CHAPTER VIII

GAZA DEFENCES

Meanwhile there were important happenings at the other end of the

line. Gaza was about to submit to the biggest of all her ordeals. She

had been a bone of contention for thousands of years. The Pharaohs

coveted her and more than 3500 years ago made bloody strife within the

environs of the town. Alexander the Great besieged her, and Persians

and Arabians opposed that mighty general. The Ptolemies and the

Antiochi for centuries fought for Gaza, whose inhabitants had a

greater taste for the mart than for the sword, and when the Maccabees

were carrying a victorious war through Philistia, the people of Gaza

bought off Jonathan, but the Jews occupied the city itself about a

century before the Christian era. Later on the place was captured

after a year's siege and destroyed, and for long it remained a mass

of mouldering ruins. Pompey revived it, making it a free city, and

Gabinius extended it close to the harbour, whilst under Caesar and

Herod its prosperity and fame increased. In succeeding centuries

Gaza's commerce flourished under the Greeks, who founded schools

famous for rhetoric and philosophy, till the Mahomedan wave swept

over the land in the first half of the seventh century, when the town

became a shadow of its former self, though it continued to exist as a

centre for trade. The Crusaders made their influence felt, and many

are the traces of their period in this ancient city, but Askalon

always had more Crusader support. Napoleon's attack on Gaza found

Abdallah's army in a very different state of preparedness from von

Kress's Turkish army. Nearly all Abdallah's artillery was left behind

in a gun park at Jaffa owing to lack of transport, and though he had

a numerically superior force he did not like Napoleon's dispositions,

and retreated when Kleber moved up the plain to pass between Gaza and

the sea, and the cavalry advanced east of the Mound of Hebron, or Ali

Muntar, as we know the hill up which Samson is reputed to have carried

the gates and bar of Gaza. For nearly a century and a quarter since

Napoleon passed forwards and backwards through the town, Gaza pursued

the arts of peace in the lethargic spirit which suits the native

temperament, but in eight months of 1917 it was the cockpit of strife

in the Middle East, and there was often crammed into one day as

much fighting energy as was shown in all the battles of the past

thirty-five centuries, Napoleon's campaign included.

Fortunately after the battles of March and April nearly all the

civilian population left the town for quieter quarters. Some of them

on returning must have had difficulty in identifying their homes. In

the centre of the town, where bazaars radiated from the quarter of

which the Great Mosque was the hub, the houses were a mass of stones

and rubble, and the narrow streets and tortuous byways were filled

with fallen walls and roofs. The Great Mosque had entirely lost its

beauty. We had shelled it because its minaret, one of those delicately

fashioned spires which, seen from a distance, lead a traveller to

imagine a native town in the East to be arranged on an artistic and

orderly plan, was used as a Turkish observation post, and the Mosque

itself as an ammunition store. I am told our guns were never laid on

to this objective until there was an accident within it which exploded

the ammunition. Be that as it may, there was ample justification for

shelling the Mosque. I went in to examine the structure a few hours

after the Turks had been compelled to evacuate the town, and whilst

they were then shelling it with unpleasant severity. Amid the wrecked

marble columns, the broken pulpit, the torn and twisted lamps and

crumbling walls were hundreds of thousands of rounds of small-arms

ammunition, most of it destroyed by explosion. A great shell had cut

the minaret in half and had left exposed telephone wires leading

direct to army headquarters and to the Turkish gunners' fire control

station. Most of the Mosque furniture and all the carpets had

been removed, but a few torn copies of the Koran, some of them in

manuscript with marginal notes, lay mixed up with German newspapers

and some typical Turkish war propaganda literature. That Mosque, which

Saladin seized from the Crusaders and turned from a Christian into

a Mahomedan place of worship, was unquestionably used for military

purposes, and the Turks cared as little for its religious character or

its venerable age as they did for the mosque on Nebi Samwil, where the

remains of the Prophet Samuel are supposed to rest. Their stories of

the trouble taken to avoid military contact with holy places and sites

were all bunkum and eyewash. They would have fought from the walls of

the Holy City and placed machine-gun nests in the Church of the Holy

Sepulchre and the Mosque of Omar if they had thought it would spare

them the loss of Jerusalem.

