SALISBURY ON HOME RULE (1886).

=Source.=--_The Times_, April 14.

_Demonstration at Her Majesty's Theatre against the Home Rule Bill._

LORD SALISBURY: ... The great result which I hope from the

brilliant debates that have taken place is that the conviction

will be carried home to the British people that there is no

middle term between government at Westminster and independent

and entirely separate government at Dublin. If you do not have a

Government in some form or other issuing from the centre you must

have absolute separation. Now I ask you to look at what separation

means. It means the cutting off from the British Islands of a

province tied to them by the hand of Nature. It is hard to find a

parallel instance in the contemporary world, because the tendency

of events has been in the opposite direction. In every country you

find that consolidation, and not severance, has been the object

which statesmen have pursued. But there is one exception. There

is a State in Europe which has had very often to hear the word

"autonomy," which has had more than once to grant Home Rule, and

to see separation following Home Rule. The State I have referred

to is Turkey. Let anyone who thinks that separation is consistent

with the strength and prosperity of the country look to its effect,

its repeated effect, when applied to a country of which he can

judge more impartially.... Turkey is a decaying Empire; England, I

hope, is not. But I frankly admit that this is not the only reason

which urges me. The point that the Government have consistently

ignored is that Ireland is not occupied by a homogeneous and

united people. In proportions which are variously stated, which

some people state as four-fifths to one-fifth, but which I should

be more inclined to state as two-thirds to one-third, the Irish

people are deeply divided, divided not only by creed, which may

extend into both camps, but divided by history and by a long

series of animosities, which the conflicts that have lasted during

centuries have created. I confess that it seems to me that Whiteboy

Associations, and Moonlight Associations, and Riband Associations,

and murder committed at night and in the open day, and a constant

disregard to all the rights of property--these things make me

doubt the angelic character which has been attributed to the Irish

peasantry. I do not for a moment maintain that they are in their

nature worse than other people. But I say there are circumstances

attaching to Ireland--circumstances derived from history that is

past and gone through many generations--which make it impossible

for us to believe that, if liberty, entire liberty, were suddenly

given to them, they would be able to forget the animosities of

centuries and to treat those who are placed in their power for the

first time with perfect justice and equity. You must not imagine

that with a wave of a wand by any Minister, however powerful, the

effects of centuries of conflict and exasperation will be wiped

away.... My belief is that the future government of Ireland does

not involve any unmanageable difficulty. We want a wise, firm,

continuous administration of the law. We want a steady policy. But

you must support it, or it will not take place. There has been

a great contest between England and the discontented portion of

the Irish people. It is a contest that has lasted through many

generations past, through many vicissitudes, and now you are asked

to submit to a measure which is placed before you, and to end that

contest by a complete and ignominious surrender. It is not a

surrender marked by the mere ordinary circumstances of ignominy. It

is a painful thing for a great nation to lose a battle and have to

acknowledge defeat. It is a painful thing if defeat involves loss

of territory, and the nation has to be content with a restricted

Empire. But these things do not represent the depth of infamy to

which you will descend. There is something worse than all this,

and that is when defeat is marked by the necessity of abandoning

to your enemies those whom you have called upon to defend you, and

who have risked their all on your behalf. That is an infamy below

which it is impossible to go; that is an infamy to which you are

asked to submit yourselves now. Your enemies in every part of the

world will be looking on what you do with exultation. Your friends,

your supporters, your partisans, will view it with shame, with

confusion, and with dismay in every quarter of the globe.

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