WHY WE SURRENDERED.
Breathes there the man, with soul so dead,
Who never to himself hath said,
This is my own, my native land!...
If such there breathe, go, mark him well.
_Walter Scott._
We shall now direct our attention to some of the disadvantages and
difficulties which confronted us in our struggle for freedom. This we do
because many who were in sympathy with the Republics have been sorely
disappointed in their surrender, and some suppose that they should have
prolonged the struggle until victory ultimately crowned their efforts.
Those who reason in this way must be ignorant of the conditions of the
Republics at the time of their surrender, neither do they know the
disadvantages with which we had to grapple throughout the war. It is
therefore of importance that the South African War should be regarded in
the light and under the circumstances in which it was begun, conducted
and concluded. When the obstacles the Boer had to encounter are taken
into due consideration, then censure and disappointment vanish and make
room for praise and admiration.
None know better than those who have been involved in war that its
current does not run evenly. Experience has taught them that war is much
more than a series of exciting adventures or some kind of sport. It
brings before the contending parties problems hard to solve,
difficulties and emergencies of a most perplexing and bewildering
nature. Boer and Briton alike had to face such difficulties and
disadvantages. The disadvantages, however, under which the English had
to labour in South Africa dwindle into insignificance when contrasted
and compared with those of the Boers, especially towards the latter part
of the war. The impartial critic must admit that eventually the vantage
ground was altogether on the side of the British. 'Tis only by sheer
determination and superhuman efforts and sacrifices on the part of the
late Republics that they defied the British Empire for two years and
eight months. None were perhaps more surprised and amazed at the
protracted war than the Imperial Government itself. Time and again an
early termination of hostilities was announced. Such was the case after
Cronje's capture, the occupation of Bloemfontein and Pretoria, and
Prinsloo's surrender. When Lord Roberts left South Africa, the war, it
was said, was practically over!
The British were placed at a great disadvantage at the outbreak of
hostilities. The Boer ultimatum, issued on the 9th of October, 1899,
found the English Government only half prepared either to accept or
reject its demands. None thought that the Boer Republics would ever take
such a bold step, and would be so audacious as to despatch an ultimatum
to one of the mightiest Powers of the world. They should have waited and
waited until that strong Power was quite prepared to crush them at one
stroke. They should have waited, at least, till all the British forces
were massed on their borders, then to cross, and take by force what
peaceful negotiations failed to obtain. Thus reasoned some, the Boers
thought otherwise. To them war seemed inevitable, and they believe that
the man who strikes first strikes best.
That the war presented many difficulties to our opponents cannot be
denied. They were unexpectedly brought to a crisis, and were but half
prepared to meet it. Their reinforcements were delayed in being
transported thousands of miles. Their own subjects rose in rebellion and
assisted the Boers. They were at first unacquainted with the country in
which they had to fight.
How the enemy confronted and overcame these difficulties, and how their
disadvantages gradually vanished like smoke, is well known. Troops,
more troops, and still more were despatched to South Africa, until
finally the Republics were literally flooded by the gentlemen in khaki.
By the end of February, 1900, Lord Roberts had at his disposal tens of
thousands, by whom General Cronje was surrounded and captured, and who
paved the Field-Marshal's way for him to Bloemfontein and Pretoria. The
difficulty and disadvantage arising from their not knowing the
geographical features of the country in which they had to operate was
gradually solved and cleared. Cape colonials enlisted in the British
ranks, and these acted as guides and scouts. They knew the features of
the country as well as the Boers, and could thus render very efficient
service to the British. Still later, services of inestimable value were
rendered to the British forces by natives, and, alas! even republicans
themselves, who joined the enemy's ranks. When these enlisted, the
English were provided with the best of guides, scouts and spies.
The disadvantages of the enemy were, to a large extent, the advantages
of the, Boers. They had a very accurate knowledge of the country where
they were fighting. The value of such a knowledge can hardly be
over-estimated. If they had not known the country as well as they did,
the English forces would certainly have been more successful in
effecting their capture; and they would have often been in a sad plight.
Our knowledge of the field of operations proved our salvation on more
than one occasion, and was at the bottom of some successes achieved over
the enemy. To know every mountain, hill, river, brooklet, valley, or
donga is to be forearmed. The general that knows the battlefield is
infinitely better off than the one that does not. He knows precisely how
and when to lead an attack, or what to do when unexpectedly attacked.