Gaza had, as I have said, been turned into a fortress with a mass of

field works, in places of considerable natural strength. If our force

had been on the defensive at Gaza the Germans would not have attacked

without an army of at least three times our strength. It is doubtful

if the Turks put as much material in use on Gallipoli as they did

here. Their trenches were deeply cut and were protected by an immense

amount of wire. In the sand-dune area they used a vast quantity of

sandbags, and they met the shortage of jute stuffs by making small

sacks of bedstead hangings and curtains which, in the dry heat of the

summer, wore very well. Looking across No Man's Land one could easily

pick out a line of trenches by a red, a vivid blue, or a saffron

sandbag. The Turkish dug-outs were most elaborate places of security.

The excavators had gone down into the hard earth well beneath the

deep strata of sand, and they roofed these holes with six, eight, and

sometimes ten layers of palm logs. We had seen these beautiful

trees disappearing and had guessed the reason. But an even greater

protection than the devices of military engineers had been provided

for the Turks by Dame Nature. Along the southern outskirts of the town

all the fields were enclosed by giant cactus hedges, sometimes with

stems as thick as a man's body and not infrequently rearing their

strong limbs and prickly leaves twenty feet above the ground. The

hedges were deep as well as high. They were at once a screen for

defending troops and a barrier as impenetrable as the walls of a

fortress. If one line of cactus hedges had been cut through, infantry

would have found another and yet another to a depth of nearly two

miles, and as the whole of these thorny enclosures were commanded by

a few machine guns the possibility of getting through was almost

hopeless. There were similar hedges on the eastern and western sides

of Gaza, but they were not quite so deep as on the south. On the

western side, and extending south as far as the desert which the Army

had crossed with such steady, methodical, and one may also say painful

progression, was a wide belt of yellow sand, sometimes settled down

hard under the weight of heavy winds, and in other places yielding to

the pressure of feet. The Turks had laboured hard in this mile and

a half width of sand, right down to the sea, to protect their right

flank. There was a point about 4000 yards due west from the edge of

the West Town of Gaza which we called Sea Post. It was the western

extremity of the enemy's exceedingly intricate system of defences. The

beach was below the level of the Post. From Sea Post for about 1500

yards the Turkish front line ran to Rafa Redoubt. There were wired-in

entrenchments with strong points here and there, and a series of

communication trenches and redoubts behind them for 3000 yards to

Sheikh Hasan, which was the port of Gaza, if you can so describe an

open roadstead with no landing facilities. From Rafa Redoubt the

contour of the sand dunes permitted the enemy to construct an

exceedingly strong line running due south for 2000 yards, the

strongest points being named by us Zowaid trench, El Burj trench,

Triangle trench, Peach Orchard, and El Arish Redoubt, the nomenclature

being reminiscent of the trials of the troops in the desert march.

Behind this line there was many a sunken passageway and shelter from

gunfire, while backing the whole system, and, for reasons I have

given, an element of defence as strong as the prepared positions, were

cactus hedges enclosing the West Town's gardens.

From El Arish Redoubt the line ran east again to Mazar trench with

a prodigal expenditure of wire in front of it, and then south for

several hundred yards, when it was thrown out to the south-west to

embrace a position of high importance known as Umbrella Hill, a dune

of blazing yellow sand facing, about 500 yards away, Samson's Ridge,

which we held strongly and on which the enemy often concentrated his

fire. This ended the Turks' right-half section of the Gaza defences.

Close by passed what from time immemorial has been called the Cairo

Road, a track worn down by caravans of camels moving towards Kantara

on their way with goods for Egyptian bazaars. But there was no break

in the trench system which ran across the plain, a beautiful green

tinted with the blooms of myriads of wild flowers when we first

advanced over it in March, now browned and dried up by absolutely

cloudless summer days. In the gardens on the western slopes of the

hills running south from Ali Muntar the Turk had achieved much

spadework, but he had done far more work on the hills themselves, and

these were a frame of fortifications for Ali Muntar, on which we once

sat for a few hours, and the possession of which meant the reduction

of Gaza. By the end of summer the hill of Muntar had lost its shape.

