Indian constable: “I, Hihoudi, you, Peter

Waterman. Jeremy Wisket,—quick you take him, fast you hold him,

straight you bring him before me. Hihoudi!”

Natick was a nucleus settlement. Soon a number of supplementary

colonies were grouped about it, and these embraced, some sixty, some

seventy, some eighty, “praying Indians,” all provided with churches,

schools, and the rude initial apparatus of civilization. In 1674,

there were eleven hundred Christian Indians who were possessed of

fixed homes within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. And Eliot

enumerated twenty-five hundred more to Boyle, as settled in Plymouth,

Nantucket, and Martha’s Vineyard. The usual exercises were praying,

reading the Bible, and preaching—sometimes by a white teacher,

sometimes by a native missionary. Then all united in singing; and

we are told that “sundry could manage to do so very well.” After

this, some were catechized. Then, says Eliot, “if there was any act

of public discipline—as divers times there was, since ignorance

and partial barbarism made many stumblers—the offender was called

forth, exhorted to give glory to God, and urged to confess his

sins.” King Philip’s war partially paralyzed these efforts of Eliot

and his compeers; it robbed them of the sympathy of the whites, and

roughened their path; but they persevered; and even after Eliot’s

decease, in 1690, God put it into the hearts of some to carry on his

work, and efforts continued to be made towards the evangelization

of the natives as far down as the year 1754. At that time the Rev.

Mr. Hawley was “set apart” for that special work, in the “Old South

Church,” in Boston, and Deacon Woodbridge and Jonathan Edwards were

enlisted in the same good cause. Roger Williams had been an active

co-worker with Eliot, and a little later the Mayhews gleaned their

rich harvest at Martha’s Vineyard. Indeed, the Mayhews were so

successful that on the single little island where they labored, six

meetings were held in as many different places every Sabbath, and

there were ten native preachers, who, according to the testimony of

Thomas Mayhew, were of “good knowledge and holy conversation.”

But the missionaries did not find it plain sailing. Besides the

incessant jealousy between the whites and the aborigines, they had to

encounter the natural repugnance of the Indian to desert the blind

faith of his fathers and accept the God and Saviour of the white

men. Massasoit, spite of his friendship for the whites, lived and

died a strict unbeliever. Philip, his son, was equally obstinate,

saying on one occasion, after listening to an exhortation from Eliot,

and placing his hand on a button on the Apostle’s coat: “I care no

more for the gospel than I care for that button.” The Narragansetts

went so far as to prohibit preaching within their borders. Yet still

the missionaries went on, and, with God’s blessing, they harvested

many souls, long before good Bishop Berkeley launched his noble but

abortive scheme for the conversion of the red men. Those readers who

are desirous of studying this subject in detail, are referred to

Sparks’ Life of Eliot; Mayhew’s Indian experiences; Mansell’s recent

reprint at Albany of tracts concerning Eliot’s Indian missions; R.

Williams’ Key; Hubbard’s Hist.; Mather’s Magnalia; Gookin, in Mass.

Hist. Col., etc., etc.

[753] Ibid., p. 49. He came February 11, 1630.

[754] Wood’s New England Prospect, p. 4.

[755] J. Macpherson’s America Dissected, 1752.

[756] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 323. These were Salem, Charlestown,

Watertown, Boston, Roxbury, Dorchester, Mystic, and Saugus.

[757] Bradford, p. 311.

[758] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 1.

[759] Prince, Bancroft, Hutchinson.

[760] Bancroft, vol. 1, chap. 2. passim.

[761] Brodhead’s Hist. of New York. Dunlap.

[762] Chalmers, Hening.

[763] Thatcher’s Plymouth.

[764] Bradford, pp. 255-310.

[765] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 336.

[766] Bradford, p. 301.

[767] Chap. 21, p. 264.

[768] Bradford, p. 263.

[769] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 119. Young’s Chronicles, Morton’s Memorials,

etc.

[770] Bradford, p. 263. Morton.

[771] The old form of expression for _exhort_ or _expound_.