Now the Boer commanders had this intimate knowledge of the country, a
knowledge which served them in good stead, and accounts for the Boers'
marvellous mobility. They were not tied to roads, but could move in any
direction, by night as well as by day, without ever losing their track.
This the enemy could not do, not even with the aid of scientific
instruments. When the natives and some of the burghers attached
themselves to the British forces, then, and then only, were they able to
make forced marches by night, and surprise the Boers when least
expected.
A second point in favour of us was the fact that we were all mounted,
whereas, at the commencement of the war, the British army consisted
largely of infantry. The Boers are splendid horsemen--none more at home
in the saddle than the farmer. The way he handled his steed, and the
posture he assumed on it, invariably distinguished him, even at great
distances, from the British soldier. The British infantry, however well
they might have fought--and they did often fight bravely--were yet
placed at a great disadvantage in engagements with the mounted Boers,
who could quickly, sometimes too quickly, abandon untenable positions
and occupy others which offered greater advantages.
Last, but not least, the Boers had the moral advantage of fighting in
defence of their country. They did not fight for honour or glory, nor
because of lust or greed for gold or expansion of territory, but for
their beloved Fatherland, for that freedom which they had enjoyed so
long and loved so well. This was their stimulus, their very inspiration
to endure hardship and sacrifice all. What was the stimulus and
inspiration of the British forces?
We shall now review some of the disadvantages under which we had to wage
war for almost three years. No sooner had the war been declared than the
Republics were almost completely isolated from the civilised world. The
English were in possession of all the harbours, and if it had not been
for Delagoa Bay, which is a neutral port, the communication of the
Republics with the outer world would instantly have been cut off
entirely. Through this port all contraband of war was strictly
prohibited; and such foreigners as came to our assistance had to
exercise great ingenuity to find their way _via_ Delagoa Bay to the Boer
lines. For several months in succession the Boers had to fight without
the slightest encouragement from abroad. How the nations were regarding
their struggle, whether any of them would dare to interfere on their
behalf, and so indicate the rights of the weak against the strong--such
and similar questions remained unanswered. Neither was the average Boer
much concerned as to what other nations thought about the war. He was
involved in the struggle, not because he courted it or loved to fight,
but because his country was invaded and his independence was at stake.
To secure his liberty he would resist any Power, regardless of all
adverse criticism on the part of other Powers. Yet it proved no less a
serious disadvantage to the Republics to have been so isolated, their
communication with the other Powers so restricted, and themselves
encompassed almost on every side by British dominions.
Not only was our intercourse with the outer world sadly impeded, but our
internal communication was likewise seriously disturbed. The British,
having divided the two states into several small sections by their
blockhouse system, made it extremely difficult for the different
commandoes to come in touch with one another. Our despatch riders, who
had to beat their way through the various blockhouse lines, were
sometimes so hemmed in by these that escape was impossible, and thus
their despatches fell into the hands of the enemy. Towards the latter
part of the war we were entirely dependent upon despatch riders for the
transmission of our reports or messages. We had no more the inestimable
advantage of heliographic instruments or telegraph wires, which were at
the disposal of the British. Our reinforcements often arrived too late
at the scene of action because the reports were delayed on the way, and
so a battle was lost where a victory might have been secured.
The number of able-bodied men that the Republics could put in the field
against the British forces was extremely limited. They had to contend
against great numbers, and these numbers were reinforced from time to
time. While the Boer numbers decreased, those of the enemy increased. It
was certainly an heroic action on the part of two small republics to
enter upon a contest with the British Empire, not to say with England,
but was it not more heroic for these untrained farmers to confront and
defy the overwhelming numbers brought against them? Surely this, if
nothing else, should entitle the Boer to a place in the history of
nations. Is this not proof sufficient that, when their Governments with
their consent despatched an ultimatum, it was not arrogance which
prompted them to take up arms against the British, but steadfast
determination to vindicate their sacred rights at any price?