When we saw it during the first battle of Gaza it was a bold feature

surmounted by a few trees and the whitened walls and grey dome of a

sheikh's tomb. In the earlier battles of 1917 much was done to ruffle

Muntar's crest. We saw trees uprooted, others lose their limbs, and

naval gunfire threatened the foundations of the old chief's burying

place. But Ali Muntar stoutly resisted the heavy shells' attack. As

if Samson's feat had endowed it with some of the strong man's powers,

Muntar for a long time received its daily thumps stoically; but by

degrees the resistance of the old hill declined, and when agents

reported that the sheikh's tomb was used as an observation post,

8-inch howitzers got on to it and made it untenable. There was a bit

of it left at the end, but not more than would offer protection from a

rifle bullet, and the one tree left standing was a limbless trunk. The

crest of the hill lost its roundness, and the soil which had worked

out through the shell craters had changed the colour of the summit.

Old Ali Muntar had had the worst of the bombardment, and if some

future sheikh should choose the site for a summer residence he will

come across a wealth of metal in digging his foundations.

To capture Gaza the Formidable it was proposed first to take the

western defences from Umbrella Hill to Sea Post, to press on to Sheikh

Hasan and thus turn the right flank of the whole position. That would

compel the enemy to reinforce his right flank when he was being

heavily attacked elsewhere, and if he had been transferring his

reserves to meet the threat against the left of his main line after

Beersheba had been won for the Empire he would be in sore trouble.

Gaza had already tasted a full sample of the war food we intended it

should consume. Before the attack on Beersheba had developed, ships of

war and the heavy guns of XXIst Corps had rattled its defences. The

warships' fire was chiefly directed on targets our land guns could

not reach. Observers in aircraft controlled the fire and notified the

destruction of ammunition dumps at Deir Sineid and other places. The

work of the heavy batteries was watched with much interest. Some were

entirely new batteries which had never been in action against any

enemy, and they only arrived on the Gaza front five weeks before the

battle. These were not allowed to register until shortly before the

battle began, and they borrowed guns from other batteries in order to

train the gun crews. So desirous was General Bulfin to conceal the

concentration of heavies that the wireless code calls were only those

used by batteries which were in position before his Corps was formed,

and the volume of fire came as an absolute surprise to the enemy. It

came as a surprise also to some of us in camp at G.H.Q. one night at

the end of October. Suddenly there was a terrific burst of fire on

about four miles of front. Vivid fan-shaped flashes stabbed the sky,

the bright moonlight of the East did not dim the guns' lightning, and

their thunderous voices were a challenge the enemy was powerless to

refuse. He took it up slowly as if half ashamed of his weakness. Then

his fire increased in volume and in strength, but it ebbed again and

we knew the reason. We held some big 'stuff' for counter battery work,

and our fire was effective.

The preliminary bombardment began on October 27 and it grew in

intensity day by day. The Navy co-operated on October 29 and

subsequent days. The whole line from Middlesex Hill (close to Outpost

Hill) to the sea was subjected to heavy fire, all the routes to the

front line were shelled during the night by 60-pounder and field-gun

batteries. Gas shells dosed the centres of communication and bivouac

areas, and every quarter of the defences was made uncomfortable. The

sound-ranging sections told us the enemy had between sixteen and

twenty-four guns south of Gaza, and from forty to forty-eight north of

the town, and over 100 guns were disclosed, including more than thirty

firing from the Tank Redoubt well away to the eastward. On October 29

some of the guns south of Gaza had been forced back by the severity of

our counter battery work, and of the ten guns remaining between us and

the town on that date all except four had been removed by November

2. For several nights the bombardment continued without a move by

infantry. Then just at the moment von Kress was discussing the loss of

Beersheba and his plans to meet our further advance in that direction,

some infantry of the 75th Division raided Outpost Hill, the southern

extremity of the entrenched hill system south of Ali Muntar, and

killed far more Turks than they took prisoners. There was an

intense bombardment of the enemy's works at the same time. The next

night--November 1-2--was the opening of XXIst Corps' great attack on

Gaza, and though the enemy did not leave the town or the remainder of

the trenches we had not assaulted till nearly a week afterwards, the

vigour of the attack and the bravery with which it was thrust home,

and the subsequent total failure of counter-attacks, must have made

the enemy commanders realise on the afternoon of November 2 that Gaza

was doomed and that their boasts that Gaza was impregnable were thin

air. Their reserves were on the way to their left where they were

urgently wanted, there was nothing strong enough to replace such heavy

wastage caused to them by the attack of the night of November 1 and

the morning of the 2nd, and our big gains of ground were an enormous

advantage to us for the second phase in the Gaza sector, for we had

bitten deeply into the Turks' right flank.

