better guide to others than he was to himself. Some of his sentiments
are truly Christian; there is even a tradition that he was acquainted
with St. Paul, and fourteen letters to that apostle have been, though
without grounds, attributed to him. He may, however, unconsciously have
imbibed some of the principles of Christianity. The gospel had already
made great and rapid strides over the civilized world, and thoughtful
minds may have been enlightened by some of the rays of divine truth
dispersed through the moral atmosphere, just as we are benefited by the
light of the sun, even when its disc is obscured by clouds.
His Epistles, of which there are one hundred and twenty-four, are moral
essays in an epistolary form, and are the most delightful of his works.
Although addressed to a disciple named Lucilius, they are evidently
written for the public eye: they are rich in varied thought, and the
reflections flow naturally and without effort. Letters were perhaps the
most appropriate vehicle for his preceptive philosophy, because such a
desultory style is best adapted to convey isolated and unconnected
maxims. They contain a free and unconstrained picture of his mind. We
see in them how he despised verbal subtleties,[1262] the external badges
of a sect or creed, and insisted that the great end of science is to
learn how to live and how to die.
In his old age he wrote seven books on questions connected with natural
phenomena (_Quæstionum Naturalium_, Libri vii.) Why he did so it is
impossible to say, since he had so often argued against the utility of
physical studies.[1263] The declamatory praise which he bestows upon
them in this work would lead us to suppose that it was a mere exercise
for amusement and relaxation. But in this case he is not so inconsistent
as might be supposed—he treats the subject like a moralist, and makes it
the occasion of ethical reflections.[1264]
Once he indulged in the playfulness of satire. He had written a fulsome
funeral oration on Claudius, which Nero delivered in the midst of
laughter and derision; but for this abject flattery he afterwards made
compensation by composing, as a parody on the apotheosis of the stupid
Emperor, the _Apocolocyntosis_, or his metamorphosis into a pumpkin. The
pun was good enough, but the execution miserable.
In the style of Seneca we see the result of that false declamatory taste
of which the works of his father furnish specimens. Thought was
subordinate to expression. The masters of rhetoric were all in all. His
style is too elaborate to please; it is generally affected, often florid
and bombastic: he seems always striving to produce striking effects,
either by antithesis or ornament; of course he defeats his object, for
there is no light and shade. There is too much sparkle and glitter, too
little repose and simplicity.
CHAPTER IX.
PLINY THE ELDER—HIS HABITS DESCRIBED BY HIS NEPHEW—HIS INDUSTRY AND
APPLICATION—HIS DEATH IN THE ERUPTION OF VESUVIUS—THE ERUPTION DESCRIBED
IN TWO LETTERS OF PLINY THE YOUNGER—THE NATURAL HISTORY OF PLINY—ITS
SUBJECTS DESCRIBED—PLINY THE YOUNGER—HIS AFFECTION FOR HIS GUARDIAN—HIS
PANEGYRIC, LETTERS, AND DESPATCHES—THAT CONCERNING THE CHRISTIANS—THE
ANSWER.
C. PLINIUS SECUNDUS.
Pliny the Elder was born A. D. 23, either at Verona[1265] or
Novo-Comum[1266] (Como.) As he possessed estates at the latter town, and
his nephew, the younger Pliny, whom he adopted, was undoubtedly born
there, it was most probably the family residence and the place of the
elder Pliny’s nativity. He was educated at Rome; and serving Claudius in
Germany, employed the opportunities which this campaign afforded him in
travelling. Afterwards he returned to Rome and practised at the bar;
filled different civil offices, amongst them that of augur, and was
subsequently appointed procurator in Spain.[1267]
Some interesting particulars respecting his life and habits are
contained in a letter of the younger Pliny to his friend Macer,[1268]
illustrative of his studies, his temper, his thirst for knowledge, and
his strict economy of time. The letter is also valuable for another
reason—namely, as giving a catalogue of all the writings of his uncle.
“It is a great satisfaction to me,” he writes, “that you so constantly
and diligently read my uncle’s works, that you wish to possess them all,
and ask me for a list of them. I will therefore perform the duty of an
index; and will also tell you the order in which they were written.” He
then subjoins the following titles:—(1.) The Art of using the Javelin on
Horseback; composed when he was commander of cavalry in Germany. (2.)
The Life of his friend Pomponius Secundus. (3.) A History of all the
Wars, twenty in number, which the Romans had carried on with the
Germans. This was commenced during his German campaign, in obedience to
the suggestions of a dream:—“There appeared to him whilst sleeping the
shade of Drusus; commended his memory to his care, and besought him to
rescue it from undeserved oblivion.” In accordance with his
superstitious and credulous temper, he obeyed the call of his
supernatural visitant. (4.) A treatise on Eloquence, entitled
“Studiosus,” in three books, but subdivided, on account of its length,
into six volumes. In it he traces the education of an orator from the
very cradle. (5.) Eight books on Grammatical Ambiguity, which he wrote
during the reign of Nero, a period when imperial tyranny rendered
studies of a freer kind too perilous. (6.) Thirty books in continuation
of the History of Aufidius Bassus, dedicated to the Emperor Titus.[1269]
(7.) Thirty-seven books on Natural History—a work, not only, as Pliny
the Younger describes it, as full of variety as Nature herself, but, as
will be shown hereafter, a treasure-house of the arts, as well as of
natural objects.
“You will wonder,” he continues, “how a man occupied with official
business could have completed so many volumes filled with such minute
information. You will be still more surprised to learn that he practised
sometimes as a pleader; that he died in his fifty-sixth year; and that
the intermediate time was distracted and interrupted by the friendship
of princes and most important public affairs. But he was a man of
vigorous intellect, incredible application, and unwearied activity.
Immediately after the festival of the Vulcanalia (August 23d,) he used
to begin to study in the dead of the night; in the winter at one o’clock
in the morning, at the latest at two, often at midnight. No one ever
slept so little—sometimes he would snatch a brief interval of sleep in
the midst of his studies. Before dawn he would wait upon the Emperor,
for he also used the night for transacting business. Thence he proceeded
to the discharge of his official duties; and whatever time remained he
devoted to study.
“After a light and frugal meal, which, according to the old fashion, he
partook of by day, he would in summer, if he had any leisure time,
recline in the sun whilst a book was read to him, from which he took
notes and made extracts. In fact, he never read any book without making
extracts; for he used to say that no book was so bad but that some
profit could be derived from it. After sunset he generally took a cold
bath, then a slight repast, and afterwards slept for a very short time.
When he awoke, as if it were a new day, he studied till supper; during
which a book was read, on which he made annotations as the reading
proceeded. I remember that one of his friends interrupted the reader,
because he had mispronounced a word, and compelled him to repeat it;
upon which my uncle asked, ‘Did you understand him?’ and when he
answered in the affirmative, he continued—‘Why did you interrupt him? we
have lost more than ten lines;’—so frugal was he of his time. In summer
he rose from the supper-table by daylight, in winter at nightfall; and
this custom was a law to him.
“These were his habits amidst the toils and bustle of a town-life. In
the retirement of the country the bath was the only interruption to his
studies. But only the bath itself, for whilst he was rubbed and wiped
dry, he either dictated to an amanuensis or had a book read to him. On
journeys, as he was then relieved from all other cares, study was the
only employment of his leisure. He had a precis-writer at his side, with
books and tablets, who in the winter wore gloves, so that his master’s
studies might not be interrupted by the severity of the cold. For the
same reason, when at Rome, he always used a sedan. I remember once
having been chid by him for walking: ‘You might,’ said he, ‘avoid
wasting all this time.’ For he thought all time was lost which was not
devoted to study. By this intense application he completed so many
volumes, and bequeathed to me, besides, one hundred and sixty rolls of
commentaries, written in the smallest possible hand and on both sides.
He used to say that when he was procurator in Spain, he was offered for
a portion of them 400,000 sesterces (about 3,200_l._) by Lartius
Licinius.... I cannot help laughing when people call me studious, for,
compared with him, I am the idlest fellow in the world.”
Pliny perished a martyr to the cause of science, in the terrible
eruption of Vesuvius, which took place in the first year of the reign of
Titus.[1270] Had he been as ardent an original observer in all other
respects, instead of a mere plodding student, and collector, and
transcriber of other men’s observations, his works would have been less
voluminous, but more valuable. The eruption in which he perished was the
first of which there is any record in history. It is probable that none
of any consequence had occurred before; and that the lava had never
before devastated the smiling slopes and green vineyards which Martial
has described.[1271] The circumstances of his death are thus described
by his nephew[1272] in two letters to Tacitus:—“He was at Misenum, in
command of the fleet. On the 24th of August, about one o’clock P. M., my
mother pointed out to him a cloud of unusual size and appearance. He had
lain in the sunshine, bathed, and taken refreshment, and was now
studying. He forthwith asked for his shoes; and ascended an eminence
from which he could best see the phenomenon. The distance was too great
to know for certain from what mountain the cloud arose, but it was
afterwards ascertained to be Vesuvius. Its form resembled that of a pine
tree more than anything else. It rose into the air in the form of a tall
trunk, and then diffused itself like spreading branches. The reason of
this I take to be that it was at first carried upwards by a fresh
current of air, which as it grew older and weaker was unable to support
it, or perhaps its own gravity caused it to vanish in a horizontal
direction. Sometimes it was white, sometimes solid and spotted,
according to the quantity of earth and ashes which it threw up.
“The phenomenon appeared to him, as a learned man, deserving of closer
investigation. He ordered a light galley to be fitted out, and gave me
permission to accompany him. I replied that I preferred studying, and as
it chanced he himself had given me something to write. Just as he was
leaving the house with his note-book in his hand, the troops stationed
at Retina, a village at the foot of the mountain, from which there was
no escape except by sea, alarmed by the imminent peril they were in,
sent to entreat him to rescue them. Notwithstanding this circumstance
his determination was unaltered; but the task which he had commenced
with earnestness he went through with the greatest resolution.
“He launched some quadriremes, and embarked for the purpose of
assisting, not Retina only, but others; for the beauty of the coast had
attracted a large population. He hastened to the spot whence others were
flying, and steered a direct course to the point of danger, so
fearlessly that he observed all the phases and forms of that sad
calamity, and dictated his remarks on them to his secretary. Soon ashes
fell on the decks, and the nearer he approached the hotter and thicker
they became. With them were mingled scorched and blackened
pumice-stones, and stones split by fire. Now the sudden reflux of the
sea, and the fragments of the volcano which covered the coast, presented
an obstacle to his progress, and he hesitated for awhile whether he
should not return. At length, when his sailing-master recommended him to
do so, he exclaimed, ‘Fortune favours the brave—steer for the villa of
Pomponianus.’
“This was situated at Stabiæ, and was divided from the coast near
Vesuvius by an inlet or gulf formed by the sea. His friend, although
danger was not yet imminent, yet, as it was within sight, and would be
very near if it increased, had put his baggage on board of a ship, and
had determined on flight if the wind, which was then contrary, should
lull. A fair wind carried my uncle thither. He embraced his trembling
friend, consoled and encouraged him. In order to assuage his fears by
showing his own unconcern, he caused himself to be carried to a bath:
after bathing, he sat down to supper with cheerfulness, or, what is
almost the same thing, with the appearance of it. Meanwhile from many
parts of the volcano broad flames burst forth: the blaze was reflected
from the sky, and the glare and brightness were enhanced by the darkness
of the night. He, to soothe the alarm of Pomponianus, endeavoured to
persuade him that what he saw was only the burning villages which the
country people had deserted in their consternation. He then retired to
rest and slept soundly; for his snoring, which on account of his broad
chest was deep and resonant, was heard by those who were watching at the
door.
“Soon the court through which there was access to his apartment was so
choked with cinders and pumice that longer delay would have rendered
escape impossible. He was awakened; and went to Pomponianus and the
rest, who had sat up all night. They then held a consultation whether
they should remain in the house or go into the open fields. For repeated
shocks of an earthquake made the houses rock to and fro, and seemed to
move them from their foundations; whilst in the air the fall of
half-burnt pumice, though light, menaced danger. After balancing the two
dangers, he chose the latter course: with him, however, it was a
comparison of reasons, with others of fears. They tied cushions over
their heads with towels, to protect them from the falling stones.
Although it was now day elsewhere, the darkness here was denser than the
darkest night, broken only by torches and lights of different kinds.
They next walked out to the coast to see whether the sea was calm enough
to venture upon it, but it was still a waste of stormy waters. Then he
spread a linen cloth and lay down upon it, asked for two or three
draughts of cold water; and, afterwards, flames, and that sulphureous
smell which is the forerunner of them, put his companions to flight and
aroused him.