As to the numbers that were employed during the war, the official
statement of the War Department makes the number of officers and
soldiers that were engaged in active service in South Africa about
500,000. To this must be added the number of armed natives, which would
increase the sum total considerably. The Boer estimates vary, yet we do
not hesitate to state that not more, but rather less, than 50,000 Boers
were ever in the field. Of these a large proportion usually remained in
the laagers, and never fired a shot at the enemy. After Prinsloo's
surrender there were hardly 8,000 men still in the field. According to
these numbers, the odds were ten to one. According to other authorities,
the odds were even greater. One English writer says: "What glory shall a
mighty empire win from a victory over 15,000 farmers? We are forcing
upon our army the cruel humiliation of beating our enemy by sheer force
of fifteen against one; we who used to boast that one Briton was a match
for any three of his foes." The official returns at the close of the war
substantiates the above figures, and show that it has not by any means
been exaggerated. General De Wet, on being asked how long he thought the
war would last if the numbers could be inverted, remarked: "As long as
it would take to cable defeat to England." We do not wonder that some of
the burghers eventually became discouraged and surrendered to the foe,
especially when we think how great the odds were against which they had
to contend month after month. We are rather surprised that so many did
not become disheartened, but unflinchingly maintained the struggle until
their Governments and leaders advised a general surrender.
Not only had we to confront such overpowering numbers, but these forces
were under the control of England's most distinguished generals, men
who combined practical experience with the advantage of a military
training. These generals for the most part had achieved glory and renown
in many a campaign--in Afghanistan, Egypt, and elsewhere--and thus came
to South Africa, not to get their first lessons in warfare, but as
experienced leaders of a great army. With such men to lead the British
forces on to battle, if not to victory, three months were considered all
too long by many to crush and wipe out of existence two small republics.
Opposed to these (famous) British officers stood the inexperienced Boer
leaders. What a contrast! The Boer officers, with very few exceptions,
were men without a shadow of military training, some even poorly
developed mentally. They were, with few exceptions, peasants pure and
simple, who left their ploughfields and flocks to take upon themselves
the command over no less inexperienced burghers. These Boer leaders,
elected by the people in times of peace, went to the front without the
least practical knowledge of warfare. True, a few of them, such as
Cronje, De la Rey, and Prinsloo had been leaders in Kaffir wars, and in
such the burghers placed implicit confidence. Needless almost to state
that in most of these so-called Kaffir warriors the Boers were utterly
disappointed. It was one thing to attack natives badly armed, it was
another thing to face an organised army well equipped with death-dealing
instruments. We were thus at a great disadvantage at the commencement of
hostilities as far as leaders were concerned. Gradually our staff of
officers was improved, for the best men came to the front, and some of
the older officers, who were unfit, were replaced by younger and abler
ones. All these changes, however, took a long time, and were not
effected before we had been subjected to two great disasters: one that
of Cronje's capture on the 27th of February, 1900, the other, Prinsloo's
surrender on the 1st of August, 1900, disasters which proved decisive
epochs in the Anglo-Boer war.
Some of the Boer leaders, though inexperienced and untrained, proved
themselves quite a match for their opponents. They have astonished
military circles by their valorous actions and daring enterprises, and
have merited imperishable honour and glory. Well may we be proud of
leaders such as Louis Botha, Christian De Wet, and Jacobus De la Rey,
men whose names deserve a place in the rolls of history. We were
fortunate in securing the services of such men at a time when they were
most needed. No doubt it was to the advantage and not, as some maintain,
to the disadvantage of the Free State burghers when C.R. De Wet was
elected Hoofd Commandant at Brandfort in March, 1900. He, too, was but a
farmer; culture he lacked, military training he had none, but the spark
of martial genius had fallen and kindled in his breast. In figure,
manner, and dress he was hardly distinguishable from hundreds of his
countrymen, who were not sharers of his military abilities. Does not his
broad forehead indicate thoughtfulness? While his keen and penetrating
eyes and firmly set lips are marks of determination and singleness of
purpose. And his broad chin, does it not reveal the man of tenacity and
endurance? As an individual he was sympathetic, generous, and
magnanimous; he was endowed with discretion and tact, simplicity and
honesty. As a soldier, vigilant, persevering, never indiscreet in anger
or disappointment, but always courageous and resourceful. Recognizing
the advantages of a surprise, he never lost an opportunity of harassing
the enemy. Through his rare topographical knowledge of his country he
baffled the foe by his movements time and again. Followed up by
overwhelming numbers, he was compelled more often to evade fighting than
offer battle. Never unduly elated, he was bravest and supreme when all
others lost heart. He had to contend against treachery, desertion and
want, but rose above all these obstacles, and proved himself the most
powerful obstructor that the British columns had to encounter in South
Africa. Such a man was a boon to his country, and to him the burghers
confidently entrusted themselves and their interests. He has proved
himself worthy of that trust. But all were not De Wets. There were,
alas! Prinsloos, Vilonels, etc., too.