[772] Now called “North river,” near Scituate. Massachusetts Hist.

Col. 4.

[773] Winthrop, vol. 1, pp. 108-111.

[774] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 337. Hubbard, Prince.

[775] Bradford, p. 294.

[776] Ibid., p. 311. Winthrop, Hubbard, Thatcher.

[777] Brodhead’s N. Y.; the Dutch claim to have discovered it.

Brodhead.

[778] Bradford, ut antea.

[779] Trumbull’s Connecticut.

[780] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 52.

[781] Bradford, p. 312.

[782] Ibid.

[783] Brodhead’s N. Y., Bradford, Hubbard.

[784] Ibid., Palfrey.

[785] Brodhead’s N. Y., Bradford, Hubbard, Palfrey.

[786] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 340.

[787] Winthrop, vol. 1, pp. 105-113. Bradford, pp. 311-314. Brodhead,

Hist. N. Y., vol. 1, pp. 235-242.

[788] “The insect here described,” remarks Judge Davis, “is the

_Cicada Septendecim_ of Linnæus, commonly called the _locust_. They

have frequently appeared since, indicated by Linnæus’ specific name.”

Davis’ edition of the Mem., p. 171.

[789] Bradford, pp. 314, 315.

[790] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 160, 161. Hist. Eng. Puritans, Am. Tract

Soc., N. Y., 1866. Arch. Am. Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 97. Rev.

J. S. M. Anderson’s Hist. of the Col. Chh. of the B. Emp., vol. 1,

p. 175, note. The fact of this embarkation of Cromwell and Hampden

has been questioned by some careful writers. See Forster’s British

Statesmen, in loco. Also, Sanford’s Ill. of the Fr. Rev., Lond., 1858.

[791] Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 93.

[792] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 362.

[793] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 265.

[794] Bancroft, ut antea.

[795] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 363.

[796] Magnalia, vol. 1, pp. 265, 266.

[797] Ibid, p. 277.

[798] Ibid., 276.

[799] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 343. Mr. Stone was his assistant.

[800] Bancroft, ut antea.

[801] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 346.

[802] Ibid., p. 345.

[803] Ibid.

[804] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 345.

[805] See the Charter.

[806] Chap. 21, pp. 260, 261; also chap. 27, p. 342.

[807] Winthrop’s Journal.

[808] Colony Records. Winthrop.

[809] Ibid.

[810] Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard.

[811] Ibid., Elliot.

[812] Elliot, Bancroft.

[813] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 365.

[814] Bossuét.

[815] Reply to Whitgift, cited by Stowell in his History of England.

Puritans.

[816] “Bloody Tenet;” see Cotton’s Controversy with Roger Williams.

[817] Rev. Mr. Ward, in 1647.

[818] Cited in Elliot, vol. 1, p. 190.

[819] Knowles’ Life of Roger Williams.

[820] Knowles, ut antea. Colony Records, C. Mather, etc.

[821] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 367, 368.

[822] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 188. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 406, et seq.

[823] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 53.

[824] See Williams’ “Hireling Ministry.”

[825] Bradford, p. 310.

[826] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 495.

[827] Ibid.

[828] Winthrop, Hubbard, Mather’s Magnalia, Hutchinson.

[829] Winthrop’s Journal, pp. 63, 64.

[830] Knowles’ Life, Savage on Winthrop, Magnalia, etc.

[831] Bradford, p. 310.

[832] Ibid.

[833] Morton’s Memorial, p. 151. Bradford, p. 310.

[834] Prince, Elliot, Banvard.

[835] Cited in Elliot, vol. 1, p. 199. Banvard, p. 160.

[836] Ibid.

[837] Palfrey, Knowles. Winthrop, vol. 1, pp. 143, 144.

[838] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 197, 198.

[839] Knowles’ Life of Williams, Mather’s Magnalia, Dwight’s Tracts,

ante chaps. 21 and 26, pp. 260, 261.

[840] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 368.

[841] Winthrop, vol. 1, pp. 145, 146. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 409.

[842] See 1 Corinthians 11:5.