“He arose by the assistance of two slaves, and immediately fell down
dead, suffocated as I imagine by the dense vapour, and the functions of
his stomach being disordered, which were naturally weak, and liable to
obstructions and difficulty of digestion. On the morning of the third
day after his body was found entire, uninjured, and in the clothes in
which he died: its appearance was rather that of sleep than death.”
Pliny the Younger was left with his mother at Misenum; and in another
letter he gives an account of the appearance of the eruption at that
place:[1273]—
“After my uncle’s departure, I spent some time in study (for that was my
object in remaining behind:) I then bathed and supped, and had some
broken and restless sleep. For many days previously shocks of an
earthquake had been felt; but they caused less alarm because they are
usual in Campania; but on that night they were so violent that it was
thought they would not only shake but overturn everything. My mother
burst into my bed-chamber—I was just rising in order to arouse her, in
case she should be asleep. We sat down in the court which divided the
house from the sea. I know not whether to call this courage or
imprudence, for I was only in my eighteenth year. I asked for a volume
of Livy, and began to read it leisurely and to make extracts.
“Well! a friend of my uncle came in who had lately arrived from Spain,
and when he saw us sitting together, and me reading, he rebuked his
patience and my ‘insouciance.’ Still I was not the less for that
absorbed in my book. It was now seven o’clock, and the dawn broke
faintly and languidly. The surrounding buildings were tottering; and the
space in which we were, being limited in extent, there was great reason
to fear their fall. We then resolved to leave town. The populace
followed in alarm.
“When at a sufficient distance from the buildings we halted, and
witnessed many a wonderful and alarming phenomenon. The carriages which
we had ordered to be brought out, although the ground was very level,
rolled in different directions, and even stones placed under the wheels
could not stop them. The sea ebbed and seemed to be repelled by the
earthquake. The coast certainly had advanced, and detained many marine
animals on dry land. On the other side of the heavens hung a dark and
awful cloud, riven by wreathed and quivering lines of fiery vapour, in
long flashes resembling lightning, but larger. Then our friend from
Spain exclaimed, with eagerness and vehemence, ‘If your relative lives,
he doubtless wishes your safety; if he has perished, he wished you to
survive him. Why then do you delay to escape?’ Our answer was, ‘We will
not think of our own safety so long as we are uncertain of his.’ Without
any more delay he hurried off, and was soon beyond the reach of danger.
Soon the cloud descended to the earth, and brooded over the sea; it
shrouded Capreæ, and hid from our eyes the promontory of Misenum. My
mother besought, entreated, nay, commanded me to fly by all means; she
felt that, weighed down by years and infirmity, she should die contented
if she had not been the cause of my death. I, on the other hand,
persisted that I would not seek safety except with her. I took her by
the hand and forced her to go forward. She obeyed reluctantly, and
blamed herself for delaying me. Ashes now began to fall, though as yet
in small quantities. I looked back; behind us was thick darkness, which
poured over the earth like a torrent. ‘Let us turn aside from the road,’
said I, ‘whilst we can see, for fear we should be thrown down and
trampled under foot by the crowd in the darkness.’ We had scarce time to
[think about it] [sit down] when we were enveloped in darkness, not like
that of a moonless night, or clouds, but like that of a room shut up
when the lights are extinguished. Then were heard the shrieks of women,
the wailings of infants, the shouts of men; some were calling for their
parents, others for their children, others for their wives, whom they
could only recognise by their voices. Some bewailed their own
misfortune, others that of their family; some even from the fear of
death prayed for death. Many lifted up their hands to the gods; still
more believed that there were no gods, and that the last eternal night
had overwhelmed the world. There were not wanting some to increase the
real danger by fictitious and imaginary terrors; and some brought word
that the conflagration was at Misenum: the false intelligence met with
credence. By degrees the light returned; but it seemed to us not the
return of day, but the indication that the fire was approaching. Its
progress, however, was arrested at some distance: again darkness
succeeded with showers of ashes. Every now and then we got up and shook
them off from us, otherwise we should have been overwhelmed and bruised
by their weight. I might boast that not a groan or unmanly expression
escaped me in the midst of my dangers, were it not that my firmness was
founded on the consolatory belief that all mankind was involved,
together with myself, in one common ruin. At length the darkness cleared
up, and dispersed like smoke or mist. Real daylight succeeded; even the
sun shone forth, but with a lurid light as when eclipsed. The aspect of
everything which met our astonished eyes was changed: ashes covered the
ground like a deep snow. We returned to Misenum, and refreshed
ourselves, and passed an anxious night in alternate hopes and fears: the
latter, however, predominated. The earthquake still continued; and many,
in a state of frenzy, made a mockery of their own and their neighbours’
misfortunes by terrific prophecies.” The above letters, though long,
have been quoted because they detail, in the most interesting manner,
the circumstances of the elder Pliny’s death, and at the same time
illustrate the simple and graphic power of the nephew’s pen.
The Natural Philosophy of Pliny is, to say the least, an unequalled
monument of studious diligence and persevering industry. It consists of
thirty-seven books, and contains, according to his own account,[1274]
20,000 facts (as he believed them to be) connected with nature and art:
the result, not of original research, but, as he honestly confessed,
culled from the labours of other men. It must, however, be allowed that
the confused arrangement is owing partly to the indefinite state of
science, and the consequent mingling together of branches which are
separate and distinct.[1275]
Owing to the extent and variety of his reading, his credulous love of
the marvellous, and his want of judgment in comparing and selecting, he
does not present us with a correct view of the degree of truth to which
science had attained in his own age. He does not show how one age had
corrected the errors of a preceding one; but reproduces errors,
evidently obsolete and inconsistent with facts and theories which had
grown up afterwards and replaced them.
With him mythological traditions appear to have almost the same
authority as modern discoveries. The earth teems with monsters, not
miracles, or exceptions to the regular order of nature, but specimens of
her ingenuity. In his theory of the universe he assumes such causes and
principles as lead him to admit, without question, the existence of
prodigies, however impossible they may be. They are wonderful because
unusual; but they are effects which might result from the natural causes
which he believed to be in operation. His theory, that Nature acted not
only by regular laws but often by actual interferences, (for this was
the character of his pantheism, ii. 5, 7,)—his belief that the various
germs of created things were scattered in profusion throughout the
universe, and accidentally mingling in confusion produced monstrous
forms, (3)—prepared him to consider nothing incredible (xi. 3;) and his
temper inclined him to go further, and to admit almost every thing which
was credible as true.[1276]
Deficient as the work is in scientific value and philosophical
arrangement, the author evidently wished to stamp it with a character of
practical utility. It is an encyclopædia of the knowledge which could be
brought together from different sources; and for such a work there are
two important requisites—facility of reference, and the citation of
authorities. With this view the whole is preceded by a summary, and to
each book is added a table of contents, together with the names of
authors to whom he is indebted.
The work commences with the theory of the universe;[1277] the history
and science of astronomy; meteorological phenomena; and the geological
changes which have taken place on the earth by volcanic and aqueous
action. Geography, both physical and political, occupy the four next
books.[1278] Here truth and error are mingled in dire confusion.
Accounts which are based solely on the traditions of remote antiquity
are given side by side with the results of modern investigation, and yet
no distinction is drawn as to authenticity; and, owing to his confusing
together such different accounts, measurements and distances are
generally wrong.
But in the zoological division of the work, which next follows,[1279] he
gives unrestrained scope to his credulity and love of the marvellous. He
tells of men whose feet were turned backwards; of others whose feet were
so large as to shade them when they lay in the sun. He describes beings
in whom both sexes were united; others in whom a change of sex had taken
place; others without mouths, who fed on the fragrance of fruits and
flowers.[1280] Such are some of the marvels of the human race recorded
by him. Amongst the lower animals he enumerates horned horses furnished
with wings;[1281] the Mantichora, with the face of a man, three rows of
teeth, a lion’s body, and a scorpion’s tail;[1282] the unicorn with a
stag’s head, a horse’s body, the feet of an elephant, and the tail of a
boar;[1283] the basilisk, whose very glance is fatal. The seas are
peopled not only with sea-goats and sea-elephants, but with real Nereids
and Tritons.[1284] Mice, according to his account, produce their young
by licking each other; and fire produces an insect (pyralis) which
cannot live except in the midst of the flames.
Sixteen books[1285] are devoted to botany, both general and medical; and
the medicinal properties of the human frame, and of other animal
substances, as well as of different waters, are next discussed.[1286] An
account of minerals and metals concludes the work; and this portion
embraces an account of their various uses in the fine arts, intermingled
with interesting anecdotes and histories of art and artists. This is the
most valuable as well as the most pleasing section of the work.
He was pre-eminently a collector of stories and anecdotes and supposed
facts, and he was only accidentally a naturalist, because natural
history furnished the most extensive variety of marvellous and curious
materials. The naturalist, Cuvier,[1287] observed his want of judgment,
his credulity, his defective arrangement, and the inappropriate nature
of his observations. Notwithstanding all these faults this elaborate
work contains many valuable truths, much entertaining information, and
the style in which it is written is, when not too florid, full of vigour
and expression. The philosophical belief can scarcely be considered that
of any particular school, although tinctured by the prevalent Stoicism
of the day; but its pervading character is querulous and melancholy.
Believing that nature is an all-powerful principle, and the world or
universe itself, instinct with Deity, he saw more of evil than of good
in the Divine dispensations; and the result was a gloomy and
discontented pantheism.
PLINY THE YOUNGER (BORN A. D. 61.)
C. Plinius Cæcilius Secundus was sister’s son to the elder Pliny. Most
of the information which we possess respecting his life and character is
derived from his letters. He was born at Novo-Comum, on the Lake Larius
(Como;) and as he was in his eighteenth year[1288] at the time of the
eruption of Vesuvius, which took place A. D. 79, the date of his birth
must have been A. D. 61.
On the death of his father, C. Cæcilius, he was adopted by his uncle,
and therefore took the name of Plinius. He was educated under the
guardianship of Virginius Rufus, who felt for him the affection of a
parent. The regard was evidently mutual. “I loved him,” writes Pliny to
Voconius,[1289] with that tenderness which so frequently adorns his
letters, especially those to his wife Calphurnia, “as much as I admired
him;” and he thus concludes his letter: “I had wished to write to you on
many other subjects, but my thoughts are fully occupied on this one
subject of contemplation. I see, I think of no one but Virginius. In
fancy I seem to hear his voice, to address him, to hold him in my arms.
We may perhaps have, and shall continue to have, men equal to him in
virtue, but no one equal to him in glory.” In belles-lettres and
eloquence[1290] he attended constantly the lectures of Quintilian and
Nicetes Sacerdos, of whom favourable mention is made by Seneca.[1291]
Under the care of such tutors and such an uncle, his literary tastes
were cultivated early, and before he had completed his fifteenth year he
gave proof of his love of poetry, by writing what he modestly says _was
called_ a Greek tragedy. This taste for poetry remained to him in after
life: once when weather-bound at the island of Icaria, he celebrated the
event in an elegiac poem. He wrote hexameters, of which he gives a short
specimen, and also a birth-day ode in hendecasyllables, and he tells us
he wrote with quickness and facility.[1292]
He was called to the bar in his nineteenth year, and attained great
celebrity as a pleader.[1293] He stood high in favour with Trajan; and
filled with distinction high offices, both military and civil. He was
military tribune in Syria; and besides being prætor and consul at home,
he served as procurator of the province of Bithynia abroad. He was
gentle, liberal, refined, and benevolent; and his zeal for the interests
of literature, and his wish that the youths of Como might not be forced
to resort to Milan for education, but might owe that blessing to their
native place,[1294] led him to offer help in founding a school, in
forming a public library, and in establishing exhibitions for ingenuous
students.[1295] He thought with justice, such acts of munificence nobler
than gaudy spectacles and barbarous shows of gladiators.
His works consist of a Panegyric on Trajan and a collection of Letters
in ten books. The Panegyric is a piece of courtly flattery, for the
fulsomeness of which the only defence which can be made, is the cringing
and fawning manners of his times. It was written and delivered in the
year in which he was consul.[1296] The Letters are very valuable, not
only for the insight which they give into his own character, but also
into the manners and modes of thought of his illustrious contemporaries,
as well as the politics of the day. Many of them bear evident marks of
having been expressly intended for publication. This of course detracts
from their value as fresh and truthful exponents of the writer’s
thoughts, which all letters ought to be; but they are most delightful to
read, and for liveliness, descriptive power, elegance and simplicity of
style, are scarcely inferior to those of Cicero, whom he evidently took
for his model.