So much for the Boer officers. As regards our rank and file, they were
as inexperienced in military matters as most of their leaders. The Boer
is no soldier in the technical sense of the term. He was never subjected
to military discipline, and unaccustomed to any restrictions. It took
him months to realise the absolute necessity for and inestimable value
of good discipline. The burghers looked upon themselves as volunteers,
and such they really were. Now, when the enemy had to be attacked in
their forts or strongholds, the Boer officers had to call out
volunteers, as it was hazardous to lay too much pressure on the burghers
to charge any position without their consent. To exercise too great
power or authority over burghers was, at all times, especially at the
beginning of the war, a risky thing. The officers knew well that the
Boer is more easily led than driven.
Corps such as the Johannesburg and Swaziland Police and the Staats
Artillery of the Transvaal and Orange Free State, which had the benefit
of military training and discipline, proved their superiority over the
rest of the burgher forces, and greatly distinguished themselves in the
South African campaign. If all the burghers had had the same training as
these corps, greater successes might have crowned their efforts during
the early part of the war. The soldier, on the contrary, is no
volunteer. His wishes are never consulted; when instructed to march on,
he has to obey, though it may mean certain death to him, as was so often
the case.
Another point of great disadvantage to the Boers is the lamentable fact
that thousands of the surrendered and captured burghers enlisted in the
British ranks as "National Scouts." This, viewed from the Boer
standpoint, is the darkest spot in the South African campaign. Gladly
would we dismiss this matter without any further comment, for it merits
silent contempt, but we cannot help noting at what a terrible
disadvantage we were placed by the action of these "National Scouts." As
they made common cause with the enemy they furnished the latter from
time to time with full particulars of our tactics, and divulged all our
military secrets to the British. Moreover, they served the British
forces as guides and led them forth at dead of night to surprise their
countrymen in their secret, and otherwise unknown, retreats, where they
were often captured or shot down by the enemy. Before these enlisted,
night assaults by the English were out of the question. It was perfectly
safe to bivouac some six miles from the enemy. For when the British did
make a move during the night, they usually lost their way, as was the
case when Gatacre undertook a night march on the Stormberg positions.
With Boers as guides it was possible for the English forces to assume
tactics hitherto untried by them.
Ah! brother, national scout, who may be reading this, do you not regret
and lament the unhappy part of traitor? Are your hands not stained with
the blood of your countrymen? And your conscience, is that not tarnished
with the blood of men, women and children, who fell in Freedom's holy
war? We do not despise but we pity you, and wish it were otherwise.
Not only did these "National Scouts" lead the British to the Boers, but
they were the principal instruments in the hands of the enemy to clear
the Republics of all foodstuffs and ammunition. They knew precisely
where their fellow-burghers had stored away their meal, corn, fodder,
and ammunition, knew where the oxen and sheep were grazing, and
forthwith to these they conducted the enemy's forces, and thus was
brought to pass that state of affairs which necessitated the Boers to
lay down their arms. Without the assistance of the deserted burghers it
would have taken the enemy ever so much longer to have exhausted the
Republics entirely of all their resources. To a large extent these very
republicans who sided with their country's enemies became the despoilers
of the once so fair Republics. Ah me, that this should be recorded!
Besides, by assisting the enemy they not only encouraged them, but
greatly discouraged their brethren in the field. The burgher who really
meant well naturally became disheartened that those who fought with him
for one and the same object could turn against him and play such a low
and treacherous part. How men, who have stooped to deeds so mean and
foul, shall defend their loathsome actions at the bar of Conscience and
Justice, I know not.
In addition to the "National Scouts"--as though these were not more than
sufficient--we had to contend against thousands of blacks, aboriginal
natives armed by the British and taken up in their ranks. We naturally
felt indignant at the adoption of coloured races in the British army;
for we regarded it as an unwritten agreement between the respective
Governments that no blacks were to be involved in the war. It was to be
white _versus_ white, Boer _versus_ Briton. Hence, when the natives
became embroiled in the struggle we refused to acknowledge and treat
them as combatants. No quarter was given to armed natives that were not
British subjects, and even these forfeited their lives on more than one
occasion. This action, regarded superficially, may seem cruel and
unjust, but remembering that war had not been declared against the
natives, and also that, if we did treat them as English soldiers, we
would simply have courted the opposition of all the natives, it does not
seem quite so cruel and unjust. We had to resort to severe measures so
as to let the natives fully realise that they were not acknowledged
combatants, and thus could not claim the privileges of combatants.