[843] Magnalia. Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 409.

[844] A writ requiring a person to show by what right he is doing a

special thing.

[845] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 200. Bancroft, Hubbard.

[846] Ibid., Hutchinson, Knowles.

[847] Williams’ connection with this act is but distant and oblique,

if he had any. See Knowles, Winthrop, Hubbard, Palfrey, etc.

[848] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 201.

[849] Williams’ “Bloody Tenet.”

[850] Ibid.

[851] Felt’s Hist. of New England, vol. 1, p. 175.

[852] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 372, 373.

[853] Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard, Knowles, Elton’s Life.

[854] Bancroft, ut antea.

[855] Winthrop, Colonial Records, Knowles.

[856] Winthrop, Colony Records, Knowles.

[857] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 377.

[858] Ibid., Hubbard, Hutchinson.

[859] Knowles, Elton’s Life, Hutchinson, etc.

[860] Roger Williams in Mass. Hist. Col., vol. 1, p. 276.

[861] Ibid.

[862] Elliot.

[863] Knowles, Elliot, Judge Durfee’s poem, “What Cheer?”

[864] Knowles, p. 270.

[865] Elliot.

[866] Knowles, p. 120. Elton, Hutchinson.

[867] Cited in Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 371.

[868] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 497.

[869] Love will overcome all things.

[870] Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard.

[871] Knowles, p. 295.

[872] Elton, p. 127. Hutchinson, Elliott.

[873] Ibid. Knowles, Hist. Col., vol. 2, p. 121.

[874] Ibid.

[875] Ibid.

[876] Rhode Island Colony Records.

[877] Morton’s Memorial, p. 154.

[878] See Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 38.

[879] Elton’s Life of Williams, p. 54. Knowles, Winthrop.

[880] Gammel, p. 182.

[881] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 376, 377.

[882] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 80.

[883] Ibid., p. 136.

[884] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 383.

[885] Winthrop’s Journal.

[886] Ibid., Bancroft, Elliot, Palfrey, Hutchinson. They landed in

October, 1635.

[887] See Encyclopedia Americana, Appleton’s Encyclopedia, English

Encyclopedia.

[888] Mather’s Magnalia, Palfrey, etc.

[889] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 436.

[890] Winthrop, p. 170.

[891] Ibid., p. 173, Palfrey, Trumbull’s Hist. Conn., Elliot.

[892] Trumbull, Mather’s Magnalia.

[893] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 158.

[894] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 249, 250.

[895] Palfrey, Bancroft, Hubbard.

[896] Palfrey, Winthrop, Elliot, Bancroft.

[897] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 136.

[898] Elliot, Hubbard.

[899] Ibid.

[900] Winthrop, pp. 177-179.

[901] New England’s First Fruits, vol. 1. Quincy’s Boston, etc.

[902] Ibid., Hutchinson, Hubbard, Mather’s Magnalia.

[903] The nation’s safety. See Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 1.

[904] See Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 1.

[905] “Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.” HORACE.

[906] Winthrop, p. 132.

[907] Ibid., Palfrey, Bancroft, Trumbull.

[908] Memorial, pp. 239, 240.

[909] Trumbull, Winthrop, Hutchinson.

[910] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 396.

[911] Trumbull, vol. 1. Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 81.

[912] Bradford, Hubbard, Morton.

[913] Magnalia, ut antea.

[914] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 396.

[915] Palfrey, Trumbull, Bancroft. Elliot, etc.

[916] Hubbard, Palfrey, Elliot, Mather.

[917] Trumbull, vol. 1. Hubbard, Hist. Col.

[918] Ibid.

[919] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 88.

[920] Hubbard, p. 321. Hazard.

[921] “The settlers met in Mr. Newman’s barn,” etc. Elliot, vol. 1,

p. 242.

[922] Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 83.

[923] Ibid.

[924] Bradford, Morton’s Memorial, Thatcher, Banvard.

[925] Ibid., Prince, Hazard.

[926] Increase Mather’s Early Hist. of New England, p. 121, et seq.

[927] Ibid.