The tenth book, which consists of his despatches to Trajan, together
with the Emperor’s rescripts, will be read with the greatest interest;
and the notices of public affairs contained in them are most valuable to
the historian. The despatch respecting the Christians, written from
Bithynia, A. D. 104, and the Emperor’s answer,[1297] are well worthy of
transcription; both because reference is so often made to them, and
because they throw light upon the marvellous and rapid propagation of
the gospel; the manners of the early Christians; the treatment to which
their constancy exposed them, even under favourable circumstances, and
the severe jealousy with which even a governor of mild and gentle temper
thought it his duty to regard them. “It is my constant practice, sire,
to refer to you all subjects on which I entertain doubt. For who is
better able to direct my hesitation or to instruct my ignorance? I have
never been present at the trials of Christians, and therefore I do not
know in what way, or to what extent, it is usual to question or to
punish them. I have also felt no small difficulty in deciding whether
age should make any difference, or whether those of the tenderest and
those of mature years should be treated alike; whether pardon should be
accorded to repentance, or whether, where a man has once been a
Christian, recantation should profit him; whether, if the name of
Christian does not imply criminality, still the crimes peculiarly
belonging to the name should be punished. Meanwhile, in the case of
those against whom informations have been laid before me, I have pursued
the following line of conduct. I have put to them, personally, the
question whether they were Christians. If they confessed, I interrogated
them a second and third time, and threatened them with punishment. If
they still persevered, I ordered their commitment; for I had no doubt
whatever that, whatever they confessed, at any rate dogged and
inflexible obstinacy deserved to be punished. There were others who
displayed similar madness; but, as they were Roman citizens, I ordered
them to be sent back to the city. Soon persecution itself, as is
generally the case, caused the crime to spread, and it appeared in new
forms. An anonymous information was laid against a large number of
persons, but they deny that they are, or ever have been, Christians. As
they invoked the gods, repeating the form after me, and offered prayers,
together with incense and wine, to your image, which I had ordered to be
brought, together with those of the deities, and besides cursed Christ,
whilst those who are true Christians, it is said, cannot be compelled to
do any one of these things, I thought it right to set them at liberty.
Others, when accused by an informer, confessed that they were
Christians, and soon after denied the fact; they said they had been, but
had ceased to be, some three, some more, not a few even twenty years
previously. All these worshipped your image and those of the gods, and
cursed Christ. But they affirmed that the sum total of their fault or
their error was, that they were accustomed to assemble on a fixed day
before dawn, and sing an antiphonal hymn to Christ as God: that they
bound themselves by an oath, not to the commission of any wickedness,
but to abstain from theft, robbery, and adultery; never to break a
promise, or to deny a deposit when it was demanded back. When these
ceremonies were concluded, it was their custom to depart, and again
assemble together to take food harmlessly and in common. That after my
proclamation, in which, in obedience to your command, I had forbidden
associations, they had desisted from this practice. For these reasons I
the more thought it necessary to investigate the real truth, by putting
to the torture two maidens, who were called deaconesses; but I
discovered nothing but a perverse and excessive superstition. I have
therefore deferred taking cognizance of the matter until I had consulted
you. For it seemed to me a case requiring advice, especially on account
of the number of those in peril. For many of every age, sex, and rank,
are and will continue to be called in question. The infection, in fact,
has spread not only through the cities, but also through the villages
and open country; but it seems that its progress can be arrested. At any
rate, it is clear that the temples which were almost deserted begin to
be frequented; and solemn sacrifices, which had been long intermitted,
are again performed, and victims are being sold everywhere, for which up
to this time a purchaser could rarely be found. It is therefore easy to
conceive that crowds might be reclaimed if an opportunity for repentance
were given.”
_Trajan to Pliny._
“In sifting the cases of those who have been indicted on the charge of
Christianity, you have adopted, my dear Secundus, the right course of
proceeding; for no certain rule can be laid down which will meet all
cases. They must not be sought after, but if they are informed against
and convicted, they must be punished; with this proviso, however, that
if any one denies that he is a Christian, and proves the point by
offering prayers to our deities, notwithstanding the suspicions under
which he has laboured, he shall be pardoned on his repentance. On no
account should any anonymous charge be attended to, for it would be the
worst possible precedent, and is inconsistent with the habits of our
times.”
Pliny’s accurate and judicious mind, his political and administrative
prudence, his taste for the beautiful, his power of description, his
unrivalled neatness, his skill in investing with a peculiar interest
every subject he takes in hand, may be amply proved by a perusal of his
Letters. His touches are neither too many nor too few. A mere note of
thanks for a present of thrushes[1298] shows as much skill, in its way,
as his numerous elaborate despatches to the Emperor.[1299] His brief
biographical notice of Silius Italicus contains, in a few short
sentences, all that can be said favourably of the life and character of
his correspondent. The sympathy which he felt for his friends, as well
as the delicacy of his panegyric, are exhibited in the few lines which
he penned to Germinius on the death of the wife of Macrinus;[1300] his
honesty in the case of the inheritance of Pomponia;[1301] his legal
skill in passages too numerous to specify; his descriptive power in the
narrative of the eruption of Vesuvius,[1302] in which his uncle
perished; and in the full and minute description of his villa, its
rooms, furniture, works of art, garden, and surrounding scenery.
CHAPTER X.
M. FABIUS QUINTILIANUS—HIS BIOGRAPHY—HIS INSTITUTIONES ORATORIÆ—HIS
VIEWS ON EDUCATION—DIVISION OF HIS SUBJECTS INTO FIVE PARTS—REVIEW OF
GREEK AND ROMAN LITERATURE—COMPLETENESS OF HIS GREAT WORK—HIS OTHER
WORKS—HIS DISPOSITION—GRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF HIS SON.
M. FABIUS QUINTILIANUS.
In this peculiarly rhetorical age, the most distinguished teacher of
rhetoric was M. Fabius Quintilianus. He attempted to restore a purer and
more classical taste; and although to a certain extent he was
successful, the effect which he produced was only temporary. He was,
like Martial, a Spaniard, born[1303] at Calagurris, the modern
Calahorra.[1304] At an early age he came to Rome, and had the advantage
of hearing the celebrated orators Domitius Afer and Julius Africanus,
whose eloquence he considered superior to that of their
contemporaries.[1305] How long he remained at Rome is uncertain; but he
appears to have gone back to his native country, and then returned to
the capital together with the Emperor Galba.
Although he practised as a pleader, he was far more eminent as an
instructor. Domitian intrusted to him the education of his two
great-nephews;[1306] and the younger Pliny was also one of his
pupils.[1307] The Emperor’s favour conferred on him that reward to which
Juvenal alludes in the following lines:—
Si Fortuna volet fies de rhetore consul;[1308]
and besides this he held one of the professorships which were endowed by
Vespasian with 100,000 sestertia per annum (800_l._[1309]) He thus
formed an exception to the larger number of instructors and grammarians
who swarmed in Rome, who, depending on the fees of their pupils, earned
a precarious subsistence,[1310] and was even able to purchase estates
and accumulate property.
But though more fortunate than many deserving members of his profession,
he was not esteemed a wealthy man by the rich and luxurious Romans of
his day; for his grateful pupil, Pliny, when he presented him with
400_l._ towards his daughter’s portion, spoke of him as a man of
moderate means.[1311] His expressions are:—“Te porro, animo beatissimum,
modicum facultatibus scio.” The probability is that he was twice
married. His first wife died at the early age of nineteen, leaving two
sons, of whom death bereaved him in a few years.[1312] For the
instruction of the elder of these, who survived his younger brother for
but a short time, he wrote his great work. His second wife was the
daughter of one Tutilius, and the fruit of this marriage was an only
daughter who married Nonius Celer, and to whom the liberal present of
Pliny was made. For twenty years he discharged the duties of his
professorship, and then retired from active life; and died, as is
generally supposed, about A. D. 118. His countryman, Martial,[1313]
speaks of him as the glory of the Roman bar, and the head of his
profession as an instructor:—
Quintiliane, vagæ moderator summe juventæ,
Gloria Romanæ, Quintiliane, togæ.[1314]
Quintilian’s great work is entitled _Institutiones Oratoriæ_, or a
complete instruction in the art of oratory: and in it he shows himself
far superior to Cicero as a teacher, although he was inferior to him as
an orator. The rhetorical works of the great orator will not, in point
of fulness and completeness, bear a comparison with the elaborate
treatise of Quintilian. When engaged in its composition he had retired
from the duties of a public professor, and was only occupied, as he
himself states,[1315] with his duties as tutor to the great-nephew of
Domitian. He professes to have undertaken the task reluctantly, and at
the earnest solicitations of his friends. He thought that the ground was
already pre-occupied, both by Greek and Latin writers of eminence. But
seeing how wide the field was, and that such a work must treat of all
those qualifications without which no one can be an orator, he complied
with their entreaties, and dedicated his book to his friend Marcellus
Victorius, as a token of his regard, and a useful contribution towards
the education of his son. Two rhetorical treatises had already appeared
under his name, but not published by himself. One consisted of a lecture
which occupied two days in delivery; the other a longer course: and both
had been taken down in notes, and given to the public, as he says, by
his excellent but too partial pupils: (boni juvenes, sed nimium amantes
mei.[1316])
On the Institutiones he professes to have expended the greatest pains
and labour. He traces the progress of the orator from the very cradle
until he arrives at perfection.[1317] He speaks of the importance of
earliest impressions, of the parental, especially the maternal care, and
illustrates this by the example of Cornelia, to whom the Gracchi owed
their eminence; and brings forward, as instances of female eloquence,
the daughters of Lælius and Hortensius. He believes that education must
commence, and the tastes be formed, and the moral character be
impressed, even in infancy. The choice, therefore, of a nurse is, in his
opinion, as important, as of early companions, pedagogues, and
instructors.
Both on account of the positive good to be acquired, and the evil
resulting from the corrupt state of Roman society which the boy would
thus avoid, he prefers a school to a home education.[1318] As we
consider the classical languages the best preparation for the study of
the vernacular tongue,[1319] so he lays down as an axiom that education
in Greek literature should precede Latin. Grammar[1320] is to be the
foundation of education, together with its subdivisions, declension,
construction,[1321] orthography,[1322] the use of words,[1323] rhythm,
metre, the beauties and faults of style,[1324] reading,[1325] delivery,
action;[1326] and to these are to be added music and geometry.[1327]
Primary education being completed, the young student is to be
transferred to the care of the rhetorician.[1328] The choice of a proper
instructor,[1329] as well as his duties and character,[1330] are
described; the necessary exercises, the reading and study of orations
and histories are recommended,[1331] and the nature, principles,
objects, and utility of oratory are accurately investigated. In the
third book, after a short notice of the principal writers on
rhetoric,[1332] he divides his subject into five parts,[1333] namely,
invention, arrangement, style, memory, both natural and artificial, and
delivery or action. Closely following Aristotle, he then discusses the
three kinds of oratory, the demonstrative, deliberative, and
judicial.[1334] In the fourth, he treats of the physical divisions of
all orations, namely, the exordium,[1335] the narration,[1336]
excursions or digressions,[1337] the question proposed,[1338] the
division of topics.[1339] In that part of his treatise which discusses
the next division, namely, proofs, Aristotle is his chief guide, as
meeting, in his opinion, the universal assent of all mankind. The sixth
book analyzes the peroration, and also discusses the passions,[1340]
moral habits,[1341] ridicule,[1342] and other topics, which complete the
subject of invention. The seventh treats of arrangement and its kindred
topics; the eighth and ninth of style and its essential qualities, such
as perspicuity,[1343] ornament[1344] tropes,[1345] amplification,[1346]
figures of speech.[1347]
Facility, or as we, in common with the Romans, frequently term it,
“_copia verborum_,”[1348] is the next division of the subject; and as
original invention has already occupied so large a portion of his work,
he now endeavours to guide the student in imitating the excellencies of
the best Greek and Latin writers; and tells him that the next duty, in
point of importance, is to profit by the inventions of others.[1349] A
wide field is thus opened before him, affording an opportunity for the
display of his extensive learning, his critical taste, his penetrating
discrimination, and his great power of illustration.[1350]
He passes over in rapid review the whole history of Greek and Roman
literature. His remarks, though brief, are clear and decided, and are
marked with an attractive beauty and sound judgment, which have stood
the test of ages, and recommend themselves to all who have been
distinguished for pure classical taste. So adroit is he in catching the
leading features, that the portraits of great authors of antiquity,
though only sketches and outlines, stand forth in bold and tangible
shape, each exhibiting marked and distinct characteristics. There are
few specimens of criticism so attractive, so suggestive, and which lay
such hold on the memory, as this portion of the Institutions of
Quintilian. Other subjects are also briefly handled in the tenth book,
such as the necessity of pains and elaborate corrections, in order to
form a polished style.[1351] The choice of materials,[1352] original
thought,[1353] the means of acquiring and perfecting a habit of
extemporaneous speaking.[1354]
The eleventh book is devoted to the subjects of appropriateness,
memory,[1355] and delivery.[1356]
The twelfth opens with what the author designates[1357] as the most
grave and important portion of the whole work, well worthy of the
dignified character of true Roman virtue. Its subject is the high moral
qualifications necessary for a perfect orator.[1358] Talent, wisdom,
learning, eloquence are nothing, if the mind is distracted and torn
asunder by vicious thoughts and depraved passions.[1359] The orator,
therefore, must learn studies by what his moral character can alone be
formed;[1360] he must possess that firmness of principle which will
cause him fearlessly to practise what he knows. “Neque erit perfectus
orator nisi qui honeste dicere et sciet et audebit.”