Surely the odds were already great enough--why then adopt blacks? We
hold that the Military Government was not justified in the use of armed
natives, and surely their adoption did not tend to the glory and honour
of the British arms in South Africa.
Again, one must remember that for fully eighteen months we were entirely
dependent upon the enemy for all military supplies. Our limited
resources were soon exhausted, and, as the English controlled all the
ports, the importation of arms, ammunition, horses, saddles, foodstuffs,
and other necessaries, was out of the question.
The general opinion as to the duration of the war was that it would or
could only last till the limited supply of Boer ammunition was spent.
This limited supply, however, like the widow's oil, was not exhausted
even after two years and eight months, and certainly never would as long
as British factories provided rifles, ammunition, and other military
equipments.
For eighteen months we were provided, directly or indirectly, by the
British Government with the necessaries of war. Britain was supporting
two armies in the field, armies which were not animated by a very
friendly spirit toward each other. Our support, however, demanded at
times the sacrifice of precious lives. When a commando ran short of
ammunition a determined onslaught to secure more was planned, and often
successfully carried out. The ammunition was obtained, but, alas! it
cost them the blood of some of their bravest men. Such dependence was a
great drawback to us. The Home Government also indirectly provided the
fighting Boers with clothes. At first the burgher had his own private
supply of clothing; but when the policy of destruction was resorted to
his clothes were consumed by the flames, and he had to apply to the
British Government for others. And this is how he did it. When he made a
prisoner he would exchange clothes with him, provided better ones were
thus secured, which was not always the case. With a certain amount of
etiquette and dignity, this bargain was closed. Tommy, without any
demonstration or remonstrance, would take off his jacket, pants and
boots, and hand these to his brother Boer, with some such remark: "I
don't grudge you it, sir--I know you fellows need them clothes badly;
we have burnt yours, we shall get others again." "Out boots, out
trousers, out jacket," were the abrupt commands of some of the Boers who
had but little English.
To put an end to this process of exchanging outfits, Lord Kitchener
issued a proclamation which forbade, under penalty of death, any
fighting Boer to dress in khaki. This proclamation was not heeded, for
the simple reason that men who had the interests of their country at
heart were not likely to surrender because their clothes were wearing
out. This threat but added one more to the many risks of death they ran.
And so a few of these unfortunate burghers, captured in khaki dress
because they had no other, were shot in accordance with the
proclamation. This did not, however, intimidate the rest, for at the
close of the war several hundreds were dressed in the dirty khaki hue.
In conclusion we note one point more, which counted seriously against
the late Republics. It was this: the field of operations became more and
more circumscribed and narrowed down by the extension of the
blockhouses. The two Republics were divided, so to speak, into a great
many little states by the blockhouse lines. The Free State alone was
divided into at least eight or nine sections. Now these divisions,
fenced round on every side, were cleared, one after the other, of all
cattle, sheep, and other foodstuff. The British concentrated their
forces in each section and operated there until it resembled a
wilderness. And so they went from one division to another, until finally
almost the whole country--both Transvaal and Free State--was denuded and
in a semi-famine state. Owing to this confined and limited area in which
we had to move, it was absolutely impossible for us to safeguard our war
supplies.
Another result of this restricted area was the release of all
prisoners-of-war taken by us. Thousands were captured, disarmed, and
released to take up arms the next day. The same soldier has been
captured two, three, and four times over. In this way it was impossible
to reduce the forces of the enemy to any appreciable extent. The Boers
certainly would have taken greater pains and dared more to capture the
enemy's forces if they too had had a place of confinement; but no Ceylon
or Bermudas were at their disposal. If they had had any such place, the
Imperial Yeomanry and others would not have surrendered perhaps quite so
readily. It certainly was a great misfortune to the late Republics that
they could not retain their prisoners-of-war, while every Boer prisoner
was either deported or guarded so securely, that, when once captured, he
was entirely lost for the Boer cause. Under such unfavourable
circumstances we had to fight our battle. It was against the stream all
along. If ever there was an unequal contest, surely ours was one.