[928] Elton’s Life of Roger Williams, p. 54.

[929] Elton’s life of Roger Williams, p. 54. Elliot, vol. 1, p. 210.

[930] Elliot.

[931] I. Mather’s Early Hist., etc. Palfrey, Bancroft, Elliot,

Hutchinson.

[932] Ibid.

[933] White’s Incidents, p. 59. I. Mather, Palfrey, Hubbard, Winthrop.

[934] Ibid.

[935] Chap. 17, p. 215, et seq.

[936] Bradford, Morton’s Memorial, Hubbard, White.

[937] Winthrop, pp. 189, 190.

[938] Palfrey, White, Elliot, etc.

[939] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 458, 459.

[940] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 458, 459. I. Mather, Prince, Introduction

to Mason’s Hist. of the Pequod War.

[941] Ibid.

[942] Gardiner’s Relations, etc., in Mass. Hist. Rep., 23.

[943] Ibid., p. 143. Trumbull’s Hist. Connecticut, vol. 1, p. 76.

[944] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 462.

[945] I. Mather, Gardiner in Mass. Hist. Col., 23.

[946] Mass. Hist. Col. Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. 192.

[947] Ibid.

[948] Plym. Col. Rec., vol. 1, pp. 60-62.

[949] Palfrey, ut antea. Prince. Introduction to Mason’s Hist.

[950] Mason’s Brief Hist., etc. Hubbard.

[951] Trumbull, Mather.

[952] Palfrey, vol. 1.

[953] Ibid., Hubbard, Trumbull, Mather.

[954] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 164.

[955] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 465.

[956] Ibid., Mason, Underhill.

[957] Palfrey, ut antea.

[958] Mason’s Brief Account, etc.

[959] Ibid., Palfrey, Elliot, I. Mather, Winthrop, Hubbard,

Hutchinson. Two of the English were killed, and upwards of forty—more

than half of the force—were wounded.

[960] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 467.

[961] Mason, Hubbard, Hazard, Trumbull.

[962] Ibid., Elliot.

[963] Trumbull, Mason, Winthrop, Hist. Coll.

[964] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 257. Trumbull.

[965] Ibid. Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 80. Winthrop, vol. 1. Palfrey.

[966] Uhden’s New England Theocracy, p. 135.

[967] Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard, Col. Records, etc.

[968] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 389.

[969] Ibid., p. 386.

[970] Uhden, Winthrop, Hutchinson, Hubbard.

[971] Shepherd’s Lamentation, 2.

[972] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 387.

[973] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 387.

[974] There are few controversies where a woman is not at the bottom

of them.

[975] See Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 388.

[976] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 472, et seq.

[977] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 200.

[978] Ibid., Hubbard.

[979] Palfrey, vol. 1, p. 473.

[980] Ibid. Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 516.

[981] Ibid., Elliot, Hutchinson, Uhden.

[982] Palfrey, Winthrop, Elliot, Hubbard, etc.

[983] Ibid., Col. Records.

[984] Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 509.

[985] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 263.

[986] Ibid.

[987] Ibid.

[988] Fuller’s Ch. Hist. of England, vol. 2, pp. 514, 515, et. seq.

[989] Ibid.

[990] Uhden, p. 98.

[991] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 203. Hubbard, Palfrey, Hazard.

[992] Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 203. Hubbard, Palfrey, Hazard, Col.

Records.

[993] Palfrey, vol. 1, pp. 475, 476. Winthrop.

[994] Ibid.

[995] Ibid., Bancroft, Elliot, Hutchinson.

[996] Ibid. Uhden, p. 96.

[997] Winthrop, Palfrey.

[998] Cited in Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 390.

[999] C. Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 510. Palfrey, Hubbard.

[1000] Ibid., Hutchinson’s Coll., Neale’s Hist. of New England.

[1001] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 267.

[1002] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 390.

[1003] C. Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 512.

[1004] Winthrop in Hutchinson’s Coll.

[1005] Winthrop’s Journal.

[1006] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 391.

[1007] Battles of the Churches.

[1008] Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 508.