A knowledge of history[1361] and the principles of jurisprudence,[1362]
he also considers indispensably necessary, notwithstanding the slighting
way in which Cicero speaks of the antiquarian learning of the
jurisconsults. Some practical rules[1363] are also added as to the time
of commencing practice in the courts, the rules to be observed in
undertaking causes,[1364] and the cautions to be attended to in
preparing and pleading them.[1365] He deprecates the undertaking such
important duties early, although the call to the bar at Rome took place
as soon as the manly gown was assumed: tradition spoke of boys clothed
with the prætexta pleading. Cæsar Augustus, at twelve years old,
publicly pronounced a eulogy on his grandmother, as did Tiberius at the
early age of nine over the body of his deceased father.[1366]
Enough has been said to show the fulness and completeness with which
Quintilian has exhausted his subject, and left, as a monument of his
taste and genius, a text-book of the science and art of nations, as well
as a masterly sketch of the eloquence of antiquity.
There have been attributed to Quintilian, besides his great work,
nineteen declamations or judicial speeches relating to imaginary suits;
also one hundred and forty-five sketches of orations, the remains of a
larger collection, consisting of three hundred and eighty-eight. But
there is no evidence in favour of their being his, and their style seems
to show that they were the work of different authors and different ages.
Neither is there any good reason for considering that the treatise on
the Causes of Corrupt Eloquence is the same as that to which he alludes
in the proëmium to the sixth and the conclusion of the eighth book[1367]
of the Institutions. Indeed, the almost unanimous opinion of scholars
assigns it to Tacitus. His works were discovered by Poggius, together
with those of Silius Italicus and L. Valerius Flaccus, in the monastery
of St. Gall, twenty miles from Constance, during the sitting of the
celebrated ecclesiastical council.
The disposition of Quintilian was as affectionate and tender as his
genius was brilliant, and his taste pure. Few passages throughout the
whole range of Latin literature can be compared to that in which he
mourns the loss of his wife and children. It is the touching eloquence
of one who could not write otherwise than gracefully; and if he murmurs
at the divine decrees, it must be remembered that his dearest hopes were
blighted, and that he had not the hopes, the consolation, or the
teaching of a Christian. “I had a son,” he says, “whose eminent genius
deserved a father’s anxious diligence. I thought that if—which I might
fairly have expected and wished for—death had removed me from him, I
could have left him, as the best inheritance, a father’s instructions.
But by a second blow, a second bereavement, I have lost the object of my
highest hopes, the only comfort of my declining years. What shall I do
now? Of what use can I suppose myself to be, as the gods have cast me
off? It happened that when I commenced my book on the Causes of Corrupt
Eloquence, I was stricken by a similar blow. It would surely have been
best then to have flung upon the funeral pile—which was destined
prematurely to consume all that bound me to life—my unlucky work, and
the ill-starred fruits of all my toils, and not to have wearied with new
cares a life to which I so unnaturally clung. For what tender parent
would pardon me if I were able to study any longer, and not hate my
firmness of mind, if I, who survived all my dear ones, could find any
employment for my tongue except to accuse the gods, and to protest that
no Providence looks down upon the affairs of men? If I cannot say this
in reference to my own case, to which no objection can be made except
that I survive, at least I can with reference to theirs—condemned to an
unmerited and untimely grave.
“Their mother had before been torn from me, who had given birth to two
sons before she had completed her nineteenth year; and though her death
was a cruel blow to me, to her it was a happy one. To me the affliction
was so crushing, that fortune could no longer restore me to happiness.
For not only did the exercise of every feminine virtue render her
husband’s grief incurable, but, compared with my own age, she was but a
girl, and therefore her loss may be accounted as that of a child. Still,
my children survived, and were my joy and comfort, and she since I
survived (a thing unnatural, although she wished it,) escaped by a
precipitate flight the agonies of grief. In my younger son, who died at
five years old, I lost one light of my eyes. I have no ambition to make
much of my misfortunes, or to exaggerate the reasons which I have for
sorrow; would that I had means of assuaging it! But how can I conceal
his lovely countenance, his endearing talk, his sparkling wit, and (what
I feel can scarcely be believed) his calm and deep solidity of mind? Had
he been another’s child he would have won my love. But insidious
fortune, in order to inflict on me severer anguish, made him more
affectionate to me than to his nurses, his grandmother, who brought him
up, and all who usually gain the attachment of children of that age.
“Thankful therefore do I feel for that sorrow in which but a few months
before I was plunged by the loss of his matchless, his inestimable
mother; for my lot was less a subject for tears than hers was for
rejoicing. One only hope, support, and consolation, had remained in my
Quintilian. He had not, like my younger son, just put forth his early
blossoms, but entering on his tenth year had shown mature and well-set
fruit. I swear by my misfortunes, by the consciousness of my
unhappiness, by those departed spirits, the deities who preside over my
grief, that in him I discerned such vigour of intellect, not only in the
acquisition of learning (and yet in all my extensive experience I never
saw it surpassed,) such a zeal for study, which, as his tutors can
testify, never required pressing, but also such uprightness, filial
affection, refinement, and generosity, as furnished grounds for
apprehending the thunder-stroke which has fallen. For it is generally
observed that a precocious maturity too quickly perishes; and there is I
know not what envious power which deflowers our brightest hopes, lest we
soar higher than human beings are permitted to soar. He possessed also
those gifts which are accidental—a clear and melodious voice, a sweet
pronunciation, a correct enunciation of every letter both in Greek and
Latin. Such promise did he give of future excellence; but he possessed
also the far higher qualities of constancy, earnestness, and firmness to
bear sorrow and to resist fear. With what admiration did his physicians
contemplate the patience with which he endured a malady of eight months’
duration! What consolation did he administer to me in his last moments!
When life and intellect began to fail, his wandering mind dwelt on
literature alone. O! dearest object of my disappointed hopes! could I
behold thy glazing eyes, thy fleeting breath? Could I embrace thy cold
and lifeless form, and live to drink again the common air? Well do I
deserve these agonizing thoughts, these tortures which I endure!”
CHAPTER XI.
A. CORNELIUS CELSUS—HIS MERITS—CICERO MEDICORUM—SCRIBONIUS LARGUS
DESIGNATIANUS—POMPONIUS MELA—L. JUNIUS MODERATUS COLUMELLA—S. JULIUS
FRONTINUS—DECLINE OF TASTE IN THE SILVER AGE—FOREIGN INFLUENCE ON ROMAN
LITERATURE—CONCLUSION.
Such were the principal writers who adorned and illustrated the
literature of the silver age: it remains only to speak briefly of those
whose works, although of minor interest, must not be passed over without
notice.
AURELIUS CORNELIUS CELSUS.
Celsus was the author of many works on various subjects, of which one,
in eight books, on Medicine, is now extant. The place of his birth and
the age at which he flourished are unknown, but he probably lived in the
reign of Tiberius. He was a man of comprehensive, almost encyclopædic
knowledge, and wrote on philosophy, rhetoric, agriculture, and even
strategy. It has been doubted whether he ever practised medicine, or was
only theoretically acquainted with the subject; but the independence of
his views, the practical as well as the scientific nature of his
instructions, are inconsistent with any hypothesis except that he had
himself patiently watched the phenomena of morbid action and
experimented upon its treatment. Above all, his knowledge of surgery,
and his clear exposition of surgical operations, necessarily imply that
practical experience and reality of knowledge which never could have
been acquired from books.
If we compare the masterly handling of the subject by Celsus with the
history of medicine by Pliny,[1368] it is easy to distinguish the man of
practical and experimental science from the collector and transcriber of
others’ views. His manual of medicine embraces the following subjects:
Diet,[1369] Pathology,[1370] Therapeutics,[1371] Surgery;[1372] and
without entering into its peculiar merits, a task which could only be
performed satisfactorily by a professional writer, the highest testimony
is borne to its merits by the fact of its being used as a text-book even
in the present advanced state of medical science.
The study of medicine has a tendency to predispose the mind for general
scientific investigations in other departments not immediately connected
with it. Hence the medical profession has numbered amongst its members
many men of general scientific attainments; and Celsus was an example of
this versatility. The taste of the age in which he lived turned his
attention also to polite literature; and to this may be ascribed the
Augustan purity of his style, which gained for him the appellation of
“Cicero Medicorum.”
SCRIBONIUS LARGUS DESIGNATIANUS.
The “Cicero of physicians” was followed by Scribonius, an obsequious
court physician, in the reign of Claudius. He was the author of several
works, one of which, a large collection of prescriptions, is extant. In
the language of impious flattery, he calls the imbecile emperor a god.
He is said to have accompanied him in his expedition to Britain.
POMPONIUS MELA.
Pomponius Mela may be considered as the representative of the Roman
geographers. He was a native of Tingentera, a town in Spain, and lived
in the reign of Claudius. His treatise is entitled, “De Situ Orbis,
Libri iii.” It is systematic and learned. The stores of information
derived from the Greek geographers are interspersed with entertaining
myths and lively descriptions. The knowledge, however, contained in it
is all taken from books: it is an epitome of former treatises, and is
not enriched by the discoveries of more recent travellers. The
simplicity of the style, and the almost Augustan purity of the Latinity,
prevent even so bare a skeleton and list of facts from being dry and
uninteresting.
L. JUNIUS MODERATUS COLUMELLA.
The didactic work of Columella gives, in smooth and fluent, though
somewhat too diffuse, a style, the fullest and completest information on
practical agriculture amongst the Romans, in the first century of the
Christian era. Pliny is the only classical author who mentions him; but
he refers to him as a competent authority. Columella himself informs us
that he was born at Gades (Cadiz,[1373]) and resided at Rome,[1374] but
had travelled in Syria and Cilicia.[1375] It is generally supposed that
he died and was buried at Tarentum.
His work, “_De Re Rusticâ_,” is divided into twelve books. It treats of
all subjects connected with the choice and management of a farm,[1376]
the arrangement of farm buildings,[1377] the propagation and rearing of
stock,[1378] the cultivation of fruit trees,[1379] and household
economy.[1380] A calendar is attached to the eleventh book, pointing out
the cosmical risings and settings of the constellations, which marked
the successive seasons for various labours and other practical points of
rustic astronomy. The tenth book, the subject of which is horticulture,
is in hexameters. It never rises quite to the height of poetry: it is
rather metrical prose, characterized, like the rest of his work, by
fluency, and also expressed in correct versification. The reason which
he gives for this variation from his plan is, that it is intended as
supplementary to the Georgics of Virgil, and that in so doing he is
following the great poet’s own recommendations. In his preface to his
friend Silvinus he thus expresses his intention:—“Postulatio tua
pervicit ut poeticis numeris explerem Georgici carminis omissas partes,
quas tamen et ipse Virgilius significaverat posteris se memorandas
relinquere.”
SEXTUS JULIUS FRONTINUS.
Sex. Jul. Frontinus deserves a place amongst Roman classical writers as
the author of two works, both of which are still extant. The first,
entitled, “Stratagematicon, Libri iv.,” was a treatise on military
tactics. The form in which he has enunciated his doctrines is that of
precepts and anecdotes of celebrated military commanders. In this way
the necessary preparations for a battle, the stratagems resorted to in
fighting, the rules for conducting sieges, and the means of maintaining
discipline in an army, are explained and illustrated in a
straight-forward and soldier-like style.
As the object which he had in view in adducing his anecdotes is
scientific illustration rather than historic truth, he is not very
particular as to the sources from which his examples are derived. It is
interesting, however, to the antiquarian, if not of practical utility to
the tactician, as displaying the theory and practice of ancient warfare.
This subject had in early times been treated of by Cato and Cincius, and
afterwards by Hyginus in a treatise on Field Fortification (_de
Castrametatione_,) and also in the epitome of Vegetius.