Like the concentration of the XXth Corps and the Desert Mounted Corps

for the jump off on to Beersheba, the preparations against the Turks'

extreme right had to be very secretly made. The XXIst Corps Commander

had to look a long way ahead. He had to consider the possibility of

the enemy abandoning Gaza when Beersheba was captured, and falling

back to the line of the wadi Hesi. His troops had been confined to

trench warfare for months, digging and sitting in trenches, putting

out wire, going out on listening patrols, sniping and doing all the

drudgery in the lines of earthworks. They were hard and strong, their

health having considerably improved since the early summer, but at the

end of September the infantry were by no means march fit. Realising

that, if General Allenby's operations were successful, and no one

doubted that, we should have a period of open warfare when troops

would be called upon to make long marches and undergo the privations

entailed by transport difficulties, General Bulfin brought as many

men as he could spare from the trenches back to Deir el Belah and the

coast, where they had route marches over the sand for the restoration

of their marching powers. Gradually he accumulated supplies in

sheltered positions just behind the front. In three dumps were

collected seven days' mobile rations, ammunition, water, and

engineers' material. Tracks were constructed, cables buried, concealed

gun positions and brigade and battalion headquarters made, and from

the 25th October troops were ready to move off with two days' rations

on the man. Should the enemy retire, General Hill's 52nd (Lowland)

Division was to march up the shore beneath the sand cliffs, get across

the wadi Hesi at the mouth, detach a force to proceed towards Askalon,

and then move eastward down to the ridge opposite Deir Sineid, and, by

securing the bridge and crossings of the wadi Hesi, prevent the enemy

establishing himself on the north bank of the wadi. The operations

on the night of November 1-2 were conducted by Major-General Hare,

commanding the 54th Division, to which General Leggatt's 156th

Infantry Brigade was temporarily attached. The latter brigade was

given the important task of capturing Umbrella Hill and El Arish

Redoubt. Umbrella Hill was to be taken first, and as it was

anticipated the enemy would keep up a strong artillery fire for a

considerable time after the position had been taken, and that his fire

would interfere with the assembly and advance of troops detailed

for the second phase, the first phase was timed to start four hours

earlier than the second. For several days the guns had opened intense

fire at midnight and again at 3 A.M. so that the enemy should not

attach particular importance to our artillery activity on the night of

action, and a creeping barrage nightly swept across No Man's Land to

clear off the chain of listening posts established 300 yards in front

of the enemy's trenches. Some heavy banks of cloud moved across the

sky when the Scottish Rifle Brigade assembled for the assault, but the

moon shed sufficient light at intervals to enable the Scots to file

through the gaps made in our wire and to form up on the tapes laid

outside. At 11 P.M. the 7th Scottish Rifles stormed Umbrella Hill with

the greatest gallantry. The first wave of some sixty-five officers and

men was blown up by four large contact mines and entirely destroyed.

The second wave passed over the bodies of their comrades without a

moment's check and, moving through the wire smashed by our artillery,

entered Umbrella Hill trenches and set about the Turks with their

bayonets. They had to clear a maze of trenches and dug-outs, but they

bombed out of existence the machine-gunners opposing them and had

settled the possession of Umbrella Hill in half an hour.

The 4th Royal Scots led the attack on El Arish Redoubt. It was a

bigger and noisier 'show' than the Royal Scots had had some months

before, when in a 'silent' raid they killed with hatchets only, for

the Scots had seen the condition of some of their dead left in Turkish

hands and were taking retribution. Not many Turks in El Arish Redoubt

lived to relate that night's story. The Scots were rapidly in the

redoubt and were rapidly through it, cleared up a nasty corner known

as the 'Little Devil,' and were just about to shelter from the shells

which were to answer their attack when they caught a brisk fire from a

Bedouin hut. A platoon leader disposed his men cleverly and rushed

the hut, killing everybody in it and capturing two machine guns. The

vigorous resistance of the Turks on Umbrella Hill and El Arish Redoubt

resulted in our having to bury over 350 enemy dead in these positions.