[1009] Magnalia, vol. 2, p. 512.

[1010] Knowles’ Life of Williams, Elton. Mrs. Hutchinson, some years

after her exile, suffered a melancholy fate, being tomahawked by the

savages. See Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 393, 394.

[1011] Johnson’s Wonder-working Providence, p. 96.

[1012] Banvard, p. 200.

[1013] Thatcher’s New Plymouth, Banvard.

[1014] Charter and Laws of New Plymouth.

[1015] Ibid., Banvard.

[1016] Ibid.

[1017] Ibid.

[1018] Ibid.

[1019] Ibid.

[1020] Ibid.

[1021] Ibid.

[1022] Banvard, p. 211.

[1023] Charter and Laws, etc.

[1024] Banvard, ut antea.

[1025] Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 183, 184.

[1026] Chap. 12, p. 151.

[1027] Winthrop, vol. 1.

[1028] “Quo quis in republicâ majorem dignitatis gradum adeptus est,

eo Deum colat submissius.”

[1029] Τέχνη πυβερνητικὴ.

[1030] He died in 1657, in his sixty-ninth year.

[1031] Thatcher, Wilson, Mather, etc.

[1032] Plymouth Pilgrims, p. 227.

[1033] Magnalia, vol. 1, pp. 113, 114.

[1034] Letter to John Winthrop the Younger, cited in Magnalia, vol.

1, p. 161.

[1035] Elliot. Life of J. Winthrop, by R. C. Winthrop. Boston, 1866.

[1036] Williams’ Letter to Mason. Knowles, Elton.

[1037] Wilson, p. 494.

[1038] Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 23.

[1039] Wilson.

[1040] Shawmut; or the Settlement of Boston, p. 86.

[1041] Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 40.

[1042] See his Sonnet in Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 134.

[1043] Elliot, vol. 1, p. 170.

[1044] Bancroft, vol. 1, p. 383.

[1045] Bancroft, ut antea.

[1046] Hubbard, cited in Elliot, vol. 1, pp. 173, 174.

[1047] Cicero, Orati Pro. Plan.

[1048] Hutchinson, vol. 1, p. 91. Mass. Historical Coll., vol. 1, 23.

Neale’s New England.

[1049] Johnson, Mather, Bancroft.

[1050] Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 1, p. 246, et seq.

[1051] Ibid., Bancroft.

[1052] Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 119.

[1053] Felt, vol. 1, p. 481.

[1054] Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 25.

[1055] Bancroft, vol. 1, pp. 416, 417.

[1056] Bancroft, ubi sup.

[1057] Mather’s Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 160. Palfrey, Hubbard, etc.

[1058] Hutchinson, Winthrop, Felt.

[1059] Ibid. Palfrey, Elliot, Bancroft.

[1060] Hubbard, p. 466. Col. Rec., etc.

[1061] W. Phillips.

[1062] Records in Hazard, vol. 2. Winthrop, Hubbard, Morton.

[1063] Bancroft, ut antea.

[1064] Hubbard, Hazard, Hutchinson, Morton, Bradford.

[1065] Hist. Coll., Col. Records, Elliot.

[1066] The half century which succeeded this act of union was

singularly checkered. In this time four momentous events occurred.

The first of these, in point of time, was the persecution of the

Quakers. The early advocates of this sect in New England displayed

little of the mild philosophy and statesmanlike benevolence of

Penn and his modern disciples; and, indeed, “the first and most

noisy exponents of any popular sect are apt to be men of little

consideration.” To this rule the first Quakers of Massachusetts

were no exception. They knew the public opinion of the province;