His other work, which has descended to modern times in a perfect state,
is a descriptive architectural treatise, in two books, on those
wonderful monuments of Roman art, the aqueducts. But besides these,
fragments remain of other works, which assign Frontinus an important
place in the estimation of the student of Roman history. These are
treatises on surveying, and the laws and customs relating to landed
property. They were partly of a scientific, partly of a jurisprudential
character, and are to be found amongst the works of the _Agri-mensores_,
or _Rei Agrariæ Scriptores_. The difficulty and obscurity of everything
connected with Roman agrarian institutions is well known; and every
fragment relating to them is valuable, because of the probability of its
throwing light upon so important a subject. Niebuhr[1381] saw their
value, and pronounced that “the fragments of Frontinus were the only
work amongst the _Agri-mensores_ which can be counted a part of
classical literature, or which was composed with any legal knowledge.”
These fragments, therefore, may be taken as a favourable specimen of
this class of writers, amongst whom were Siculus Flaccus, Argenius
Urbicus, and Hyginus (Grammaticus.)
Of the life of Frontinus himself very few facts are known. He was city
prætor in the reign of Vespasian,[1382] and succeeded Cerealis as
governor of Britain. He made a successful campaign against the
Silures[1383] (S. Wales,) and was succeeded by Agricola, A. D. 78. He
was subsequently _curator aquarum_,[1384] an office which probably
suggested the composition of his practical manual on aqueducts. He also
had a seat in the college of augurs, in which, after his death,[1385] he
was succeeded by the younger Pliny.
With this third epoch a history of Roman classical literature comes to a
close. In the silver age taste had gradually but surely declined; and
although the Roman language and literature shone forth for a time with
classic radiance in the writings of Persius, Juvenal, Quintilian,
Tacitus, and the Plinies, nothing could arrest its fall. In vain
emperors endeavoured to encourage learning by pecuniary rewards and
salaried professorships: it languished together with the death of
constitutional freedom, the extinction of patriotism, and the decay of
the national spirit. Poetry had become declamation. History had
degenerated either into fulsome panegyric, or the fleshless skeletons of
epitomes; and at length Romans seemed to disdain the use of their native
tongue—that tongue which laborious pains had brought to such a height of
polish and perfection, and wrote in Greek, as they had in the infancy of
the national literature, when Latin was too rude and imperfect to imbody
the ideas which they had derived from their Greek instructors.
The Emperor Hadrian resided long at Athens, and became imbued with a
taste and admiration for Greek; and thus the literature of Rome became
Hellenized. From this epoch the term Classical can no longer be applied
to it, for it did not retain its purity. To Greek influence succeeded
the still more corrupting one of foreign nations. Even with the death of
Nerva the uninterrupted succession of emperors of Roman or Italian birth
ceased. Trajan himself was a Spaniard; and after him not only barbarians
of every European race, but even Orientals and Africans were invested
with the imperial purple. The empire also over which they ruled was an
unwieldy mass of heterogeneous materials. The literary influence of the
capital was not felt in the distant portions of the Roman dominions.
Schools were established in the very heart of nations just emerging from
barbarism—at Burdegala (Bourdeaux,) Lugdunum (Lyons,) and Augusta
Trevirorum (Treves;) and, although the blessings of civilization and
intellectual culture were thus distributed far and wide, still literary
taste, as it filtered through the minds of foreigners, became corrupted,
and the language of the imperial city, exposed to the infectious contact
of barbarous idioms, lost its purity.[1386]
The Latin authors of this period were numerous, and many of them were
Christians; but few had taste to appreciate and imitate the literature
of the Augustan age. The brightest stars which illuminated the darkness
were A. Gellius, L. Apuleius, T. Petronius Arbiter, the learned author
of the Saturnalia; the Christian ethical philosopher, L. Cœlius
Lactantius; and that poet, in whom the graceful imagination of classical
antiquity seems to have revived, the flattering and courtly Claudian.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
────────┬────────┬──────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────
B. C. │A. U. C.│ LITERARY CHRONOLOGY. │ CIVIL CHRONOLOGY.
────────┼────────┼──────────────────────────┼──────────────────────────
│ │ │
│ │ │
│ │ FIRST ERA. │
│ │ │
753–510│ 1–244│Chant of the Arvalian │Regal period.
│ │ Brotherhood; Saturnian │
│ │ measure; Salian hymn; │
│ │ Pontifical annals; Libri│
│ │ Lintei. │
449│ 305│Laws of the Twelve Tables;│The Decemvirs deposed.
│ │ the so-called Leges │
│ │ Regiæ. │
390│ 364│ - - - │Rome taken by Gauls.
364│ 390│Stage-players sent for │The year following the
│ │ from Etruria. │ death of Camillus.
326–304│ 428–450│The Tiburtine inscription │Second Samnite War.
│ │ - │
280│ 474│Appius Claudius Cæcus; Ti.│The year following the
│ │ Coruncanius. │ arrival of Pyrrhus.
264│ 490│ - - - │Commencement of first
│ │ │ Punic war.
260│ 494│The Columna Rostrata; │Fifth year of the first
│ │ epitaphs on the Scipios.│ Punic war.
241│ 513│ - - - │CONCLUSION OF THE FIRST
│ │ │ PUNIC WAR.
240│ 514│Livius Andronicus. │
239│ 515│Birth of Ennius. │
235│ 519│Cnæus Nævius flourished. │The Temple of Janus closed
│ │ │ for the second time.
227│ 527│Birth of Plautus; funeral │
│ │ oration of Q. Metellus. │
219│ 535│Q. Fabius Pictor; L. │
│ │ Cincius Alimentus; birth│
│ │ of Pacuvius │
204│ 550│Ennius brought to Rome; │
│ │ Corn. Cethegus; P. │
│ │ Licinius Crassus. │
201│ 553│Speech of Fabius │Conclusion of second Punic
│ │ Cunctator; Sextus Ælius │ war.
│ │ Catus. │
195│ 559│M. Porcius Cato consul; │
│ │ Licinius Tegula. │
186│ 568│Senatus-consultum │The year following the
│ │ respecting the │ condemnation of L.
│ │ Bacchanals. │ Scipio.
184│ 570│Cæcilius Statius │Censorship of M. Porcius
│ │ flourished; he died │ Cato.
│ │ A. U. C. 586; death of │
│ │ Plautus. │
183│ 571│ - - - │Deaths of Hannibal and
│ │ │ Scipio Africanus.
181│ 573│The (so-called) books of │
│ │ Numa found. │
179│ 575│ - - - │Accession of Perseus.
170│ 584│Attius born. │
168│ 586│ - - - │Defeat of Perseus at
│ │ │ Pydna.
166│ 588│Terence exhibits the │
│ │ Andrian; Sp. Carvilius; │
│ │ C. Sulpicius Gallus; │
│ │ Lavinius Luscius; T. │
│ │ Manlius Torquatus. │
155│ 599│The three Attic │
│ │ philosophers visit Rome;│
│ │ C. Acilius Glabrio; │
│ │ Crates Mallotes. │
154│ 600│M. Pacuvius; Scipio │
│ │ Æmilianus; Lælius. │
150│ 604│L. Afranius; S. Sulpicius │
│ │ Galba. │
148│ 606│Birth of C. Lucilius; │Second year of the third
│ │ Cassius Hemina; A. │ Punic war.
│ │ Postumius Albinus │
146│ 608│ - - - │End of third Punic war;
│ │ │ Carthage and Corinth
│ │ │ taken.
138│ 616│L. Attius flourished; Q. │Dec. Jun. Brutus consul.
│ │ F. M. Servilianus; C. │
│ │ Fannius; Vennonius; C. │
│ │ Sempronius │
133│ 621│M. Junius Brutus; P. │Murder of Tib. Gracchus;
│ │ Mucius Scævola; L. │ Numantia taken.
│ │ Cælius Antipater; Cn. S.│
│ │ and A. Gellii; L. │
│ │ Calpurnius Piso Frugi; │
│ │ Papirius Carbo; Lepidus │
│ │ Porcina; Ælius Tubero. │
129│ 625│ - - - │Death of Scipio Æmilianus;
│ │ │ æt. 56.
123│ 631│C. Sempronius Gracchus; │
│ │ Sextus Turpilius; C. │
│ │ Lucilius flourished; │
│ │ Lævius; (?) C. Junius │
│ │ Gracchanus; M. Julius │
│ │ Pennus. │
119│ 635│L. Licinius Crassus │
│ │ accuses Carbo; M. │
│ │ Antonius (born B. C. │
│ │ 144.) │
113│ 641│ - - - │War begun with the Cimbri.
111│ 643│ - - - │First year of Jugurthine
│ │ │ war.
109│ 645│Publius Sempronius │
│ │ Asellio; M. Æmilius │
│ │ Scaurus; P. Rutilius │
│ │ Rufus; Q. Lutatius │
│ │ Catulus. │
106│ 648│Birth of Cicero │Birth of Cn. Pompeius.
100│ 654│L. Ælius Stilo │Birth of Julius Cæsar.
95│ 659│Cotta; the Sulpicii; │
│ │ Hortensius; Q. Mucius │
│ │ Scævola; Lucretius born.│
91│ 663│Death of the orator │
│ │ Crassus. │
90│ 664│C. Licinius Macer; Q. │Commencement of the Social
│ │ Claudius Quadrigarius; │ war.
│ │ Q. Valerius Antias; L. │
│ │ Lucullus; Sulla; Plotius│
│ │ Gallus. │
87│ 667│M. Antonius killed; │Massacres by Cinna and
│ │ Catullus born. │ Marius.
86│ 668│Birth of Sallust │Death of Marius.
84│ 670│Attius probably died about│
│ │ this time, and Latin │
│ │ acting tragedy │
│ │ disappeared; L. │
│ │ Cornelius Sisenna. │
82│ 672│Births of Varro Atacinus │Sulla’s proscription.
│ │ and Licinius Calvus │
│ │ Valerius Cato. │
78│ 676│Commencement of Sallust’s │Death of Sulla.
│ │ history. │
76│ 678│Birth of Asinius Pollio. │
│ │ │
│ │ │
│ │ SECOND ERA. │
│ │ │
74│ 680│Roman prose literature │Third Mithridatic war
│ │ arrived at its greatest │ began.
│ │ perfection; Cicero │
│ │ twenty-two years of age.│
72│ 682│ - - - │Murder of Sertorius.
71│ 683│ - - - │Defeat of Spartacus.
70│ 684│Cicero accuses Verres; │
│ │ Virgil born. │
67│ 687│C. Aquilius Gallus; C. │Pompey, entrusted with the
│ │ Juventius; Sext. │ war against the Pirates.
│ │ Papirius; L. Lucilius │
│ │ Balbus. │
65│ 689│Birth of Horace │First Catilinarian
│ │ │ conspiracy.
63│ 691│Pomponius Atticus; M. │Consulship of Cicero;
│ │ Terentius Varro │ birth of Augustus;
│ │ Reatinus; L. Lueceius; │ Jerusalem taken by
│ │ Nigidius Figulus; │ Pompey.
│ │ Orbilius came to Rome in│
│ │ the fiftieth year of his│
│ │ age (Suet. de Ill. Gram.│
│ │ 9;) Q. Cornificius. │
61│ 693│Oration for Archias │Acquittal of Clodius.
60│ 694│ - - - │First triumvirate.
59│ 695│Birth of T. Livius. │
55│ 699│ - - - │Cæsar’s first invasion of
│ │ │ Britain.
54│ 700│Julius Cæsar; Lucretius │Cæsar’s second invasion of
│ │ Carus; C. Val. Catullus;│ Britain.
│ │ Æsopus; Q. Roscius; │
│ │ Licinius Calvus; Helvius│
│ │ Cinna; Ticida; │
│ │ Bibaculus; Varro │
│ │ Atacinus; Cornelius │
│ │ Nepos; A. Hirtius; C. │
│ │ Oppius; S. Sulpicius │
│ │ Rufus. │
52│ 702│Death of Lucretius. │
49│ 705│D. Laberius; C. Matius; P.│J. Cæsar appointed
│ │ Syrus. │ Dictator.
48│ 706│ - - - │Battle of Pharsalia;
│ │ │ murder of Pompey.
46│ 708│ - - - │Cæsar reforms the
│ │ │ calendar.
44│ 710│C. Sallustius Crispus; │Murder of Julius Cæsar.
│ │ Atteius Philologus; │
│ │ Asinius Pollio. │
43│ 711│Death of Cicero; Valgius │Second triumvirate formed.
│ │ Rufus; birth of Ovid; │
│ │ death of Laberius. │
42│ 712│Horace at Philippi. │
40│ 714│ - - - │Treaty of Brundisium.
34│ 720│Death of Sallust. │
32│ 722│Death of Atticus. │War declared against
│ │ │ Antony.