To show that we have by no means exaggerated the conditions in which we
fought, we shall record here the resolution passed on the 31st of May,
1902, by the Volks Congress held at Vereeniging on the Vaal River, which
reads as follows:--
"This meeting of Representatives of the people of the South African
Republic and Orange Free State, held at Vereeniging, has learnt
with regret of the proposal made by his Majesty's Government in
regard to the cessation of existing hostilities, and of the
intimation that this proposal must be accepted or rejected in an
unaltered form.
"The meeting regrets that his Majesty's Government has absolutely
refused to negotiate with the Governments of the Republics upon the
basis of our Independence, or to permit our Governments to enter
into communication with our Deputation.
"Our Peoples have, indeed, always thought that not only on the
ground of Right, but also on the ground of the great material and
personal sacrifices that they have made for their Independence,
they have a just claim to such Independence.
"This meeting has earnestly taken into consideration the condition
of land and people, and has more especially taken into account the
following facts:--
"(1.) That the military tactics pursued by the British military
authorities has led to the entire ruin of the territory of both
Republics, with burning of farms and towns, destruction of all
means of subsistence, and exhaustion of all sources necessary for
the support of our families, for the maintenance of our forces in
the field, and for the continuation of the war.
"(2.) That the placing of our captured families in the
concentration camps has led to an unprecedented condition of
suffering and disease, so that within a comparatively short time
about 20,000 of those dear to us have perished there, and the
horrible prospect has arisen that by continuing the war our entire
race might be exterminated.
"(3.) That the Kaffir tribes within and without the borders of the
territories of both Republics are almost all armed and take part in
the struggle against us, and by perpetrating murders and committing
all kinds of horrors, an impossible state of affairs has been
brought about in many districts of both Republics, an instance of
which took place lately in the district of Vryheid, where fifty-six
burghers were murdered and mutilated in a shocking manner at the
same time.
"(4.) That by Proclamation of the enemy, which he has already
carried into effect, the burghers still in the field are threatened
with loss of all their movable and immovable property, and so with
total ruin.
"(5.) That through the circumstances of the war it has already long
ago become impossible for us to retain the many thousands of
prisoners-of-war taken by our forces, and that we thus could do but
comparatively little damage to the British troops, whilst our
burghers captured by the British are sent abroad; and that after
the war has raged for nearly three years there remains only a small
portion of the forces with which we entered into the war.
"(6.) That this remnant still in the field, which forms but a small
minority of our entire people, has to contend against overwhelming
odds, and, moreover, has reached a condition virtually amounting to
famine and want of the necessary means of subsistence, and that
notwithstanding our utmost endeavours and the sacrifice of all that
we value and hold dear, we cannot reasonably expect a successful
issue.
"This meeting is therefore of opinion that there is no reasonable
ground for thinking that by continuance of the war our People will
retain the possession of their Independence, and considers that
under the circumstances the People are not justified in carrying on
the war any longer, as that must tend to bring about the social and
material destruction not only of ourselves, but also of our
descendants.
"Urged by the above circumstances and motives, this meeting
authorises both Governments to accept the proposal of his Majesty's
Government, and on behalf of the People of both Republics to sign
the same."
Such was the condition of the two Republics at the termination of the
war. Well may one pause and ask: Has ever small nation, in similar
circumstances, placed greater sacrifices, personal and material, on
Liberty's shrine than the Republics? Have they not a lawful claim to
that independence for which they fought so gallantly and so desperately,
and for which they offered, ah! so much--their homes, their beloved
families, their possessions and their lives?
Shall any still that stood afar off and watched the struggle, maybe
sympathetically, or with cold indifference--shall they blame us for
having surrendered? Verily not; for it cannot rationally be expected
that a handful of farmers could offer resistance indefinitely, without
any assistance, to a rich and mighty empire. The leaking vessel may ride
to and fro for a while on the stormy billows, but eventually she is
bound to sink; the shipwrecked mariner may struggle and swim, but,
exhausted and powerless, he too goes down to find his last rest in the
bosom of the deep. This was the case of the Republics. On the stormy
billows of the ocean of war they were tossed hither and thither for
nearly three years. Time and again they cried and signalled for relief,
but no life-boats were sent to their rescue. None heeded their cry, or
had compassion on them. The nations stood and looked on, sympathised and
pitied, but did not help. And so, after all their strength was spent in
trying to save the vessel of their independence, the gallant crew, with
ship and all, sank beneath the waves of conquest.