they knew the laws which were put into the statute-book to curb

heresy; yet they broke through the restraints of sentiment, and

contemned the laws—not mildly, but with harsh, violent, and often

indecent obstinacy. Persecution, under any circumstances, is wrong,

and the theocratic principles of the Massachusetts colonists were

far from being either just or necessary. Yet granting all this,

and it has still been well said that, “if the essential guilt of

persecution would be aggravated when aimed against the quiet,

patient philanthropist of to-day, it does not follow that it would

be attended with like aggravation, however wicked else, when the

subject was the mischievous madman of two centuries ago, who went

raving through the city reviling authority, inveighing against the

law and order of the time, running naked in the streets, and rudely

interrupting divine service in the churches, as many called Quakers,

of both sexes, did in 1656 and onwards. The duty of toleration stops

short of the permission of such indecency; nor does it suffer men,

for conscience’ sake, or to gain a name like Abraham, to sacrifice

their sons, as one of these Friends was proceeding to do in 1658,

when the neighbors, alarmed by the boy’s cries, broke into the house

in time to balk the fanatic.” Still, it must be confessed that there

was a better way than the magistrates of Massachusetts took, and

one more efficient in curbing this fanaticism, than the pillory,

mutilation statutes, and the death penalty; and this Roger Williams

proved in Rhode Island, and the younger Winthrop demonstrated in

Connecticut—in both of which colonies there was freedom of religious

opinion, and yet there were few Quakers.

That furious Indian war, known as “King Philip’s war,” occurred in

1675. It originated in the same deep-rooted feeling of jealousy and

hatred—begotten of dispossession and imagined wrong—that caused

the Pequod war. Massasoit died about 1661. He was succeeded by his

son Alexander, who was, on his death, succeeded by his brother

Philip, the hero of the struggle. This sagacious chieftain saw that

the whites were grasping; that his corn-lands and hunting-grounds

were rapidly being usurped; that rum was poisoning his warriors;

and he panted for revenge. So he gave his days and nights to the

organization of a conspiracy. “He spared no arts; he lived but for

one purpose, and that was to unite the Indians, split into numberless

clans, into one body, for the destruction of the encroaching

pale-faces.” Philip was largely successful, and the ensuing conflict

was bitter, doubtful, and prolonged. But eventually civilization and

discipline triumphed. The great sagamore was slain, and peace once

more brooded over mutilated and wailing New England—peace insured by

the definitive subjection of the Indian tribes.

In 1683, James II. abrogated the Massachusetts charter; three years

later, Sir Edmund Andros arrived, armed with the king’s commission

to take upon himself the absolute government of New England. Andros

at once commenced to play the despot. He shackled the press; he

imprisoned men for their religious opinions; he endeavored to

get possession of the charter of Connecticut—which, however, was

hidden in the “charter-oak” at Hartford, a circumstance which has

made the tree immortal; he denied the colonists the most common

civil rights, and asserted the highest doctrines of arbitrary

taxation. The colonies were ripe for insurrection, when, in 1688,

news came of the landing and coronation of William of Orange.

Instantly Andros was deposed, and flung, broken and dishonored, out

of New England. In 1691, King William granted Massachusetts a new

charter; but in this he reserved the right of appointing a colonial

governor, allowed appeals to be made to the English courts, freed

all Protestant religions, and confirmed the annexation of Plymouth

to Massachusetts—an annexation which Plymouth had decreed in 1690.

This charter robbed the colonists of several prerogatives which had

betokened independence, and was continued in substance until the dawn

of the Revolution. The same policy was pursued throughout New England.

It was in the years 1691-2 that what has been called the “Salem

witchcraft epidemic” occurred. In that age the belief in witches

was general and strong. In 1644, ’5, and ’6, England hanged fifteen

persons accused of witchcraft in one batch at Chelmsford, sixteen at

Yarmouth, and sixty in Suffolk. In Sweden, in 1670, there was a panic

about witches; and in one town, Mahra, seventy persons were charged

with this offence, and spite of their protestations of innocence,

most of them were executed. Fifteen children were hung on their own

confession; and fifty others were condemned to be whipped every

Sunday for a twelvemonth. Even so late as 1697, five years after the

Salem troubles, seven persons were hung in Scotland as witches, and

that too upon the unsupported testimony of a single child eleven

years old.