The second phase was to attack the enemy's front-line system from El

Arish Redoubt to the sea at Sea Post. At 3 A.M., after the enemy

guns had plentifully sprinkled Umbrella Hill and had given it up as

irretrievably lost, we opened a ten-minutes' intense bombardment of

the front line, exactly as had been done on preceding mornings, but

this time the 161st and 162nd Infantry Brigades followed up our shells

and carried 3000 yards of trenches at once. Three-quarters of an

hour afterwards the 163rd Infantry Brigade tried to get the support

trenches several hundred yards in rear, but the difficulties were too

many and the effort failed. Having secured Sea Post and Beach Post the

162nd Brigade completed the programme by advancing up the coast and

capturing the 'port' of Gaza, Sheikh Hasan, with a considerable body

of prisoners.

The enemy's guns remained active until seven o'clock, when they

reserved their fire till the afternoon. Then a heavy counter-attack

was seen to be developing by an aerial observer, whose timely

warning enabled the big guns and warships to smash it up. Another

counter-attack against Sheikh Hasan was repulsed later in the day, and

a third starting from Crested Rock which aimed at getting back El

Burj trench was a complete failure. After the second phase our troops

buried 739 enemy dead. Without doubt there were many others killed and

wounded in the unsuccessful counter-attacks, particularly the first

against Sheikh Hasan, when many heavy shells were seen to fall in the

enemy's ranks. We took prisoners 26 officers, including two battalion

commanders, and 418 other ranks. Our casualties were 30 officers and

331 other ranks killed, 94 officers and 1869 other ranks wounded, and

10 officers and 362 other ranks missing. Considering the enormous

strength of the positions attacked, the numbers engaged, and the fact

that we secured enemy front 5000 yards long and 3000 yards deep, the

losses were not more severe than might have been expected.

The Turks clung to their trenches with a tenacity equal to that which

characterised their defences on Gallipoli, and officer prisoners told

us they had been ordered to hold Gaza at all costs. That was good

news, though even if they had got back to the wadi Hesi line it is

doubtful if, when Sheria was taken, they could have done more than

temporarily hold us up there. During the next few days the work

against the enemy's right consisted of heavy bombardments on the line

of hills running from the north-east to the south of Gaza, and on the

prominent position of Sheikh Redwan, east of the port. The enemy made

some spirited replies, notably on the 4th, but his force in Gaza was

getting shaken, and prisoners reluctantly admitted that the heavy

naval shells taking them in flank and rear were affecting the moral

of the troops. The gunfire of Rear-Admiral Jackson's fleet of H.M.S.

_Grafton_, _Raglan_, Monitors 15, 29, 31, and 32, river-gunboats

_Ladybird_ and _Amphis_, and the destroyers _Staunch_ and _Comet_, was

worthy of the King's Navy. They were assisted by the French battleship

_Requin_. We lost a monitor and destroyer torpedoed by a submarine,

but the marks of the Navy's hard hitting were on and about Gaza, and

we heard, if we could not see, the best the ships were doing. On one

day there was a number of explosions about Deir Sineid indicating the

destruction of some of the enemy's reserve of ammunition, and while

the Turks were still in Gaza they received a shock resembling

nothing more than an earthquake. One of the ships--the _Raglan_, I

believe--taking a signal from a seaplane, got a direct hit on an

ammunition train at Beit Hanun, the railway terminus north of Gaza.

The whole train went up and its load was scattered in fragments over

an area of several hundred square yards, an extraordinary scene of

wreckage of torn and twisted railway material and destroyed ammunition

presenting itself to us when we got on the spot on November 7. There

was another very fine example of the Navy's indirect fire a short

distance northward of this railway station. A stone road bridge had

been built over the wadi Hesi and it had to carry all heavy traffic,

the banks of the wadi being too steep and broken to permit wheels

passing down them as they stood. During our advance the engineers had

to build ramps here. A warship, taking its line from an aeroplane,

fired at the bridge from a range of 14,000 yards, got two direct hits

on it and holed it in the centre, and there must have been thirty or

forty shell craters within a radius of fifty yards. The confounding of

the Turks was ably assisted by the Navy.

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