31│ 723│Virgilius Maro (born B. C.│Battle of Actium.
│ │ 70;) Mæcenas; Horatius │
│ │ Flaccus; L. Varius; │
│ │ Albius Tibullus; │
│ │ Cornelius Gallus; │
│ │ Plotius Tucca; │
│ │ Bathyllus; Pylades; │
│ │ Trogus Pompeius. │
29│ 725│ - - - │The three triumphs of
│ │ │ Octavius; temple of
│ │ │ Janus closed.
28│ 726│Palatine library founded; │
│ │ death of Varro. │
27│ 727│ - - - │Octavius receives the
│ │ │ title of Augustus.
25│ 729│J. Hyginus; S. Aurelius │
│ │ Propertius; Æmilius │
│ │ Macer; Ovidius Naso; │
│ │ Gratius Faliscus; Pedo │
│ │ Albinovanus; A. Sabinus;│
│ │ T. Livius; Ateius │
│ │ Capito; Vitruvius; Q. │
│ │ Cæcilius Epirota. │
19│ 735│Death of Virgil. │
18│ 734│Death of Tibullus. │
17│ 737│Carmen seculare of │Ludi sæculares. Porcius
│ │ Horatius; │ Latro.
15│ 739│ - - - │Tiberius and Drusus
│ │ │ conquer the Vindelici.
9│ 745│History of Livy │
│ │ terminates. │
8│ 746│Death of Horace │The month Sextilis named
│ │ │ Augustus.
4│ 750│ - - - │BIRTH OF OUR LORD JESUS
│ │ │ CHRIST.
│ │ │
A. D.│ │ │
4│ 758│Death of Asinius Pollio. │
9│ 763│Exile of Ovid │Defeat of Quintilius
│ │ │ Varus.
14│ 767│ - - - │Death of Augustus.
│ │ │
│ │ │
│ │THIRD ERA. │
│ │ │
16│ 769│T. Phædrus │Sejanus the imperial
│ │ │ favourite.
18│ 771│C. Asinius Gallus; deaths │
│ │ of Ovid and Livy; │
│ │ Valerius Maximus. │
23│ 776│Birth of C. Plinius │Murder of Drusus.
│ │ Secundus. │
25│ 778│Birth of Silius Italicus; │
│ │ death of Cremutius │
│ │ Cordus; M. Annæus │
│ │ Seneca; A. Cornelius │
│ │ Celsus; Arellius Fuscus;│
│ │ Valerius Maximus. │
30│ 783│Velleius Paterculus writes│
│ │ his history. │
31│ 784│ - - - │Fall of Sejanus.
34│ 787│A. Persius Flaccus born. │
37│ 790│ - - - │Death of Tiberius.
40│ 793│Lucan brought to Rome. │
41│ 794│Exile of Seneca │Caligula assassinated;
│ │ │ Claudius emperor.
43│ 796│Birth of Martial; │Expedition of Claudius to
│ │ Pomponius Mela; L. │ Britain.
│ │ Junius Columella; │
│ │ Remmius Fannius Palæmon.│
49│ 802│Recall of Seneca. │
54│ 807│L. Annæus Seneca; M. │Accession of Nero.
│ │ Annæus Lucanus; │
│ │ Cornutus; Persius; │
│ │ Cæsius Bassus; C. Silius│
│ │ Italicus; Q. Curtius │
│ │ Rufus. │
59│ 812│ - - - │Murder of Agrippina.
61│ 814│Pliny the Younger born │Boadicea conquered by
│ │ │ Suetonius Paullinus.
62│ 815│Death of Persius. │
65│ 818│Deaths of Seneca and │
│ │ Lucan. │
66│ 819│Martial came to Rome. │
69│ 822│ - - - │Accession of Vespasian.
70│ 823│Saleius Bassus; C. │Jerusalem taken by Titus.
│ │ Valerius Flaccus. │
74│ 827│The dialogue _De │
│ │ Oratoribus_ supposed to │
│ │ have been written. │
77│ 830│C. Plinius Secundus Major │
│ │ flourished. │
78│ 831│ - - - │Agricola Governor of
│ │ │ Britain.
79│ 832│Death of Pliny the Elder │Destruction of Herculaneum
│ │ │ and Pompeii.
80│ 833│ - - - │The Coliseum built.
81│ 834│ - - - │Accession of Domitian.
90│ 843│M. F. Quintilianus; the │
│ │ Philosophers expelled by│
│ │ Domitian; Papinius │
│ │ Statius; Martialis. │
93│ 846│ - - - │Death of Agricola.
96│ 849│ - - - │Assassination of Domitian.
98│ 851│C. Cornelius Tacitus; C. │Accession of Trajan.
│ │ Plinius Minor; Julius │
│ │ Frontinus; Suetonius │
│ │ Tranquillus; Annæus │
│ │ Florus; Julius │
│ │ Obsequens; D. Junius │
│ │ Juvenalis. │
104│ 857│Pliny’s letter respecting │
│ │ the Christians. │
117│ 870│ - - - │Accession of Hadrian.
138│ 891│S. Pomponius; Gaius │Accession of Antoninus
│ │ │ Pius.
161│ 914│L. Appuleius; Minucius │Accession of M. Aurelius.
│ │ Felix; Tertullian. │
────────┴────────┴──────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────
THE END.
-----
Footnote 1:
B. C. 210; A. U. C. 514.
Footnote 2:
A. D. 138; A. U. C. 891.
Footnote 3:
See Forster’s Essay on Greek Quantity, c. vi.
Footnote 4:
Pol. Hist. iii. 22; see Donaldson’s Varron.
Footnote 5:
Plin. N. H. iii. 14.
Footnote 6:
See Thucyd. ii. 6.
Footnote 7:
Lib. v. 33.
Footnote 8:
Müller, Etrusk. iv. 7, 8.
Footnote 9:
See authorities quoted by Dennis, Cities of Etruria, i. xxiv.
Footnote 10:
Lib. i. 94.
Footnote 11:
Tac. Ann. iv. 55.
Footnote 12:
Lib. i. p. 22, 24.
Footnote 13:
Lib. i. 93.
Footnote 14:
Cistell. II. iii. 20.
Footnote 15:
A Cyclopean or Pelasgian wall, built of polygonal stones, without
mortar, exists so far north as Düsternbrook, near Kiel, in
Schleswig-Holstein.
Footnote 16:
Ueber die Tyr. Pel. in Etr. Leips. 1842.
Footnote 17:
Varronianus, i. sec. 10.
Footnote 18:
Heyne, Exc. Virg. Æn. iii.
Footnote 19:
The religion of Rome furnishes many other traces of Etruscan
influence:—_ex. gr._, the ceremonies of the augurs and haruspices were
Etruscan, and the lituus, or augur’s staff, may be seen on old
Etruscan monuments. The Tuscan Fortune, Nortia, the etymology of whose
name (ne-verto) coincides with that of the Greek Ἀτροπος (the
unchangeable,) had the nails, the emblem of necessity, as her device;
and hence the consul marked the commencement of the year by driving a
nail.
The Roman Hymen, the god of marriage, was Talassius; a fact which
illustrates one of the incidents in the tradition which Livy (book i.
c. ix.) adopts respecting the rape of the Sabine virgins.
The name Talassius was evidently derived from the Tuscan name Thalna,
or Talana, by which was designated the Juno Pronuba of the Romans, and
the Ἡρη τελειά of the Greeks.
Footnote 20:
Owing to the existence of the Pelasgian element in Latin, as well as
in Greek, an affinity can be traced between these languages and the
Sanscrit in no fewer than 339 Greek and 319 Latin words.
Footnote 21:
See Donaldson’s Varron., c. iii.
Footnote 22:
Leps. de Tab. Eug., p. 86.
Footnote 23:
B. C. 354.
Footnote 24:
Varronianus, c. iii.
Footnote 25:
See Grotefend, Rud. Ling. Umbr. Hanov. 1835; and Lassen. Beitrage zur
Eug. Tafeln. Rhein. Mus. 1833.
Footnote 26:
Liv. vii. 11.
Footnote 27:
A. U. C. 361; B. C. 393.
Footnote 28:
Liv. x. 20.
Footnote 29:
Lect. on Rom. Hist. l. xxxiii.
Footnote 30:
A. U. C. 664; B. C. 90.
Footnote 31:
Pp. 86–89.
Footnote 32:
Micali, Tav. cxx.
Footnote 33:
Orellii Inscr. 1384.
Footnote 34:
Cities of Etruria, i. p. 225.
Footnote 35:
See Etrusc. Alphabet. Lanzi, Saggio di L. E. i. 208.
Footnote 36:
Herod. i. 167.
Footnote 37:
Virg. Æn. viii. 597.
Footnote 38:
Dennis, ii. 44.
Footnote 39:
Ibid. ii. 53.
Footnote 40:
Ibid. ii. 55.
Footnote 41:
Varron., p. 127.
Footnote 42:
Etrusk. i. p. 451.
Footnote 43:
Schoell. Hist. de Lit. Rom. i. p. 42; Orell. Insc. 2270.
Footnote 44:
Circ. A. D. 218.
Footnote 45:
De L. L. vii. 26, 27, or vi. 1–3.
Footnote 46:
Varronianus, vi. 4.
Footnote 47:
See _ex. gr._ Liv. i. 26.
Footnote 48:
S. V. V. Plorare, Occisum, Pellices, Parricidi, Quæstores, &c.
Footnote 49:
Lib. i. 26
Footnote 50:
H. N. xxxii. 2.
Footnote 51:
Ch. vi.
Footnote 52:
Dionys. x. 57.
Footnote 53:
Liv. iii. 54, A. D.
Footnote 54:
Nieb. R. H. iii. 264.
Footnote 55:
A. U. C. 428–50, Arnold; 423–44, Niebuhr.
Footnote 56:
Page 499.
Footnote 57:
Rom. Hist.
Footnote 58:
Varron. vi. 20.
Footnote 59:
Orell. No. 550.
Footnote 60:
Ibid. No. 552. Meyer’s Anth. Nos. 1, 2; where see also No. 5.
Footnote 61:
B. C. 259.
Footnote 62:
Orellius, No. 549.
Footnote 63:
Liv. xlii. 20.
Footnote 64:
Tac. Ann. ii. 49.
Footnote 65:
A. U. C. 568; B. C. 186.
Footnote 66:
Livy, xxxix. 18.
Footnote 67:
Schoell, i. 52.
Footnote 68:
Ver. 276.
Footnote 69:
Lib. vi. 3, 47.
Footnote 70:
See Bythner’s Lyra Prophet.
Footnote 71:
See epitaph on L. C. Scipio.
Footnote 72:
See Bant. Table.
Footnote 73:
Elem. Doc. Met. iii. 9.
Footnote 74:
P. 212.
Footnote 75:
Ep. Phal. xi.
Footnote 76:
The term _axamenta_ is derived from the old Latin word _axo_, to name.
Footnote 77:
Lib. i. 26.
Footnote 78:
Pro Rab. 4, 13.
Footnote 79:
Brutus, xix.
Footnote 80:
Liv. xxv. 12.
Footnote 81:
Liv. v. 16.
Footnote 82:
Elem. Doc. Metr. iii. 9.
Footnote 83:
Lays of Rome, Preface, p. 19.
Footnote 84:
Alterno terram quatiunt pede.—_Hor. Od._
Footnote 85:
See Meyer, Anthol. Lat. 207, 212.
Footnote 86:
Gray’s Works, ii. 30–54.
Footnote 87:
A. U. C. 513; B. C. 241.
Footnote 88:
B. C. 240; A. U. C. 514.
Footnote 89:
B. C. 81; A. U. C. 673.
Footnote 90:
A. D. 14.
Footnote 91:
A. D. 138.
Footnote 92:
Brut. 19; Tusc. Dis. i. 2; iv. 2.
Footnote 93:
Lib. ix. 36.
Footnote 94:
De Rep. i. 20.
Footnote 95:
Lib. iv. 7, 13, 20.
Footnote 96:
In Virg. Æn. i. 372. See also Cic. Or. ii. 12; and Quinct, Ins. Or. x.
2, 7.
Footnote 97:
Cic. Brut. 16.
Footnote 98:
Hor. Ep. II. i. 139, &c.
Footnote 99:
Sermon. i. 4, 6.
Footnote 100:
Virg. Georg. II. 385; Tibull. II. i. 55; Catull. 61, 27.
Footnote 101:
Sub voc.
Footnote 102:
Bernhardy’s Grundriss, 379; Diomedes, Gr. iii. 487; Val. Max. ii. 4;
Festus v. person. fab.
Footnote 103:
Now St. Arpino.
Footnote 104:
Cic. Ep. ad Pap.