New England, then, was not alone in her belief in witches, or in her

punishment of them. She merely shared the opinion of such consummate

scholars and noble thinkers as Sir Thomas Browne and Sir Matthew

Hale. Many things combined to increase this belief. James I. had

published a book on demonology. Books containing rules for binding

witches were in wide circulation. The practice and the opinion of

centuries substantiated these phantoms. And the recent excitement in

Sweden and England was certain to cause a ripple in America. Men’s

minds were thus prepared for an epidemic. As early as the year 1688,

a case of supposed witchcraft occurred in Boston. An old half-witted

Irish woman was charged with having bewitched the children of John

Goodwin, and she was soon hanged. The witches then quit Boston,

and in 1691-2 appeared at Salem. Children began to act oddly,

getting “into holes, creeping under chairs, and uttering foolish

speeches”—all of which were esteemed as tokens of bewitchment.

Inquiries were at once and everywhere made for witches. The children

accused at random. This woman was said to be a witch, and that

man. Salem was aghast. Startled women passed from house to house,

repeating and enlarging every idle tale. Soon the excitement was

unprecedented. Fasting and prayer failed to exorcise the “spirits.”

Then the witches were imprisoned, tried, condemned, executed. A reign

of terror commenced. All lived in fear; accusation was equivalent to

proof; there seemed no safety. Many, spurred by fear, acknowledged

themselves to be witches when accused, thinking thus to save their

lives; others hastened to complain that they were bewitched; and only

those who avowed themselves to belong to one of these two classes

could be sure of life. Still the panic spread. Andover was infected.

New England at large began to shudder. The executioner was busy.

And it was not until January, 1692, that the panic began to abate.

Nineteen persons had been hung; one had been pressed to death; many

had been condemned; hundreds had been imprisoned. So remorseless,

so cruel is panic. But the excess cured itself; the reaction was

great; men began to lament the part they had played; and some made

open confession in church of their grievous fault and weakness. The

infatuation grew perhaps from the tricks or the craziness of the

“bewitched” children; perhaps from the folly or the superstition of

their parents. Whatever its cause, its effects were sad, and they are

pregnant with warning.

It is sometimes said that these doings sprang naturally from the

theology and temper of New England. Rather, they were directly

counter to both. They were a weak and foolish importation from

Europe; and they prevailed in New England only for a short season.

Soon her sons outgrew such folly; and nowhere in Christendom was the

popular revolution against witchcraft so speedy and complete as in

the Puritan colonies.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been

corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within

the text and consultation of external sources.

Some accents and hyphens in words have been silently removed, some

added, when a predominant preference was found in the original book.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,

and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Pg 7: ‘The Nansets’ replaced by ‘The Nausets’.

Pg 106: ‘opprobious speeches’ replaced by ‘opprobrious speeches’.

Pg 111: ‘to sow and hill’ replaced by ‘to sow and till’.

Pg 117: ‘the earthern floor’ replaced by ‘the earthen floor’.

Pg 124: ‘named Aspiret’ replaced by ‘named Aspinet’.

Pg 124: ‘bade Aspiret a hasty’ replaced by ‘bade Aspinet a hasty’.

Pg 125: ‘Squanto, Takamahamon’ replaced by ‘Squanto, Tokamahamon’.

Pg 151: ‘passed in in 1632’ replaced by ‘passed in 1632’.

Pg 174: ‘clams, and muscles’ replaced by ‘clams, and mussels’.

Pg 191: ‘They had had been left’ replaced by ‘They had been left’.

Pg 201: ‘sprang aleak’ replaced by ‘sprang a leak’.

Pg 217: ‘malicious inuendoes’ replaced by ‘malicious innuendoes’.

Pg 258: ‘seal of Soloomon’ replaced by ‘seal of Solomon’.

Pg 312: ‘wise statemanship’ replaced by ‘wise statesmanship’.

Pg 326: ‘both of Massachusets’ replaced by ‘both of Massachusetts’.

Pg 339: ‘with sevral other’ replaced by ‘with several other’.

Pg 373: ‘the evenging of’ replaced by ‘the avenging of’.

Footnote 57, Pg 46: ‘March 1, 1864-5’ replaced by ‘March 1, 1625’.