Footnote 105:
Juv. Sat. iii. 172.
Footnote 106:
V. Schlegel, lect. viii.
Footnote 107:
B. C. 364; A. U. C. 390.
Footnote 108:
Livy, vii. 2.
Footnote 109:
Lect. R. H. lxx.
Footnote 110:
Lib. xxvii. 34: xxiv. 20.
Footnote 111:
Liv. i. 9, 35.
Footnote 112:
Ibid. i. 35.
Footnote 113:
Elem. Doctr. Metr. iii. 9.
Footnote 114:
71.
Footnote 115:
Ep. II. i. 69.
Footnote 116:
Liv. vii. 2.
Footnote 117:
Brut. 72.
Footnote 118:
B. C. 240.
Footnote 119:
Noct. Att. See also Quinct. I. O. x. 2, 7.
Footnote 120:
See Bothe, Poetæ Scen. Roman. Trag.
Footnote 121:
For the slight differences between a Greek and Roman theatre, the
reader is referred to Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, _sub voce_.
Footnote 122:
Ep. ad Fam. vii. 1.
Footnote 123:
Roman critics divide comedy into _Comœdia Palliata_, in which the
characters, and therefore the costume, were Greek; and _Togata_, in
which they were Roman. Comœdia Togata was again subdivided into
Trabeata, or genteel comedy, and Tabernaria, or low comedy. The Fabulæ
Prætextatæ were historical plays, like those of Shakspeare.
Footnote 124:
Klussman, Frag. Næv.
Footnote 125:
Cic. Cat. 14.
Footnote 126:
Noct. Att. i. 24; xvii. 21.
Footnote 127:
A. U. C. 519.
Footnote 128:
A. U. C. 550; B. C. 204.
Footnote 129:
B. C. 367.
Footnote 130:
B. C. 300.
Footnote 131:
B. C. 312.
Footnote 132:
Cic. Verres, i. 10.
Footnote 133:
See Arnold’s Rome, l. 289.
Footnote 134:
Miles Glorios. II., ii. 56.
Footnote 135:
A. Gell. iii. 3.
Footnote 136:
B. C. 204. See Cic. Brut. 15.
Footnote 137:
Ep. ii. 153; Brutus, 19.
Footnote 138:
Pierron, Hist. de la R. 42.
Footnote 139:
Lib. i. 198.
Footnote 140:
Cic. Brut. 19; Macr. vi. 2.
Footnote 141:
Brutus, 76.
Footnote 142:
Meyer’s Anthol. Lat.
Footnote 143:
Meyer’s Anthol. Lat.
Footnote 144:
II. Epist. i. 49.
Footnote 145:
Horace, 1 Serm. iv. 10.
Footnote 146:
A. U. C. 515.
Footnote 147:
Claudian, xxiii. 7.
Footnote 148:
Silius It.
Footnote 149:
B. C. 204.
Footnote 150:
B. C. 198.
Footnote 151:
B. C. 189.
Footnote 152:
Meyer, Anthol. Vet. Rom. No. 19.
Footnote 153:
Meyer, No. 16.
Footnote 154:
Smith’s Dict. of Biograph. s. v. Ennius.
Footnote 155:
Ep. ii. 50.
Footnote 156:
Meyer, Anthol. 515–585.
Footnote 157:
Cic. Brut. 76.
Footnote 158:
Andromache.
Footnote 159:
A. Gellius.
Footnote 160:
Pierron, Rom. Lit. p. 74.
Footnote 161:
B. C. 280.
Footnote 162:
B. C. 214.
Footnote 163:
De Nat. Deor. i. 42.
Footnote 164:
See Lecture vii. of A. W. V. Schlegel.
Footnote 165:
Ep. ad Pison. 202.
Footnote 166:
From Tzur, צוֹר.
Footnote 167:
Colman illustrates the preface to his translation of Terence with an
engraving from a bas-relief in the Farnese Palace, in which these
flutes are introduced. The original represents a scene in the Andria,
and contains Simo, Davus, Chremes, and Dromo, with a knotted cord.
Footnote 168:
I. O. ii. 10.
Footnote 169:
Donatus says, “Diverbia (_the dialogues_) histriones pronuntiabant;
cantica (_the soliloquies_) vero temperabantur modis non a poetâ sed a
perito artis musicæ factis.”
Footnote 170:
Cic. de Orat. iii. 45.
Footnote 171:
Ibid. 41.
Footnote 172:
Phorm. Prol. 18; Ecl. iii. 96.
Footnote 173:
A. U. C. 527; B. C. 227.
Footnote 174:
A. U. C. 570; B. C. 184. See Cic. Brut. 15.
Footnote 175:
Lect. lxx.
Footnote 176:
A. Gell. iii. 3.
Footnote 177:
See Smith’s Biog. Dict. s. v.
Footnote 178:
Lect. on Rom. Hist. lxx.
Footnote 179:
Quint. x. 1, 99.
Footnote 180:
De Off. i. 29.
Footnote 181:
Lib. i. 24.
Footnote 182:
Quint. x. 1, 90.
Footnote 183:
Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 58.
Footnote 184:
Bacch. ii. 2.
Footnote 185:
The plot of the Phasma of Menander is as follows:—A woman who has
married a second husband has a daughter concealed in the next house,
with whom she has secret interviews by means of a communication
through the party-wall. In order the better to carry on her
clandestine plan, she pretends that she has intercourse with a
supernatural being, who visits her in answer to her invocations. Her
step-son by accident sees the maiden, and is at first awe-struck,
thinking that he had beheld a goddess; but, discovering the truth, he
is captivated with her beauty. A happy marriage, with the consent of
all parties, concludes the play.
Footnote 186:
De Sen. 50.
Footnote 187:
Act v. scene i.
Footnote 188:
See Plaut. Ed. Var. pp. 1320 and 2095.
Footnote 189:
See Prol. 18.
Footnote 190:
See act iv. scene ii.
Footnote 191:
De Opt. Gen. Dic. i.
Footnote 192:
Noct. Att. ii. 33.
Footnote 193:
Varro.
Footnote 194:
Horace.
Footnote 195:
Varro.
Footnote 196:
De Opt. Gen. Orat. i.
Footnote 197:
Brut. 258.
Footnote 198:
Lib. vii. 3.
Footnote 199:
Ep. ii. 1.
Footnote 200:
B. C. 193.
Footnote 201:
See Life of Ter. in Ed. Varior.
Footnote 202:
See Smith’s Dict. of Ant. s. v.
Footnote 203:
B. C. 166; A. U. C. 588.
Footnote 204:
Valerius Paterc.
Footnote 205:
Phorm. v. viii.
Footnote 206:
Andr. v. ii.
Footnote 207:
Eunuchus, v. iv.
Footnote 208:
Fr. Incert. 6.
Footnote 209:
Satis pol, &c., iv. 4, 1.
Footnote 210:
Hier. Chron. Ol. clv. 3.
Footnote 211:
B. C. 166.
Footnote 212:
De Orat. ii. 81.
Footnote 213:
Act i. scene i.
Footnote 214:
Act v. scene iii. 25.
Footnote 215:
A. U. C. 592; B. C. 167.
Footnote 216:
In Vita Ter.
Footnote 217:
Act v. scene ix.
Footnote 218:
Act ii. scene iii.
Footnote 219:
A. U. C. 590; B. C. 163.
Footnote 220:
Spect. No. 502.
Footnote 221:
Prol. 46.
Footnote 222:
Prol. 27.
Footnote 223:
A. U. C. 592; B. C. 161.
Footnote 224:
See Prol. i.
Footnote 225:
B. C. 165; A. U. C. 588.
Footnote 226:
See Prol. ii.
Footnote 227:
A. U. C. 593; B. C. 161.
Footnote 228:
Warton, in the Adventurer.
Footnote 229:
Cic. Brut. 167.
Footnote 230:
Quint. x. i. 100
Footnote 231:
Lib. xiv. 20.
Footnote 232:
Lib. i. 2.
Footnote 233:
Lib. iv. ii.
Footnote 234:
De Fin. ii. 4; Tusc. Dis. iv. 31.
Footnote 235:
Dict. Univ. s. v.
Footnote 236:
See Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. s. v.
Footnote 237:
See on this subject Lange, Vind. Trag. Rom. Leips. 1823.
Footnote 238:
Hor. Serm. i. 9, 23; Ep. Pis. 55; Mart. Ep. viii. 18.
Footnote 239:
Juv. Sat. x. 80.
Footnote 240:
Liv. xxii. 49.
Footnote 241:
Cic. Att. xvi. 2, 5.
Footnote 242:
Cic. Fam. x. 32.
Footnote 243:
See Cic. de Off. ii. 16; Plin. H. N. 36, 3, &c.
Footnote 244:
Arist. Poet.
Footnote 245:
Epist. II. i. 182.
Footnote 246:
Asinius Pollio is said by Seneca (Controv. iv. Præf.) to have
introduced the practice of poets reading their works to a circle of
friends.
Footnote 247:
Ecl. iii. 86.
Footnote 248:
Math. Hist. of Class. Lit.; Bernhardy, Grund. 366.
Footnote 249:
Hier. in Eus. Chron. Ol. 156, 3.
Footnote 250:
Cic. Brut. 64.
Footnote 251:
Plin. N. H. xxxv. 1, 4.
Footnote 252:
N. A. i. 24; Meyer, Anth. xxiv.
Footnote 253:
Cic. de Am. 7.
Footnote 254:
Pers. Sat. i. 77.
Footnote 255:
Hor. Ep. II. i. 55.
Footnote 256:
Ad Heren. iv. 4 and 11, 23.
Footnote 257:
Varro ap. Gel. vii. 14.
Footnote 258:
Cic. de Div. i. 14; Orat. iii. 39.
Footnote 259:
See Smith’s Dict.
Footnote 260:
De Pac. Dul. A. Steigl. Leips. 1826.
Footnote 261:
Pierron, p. 162.
Footnote 262:
Cic. de Am. vii.
Footnote 263:
Diom. iii.
Footnote 264:
Cic. Brut. 64.
Footnote 265:
Lib. iii. 7, 11.
Footnote 266:
Cic. Brut. 64; Gell. xiii. 2; Brut. 28.
Footnote 267:
Cic. de Leg. ii. 21; Pro Arch. ii.
Footnote 268:
Bernhardy, 367; Hor. Ep. II. i. 56; Quint, x. i. 97.
Footnote 269:
De Divin. i. 22; Bothe, Poet. Scen. fr. p. 191.
Footnote 270:
Bothe, p. 246.
Footnote 271:
Tusc. Disp. ii. 10; Bothe, p. 239.
Footnote 272:
Bothe, p. 238.
Footnote 273:
Ibid. p. 231.
Footnote 274:
Hor. Ep. II. i. 55.
Footnote 275:
See Nieb. Lect. 88.
Footnote 276:
B. C. 279.
Footnote 277:
The etymology of σίλλοι is unknown. Casaubon derived the word from
σιλλαίνειν, to scoff. The probability, however, is that the
substantive is the root of the verb. The invention of the _Silli_ has
been ascribed by some to Xenophanes, the philosopher of Colophon. He
was the author of a didactic poem, and his invectives were directed
against the absurd and erroneous doctrines of his predecessors. Timon,
a skeptical philosopher, who lived in the reign of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, was undoubtedly the author of Silli. Some of these are
dialogues, in which one of the persons is Xenophanes, whence perhaps
he was erroneously considered the inventor of this kind of poetry. All
the Silli of Timon are epic parodies, and their subject a ludicrous
and skeptical attack on philosophy of every kind. Fragments of Silli
are preserved by Diogenes, Lucilius, and Chrysostom.—Ad. Alex. Orat.
See also Brunck’s Analecta, and Suidas _s. vv._ σιλλαίνειν, Τίμων.
Footnote 278:
Hor. Sat. i. 4, 10.
Footnote 279:
Cic. Tusc. i. 2.
Footnote 280:
Aurelius Victor states (De Vit. Illust. xlvii.) that Cato took lessons
in Greek from Ennius.
Footnote 281:
Juv. Sat. i. 20.
Footnote 282:
Hieron. Chron. Euseb.
Footnote 283:
In defence of the chronology of Lucilius’ life, see Smith’s Dictionary
of Biography, _s. v._ Lucilius.
Footnote 284:
Vell. Paterc. ii. 9.
Footnote 285:
See Sat. I. iv.; I. x.; I. i. 29, &c.
Footnote 286:
De Orat. ii. 6; De Fin. i. 3.
Footnote 287:
Inst. Or. x. i.
Footnote 288:
Inst. Div. vi. 5.
Footnote 289:
Hor. Sat. I. x. 46.
Footnote 290:
Nieb. Lect. lxxxviii.
Footnote 291:
Lib. ii. 24; xix. 9.
Footnote 292:
See Nieb. Lect. lxxix. and Schol. in Cic. Orell. ii. p. 283.
Footnote 293:
Suet. de Clar. Rhet. iii.
Footnote 294:
The fragments of the ancient Roman historians have been collected by
Augustus Krause, and published at Berlin in 1833.
Footnote 295:
De Orat. ii. 12.
Footnote 296:
Pro Arch. x.
Footnote 297:
Dion. xvi. 6; Nieb. H. R. iii. 356.
Footnote 298:
Lib. i. 44, 45; ii. 40; viii. 30, &c.
Footnote 299:
Lib. xxii. 7.
Footnote 300:
Pol. i. 14.
Footnote 301:
Lect. R. H. iii. xxvi.
Footnote 302:
Lib. ii. 12.
Footnote 303:
Liv. xxii. 7.
Footnote 304:
Lib. xxiii. ii.; B. C. 216; A. U. C. 538.
Footnote 305:
A. U. C. 544; B. C. 210.
Footnote 306:
Liv. xxvi. 23.
Footnote 307:
Ibid. 28.
Footnote 308:
Ibid. xxvii. 29.
Footnote 309:
Ibid. xxi. 31.
Footnote 310:
Dionys. i. 6.
Footnote 311:
Liv. vii. 3.
Footnote 312:
See, on this subject, Lachmann de Font. Hist. Ti. Liv.
Footnote 313:
See Dr. Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. _s. v._
Footnote 314:
N. A. vii. 14.
Footnote 315:
Lib. xxv. 39; xxxv. 14.
Footnote 316:
A. U. C. 586; B. C. 168.
Footnote 317:
A. U. C. 599; B. C. 155.
Footnote 318:
Cic. de Orat. ii. 37; Quint. xii. 1.
Footnote 319:
Suet. de Gram. Ill. 2.
Footnote 320:
De Senec. 4.
Footnote 321:
Liv. xxxiv.
Footnote 322:
B. C. 171.
Footnote 323:
Plin. H. N. vii. 31.
Footnote 324:
A. U. C. 605.
Footnote 325:
Livy (xxxix. 40) and Niebuhr (Lect. lxix.) state that Cato died at the
age of ninety; Cicero (Brut. 15, 20, 23) and Pliny, at the age of
eighty-five.
Footnote 326:
Valerius Maximus relates the following anecdote of the respect in
which this virtuous Roman was held by his countrymen:—At the Floralia,
the people were accustomed to call for the exhibition of dances,
accompanied with acts of great indecency. Cato on one of these
occasions happened to be present, and the spectators were ashamed to
make their usual demand until he had left the theatre. Martial also
alludes to this anecdote in one of his epigrams.
Footnote 327:
Hor. Od. ii. i.
Footnote 328:
Plut. Life of Cato.
Footnote 329:
Cicero tells us (De Orat. ii. 64) that, when censor, he degraded L.
Nasica for an unseasonable jest.
Footnote 330:
Lib. xxxix. 40.
Footnote 331:
About A. U. C. 600.
Footnote 332:
Cato, iii.
Footnote 333:
See frag. of book iv. Krause.
Footnote 334:
C. Nepos in Vita.
Footnote 335:
Lib. v. Krause, p. 114.
Footnote 336:
Lib. i. 12.
Footnote 337:
The hocus-pocus of Cato resembles Latin about as nearly as did the
gibberish of the Spanish witches in the days of witch-finding. “In
nomine Patricâ Aragueaco Petrica agora agora valentia jouando goure
gaito goustra.”
Footnote 338:
Meyer, Frag. Rom. Orat.
Footnote 339:
See, _ex. gr._ Liv. xxxix. 40.
Footnote 340:
Brutus.
Footnote 341:
Lect. R. H. lxix.
Footnote 342:
Brut.
Footnote 343:
Gell. xi. 8.
Footnote 344:
Serv. Æn. ix. 70.
Footnote 345:
Macrob. ii. 16.
Footnote 346:
A. U. C. 608.
Footnote 347:
A. U. C. 608.
Footnote 348:
Cic. de Leg. ii. 2; Brut. 26.
Footnote 349:
Cic. Brut. 25.
Footnote 350:
Ibid. 26.
Footnote 351:
Gell. ii. 13.
Footnote 352:
See Nieb. Lect. V. on Rom. Lit.
Footnote 353:
Brut. 21.
Footnote 354:
B. C. 133.
Footnote 355:
Liv. i. 55.
Footnote 356:
Lib. xi. 14.
Footnote 357:
Athenæus, iv. 168.
Footnote 358:
Brut. 35.
Footnote 359:
See Cic. de Leg. i. 2; Brut. 67.
Footnote 360:
Lect. iii. xliv.
Footnote 361:
Numa, c. i. See Niebuhr, Lect. III. xli.
Footnote 362:
A. U. C. 678.
Footnote 363:
A. U. C. 691.
Footnote 364:
Lib. xxx. 19.
Footnote 365:
There is one instance to the contrary, (Liv. xxxviii. 23,) in which
Quadrigarius makes the number of the slain 40,000, Antias only 10,000.
Footnote 366:
Plut. Romulus, 14.
Footnote 367:
Liv. xxvi. 49.
Footnote 368:
Lib. xxxii. 6.
Footnote 369:
Lib. xxxiii. 10.
Footnote 370:
Lib. xxxiii. 30.
Footnote 371:
De Clar. Rhet. 3.
Footnote 372:
Brut. 64 and 88.
Footnote 373:
Jug. 95.
Footnote 374:
Gell. vi. 3, 4.
Footnote 375:
Appius Claudius Cæcus was also author of a moral poem on Pythagorean
principles, which was extant in the time of Cicero, (Brutus, 16.)
Footnote 376:
B. C. 280.
Footnote 377:
About B. C. 221.
Footnote 378:
Lib. xxxv. 8; xl. 46.
Footnote 379:
H. N. vii. 43, 44.
Footnote 380:
Brut. 14, 19, de Sen.
Footnote 381:
Cic. Cat. 4, 12; de Sen. 4; Brut. 14, 18.
Footnote 382:
Noct. Attic. iv. 18.
Footnote 383:
Brut. 21.
Footnote 384:
Meyer, Orat. Rom. Fragm.
Footnote 385:
B. C. 149; A. U. C. 605.
Footnote 386:
A. U. C. 580.
Footnote 387:
A. U. C. 622.
Footnote 388:
De Orat. 153.
Footnote 389:
Sallust. Cat. 25.
Footnote 390:
Orat. iii. 56.
Footnote 391:
Brut. 33.
Footnote 392:
Ibid. 36.
Footnote 393:
Pro Rosc. 25; pro Arch. 60; in. Verr. iv. 59.
Footnote 394:
Orat. II. i.
Footnote 395:
Pro Cluent. 50.
Footnote 396:
De Orat. ii. 48.
Footnote 397:
B. C. 122.
Footnote 398:
De Orat. i. 52; Brut. 43.
Footnote 399:
B. C. 95.
Footnote 400:
B. C. 92.
Footnote 401:
B. C. 161; A. U. C. 593.
Footnote 402:
A. Gell. xv. ii.
Footnote 403:
De Cl. Or. 143, 145.
Footnote 404:
Pro Cluent. 51.
Footnote 405:
De Orat. ii. 54.
Footnote 406:
Cic. de Or. ii. 65; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 4.
Footnote 407:
Macrobius, Sat.
Footnote 408:
See Brutus, _passim_.
Footnote 409:
Brutus, 158.
Footnote 410:
De Fam. iv. 5.
Footnote 411:
Cic. Philip. ix. 5.
Footnote 412:
Brut. xcii.
Footnote 413:
Ad Att. vi. 6.
Footnote 414:
Ad Fam. viii. 2.
Footnote 415:
Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. _s. v._
Footnote 416:
Brut. 95.
Footnote 417:
Quint. xii.; ch. x.; Brut. Orat. ad Br. in many places.
Footnote 418:
A. Gell. i. 5.
Footnote 419:
A. Gell. i. 5.
Footnote 420:
Cic. Muræn. 8, 19; Off. ii. 19, 65.
Footnote 421:
Hor. Od. II. i. 13.
Footnote 422:
Cic. pro Muræn.
Footnote 423:
Inst. Or. xii. 7.
Footnote 424:
De Orat. 44.
Footnote 425:
De Leg. ii. 23.
Footnote 426:
A. U. C. 552.
Footnote 427:
Lib. xxx. 1.
Footnote 428:
De Or. i. 45.
Footnote 429:
Dig. I. ii. 39.
Footnote 430:
De Or. ii. 55.
Footnote 431:
Lib. xvi. 5; Dig. L. 16, 157.
Footnote 432:
B. C. 24, 25.
Footnote 433:
De Lat. Lin. iv. 2; iv. 10; v. 7.
Footnote 434:
H. N. vii. 1.
Footnote 435:
De Orat. iii. 21.
Footnote 436:
Cornelius Nepos ait litteratos quidem vulgo appellari eos qui aliquid
diligenter et acute scienterque possint aut dicere aut scribere.
Footnote 437:
Sueton. de Illust. Gram.
Footnote 438:
Lect. R. H. cvi.
Footnote 439:
Plin. H. N. v. 72.
Footnote 440:
Cic. pro Sen.
Footnote 441:
Schlegel Lect. viii.; Müller’s Dor. iv. 7, 5.
Footnote 442:
Diog. Laert. iii. 18.
Footnote 443:
Xen. Hell. i. 23.
Footnote 444:
Müller’s Dorians, Trans. ii. 374.
Footnote 445:
Or. Tr. ii. 515.
Footnote 446:
Cic. pro Rab. 12; de Orat. ii. 59. See also fragm. of Syrus’ Mimes.
Footnote 447:
Bothe, Po. Sc. Lat. fragm. vol. v.
Footnote 448:
Sat. i. x. 6. See also Sen. Controv., and Nieb. H. R. ii. p. 169.
Footnote 449:
Hieron. Eus. Chron.
Footnote 450:
Pl. Ep. vi. 21.
Footnote 451:
A. Gell. xv. 25.
Footnote 452:
Suet. Cæs. 52.
Footnote 453:
Cic. ad Fam. x. 28.
Footnote 454:
Pl. H. N. xii. 2, 6.
Footnote 455:
Tac. An. xii. 60.
Footnote 456:
Ad Fam. vii. 15.
Footnote 457:
Ibid. xi. 28.
Footnote 458:
Ad Fam. xii. 18.
Footnote 459:
Sen. Controv. vii. 3; Ep. 8, 94, 108.
Footnote 460:
Pl. H. N. viii. 51.
Footnote 461:
_S. v._ Ὀρχησίς.
Footnote 462:
Hist. Rom. i.
Footnote 463:
Pl. Ep. vii. 24.
Footnote 464:
Juv. vi. 65.
Footnote 465:
Tac. Ann. i. 77.
Footnote 466:
Suet. Ner. 16, 26.
Footnote 467:
Juv. i. 35; vi. 44.
Footnote 468:
Lib. ix. 29; xi. 13.
Footnote 469:
Suet. Ner. 54.
Footnote 470:
Lib. i. 925; iv. 1.
Footnote 471:
Lib. i. 831; iii. 261.
Footnote 472:
Clint. F. H.
Footnote 473:
Hier. Chron.
Footnote 474:
The criticism of Cicero is unjust:—“Lucretii poemata ita sunt non
multis luminibus ingenii multæ tamen artis.”—Ep. ad Qu. fratr. ii. 11.
Footnote 475:
See A. Gell. Noct. Att. i. 21.
Footnote 476:
Lib. ii. 352.
Footnote 477:
Lib. v. 166.
Footnote 478:
Lib. vi. 378.
Footnote 479:
Lib. v. 1197.
Footnote 480:
Lib. vi. 75.
Footnote 481:
Lib. v. 83, 1163.
Footnote 482:
Lib. v. 1202.
Footnote 483:
Lib. i. 81.
Footnote 484:
Lib. i. 71, 147.
Footnote 485:
See Ritter, iv. p. 89.
Footnote 486:
Lib. v. 525.
Footnote 487:
Lib. iii. 265, 413.
Footnote 488:
Lib. iii. 302.
Footnote 489:
Lib. iv. 1072.
Footnote 490:
Lib. v. 1012.
Footnote 491:
De Fin. ii. 22.
Footnote 492:
Lib. v. 1152.
Footnote 493:
Lib. iii. 988.
Footnote 494:
Lib. ii. 7.
Footnote 495:
Diog. La. x. 3.
Footnote 496:
Sen. de Benef. iv. 19.
Footnote 497:
Diog. La. x.
Footnote 498:
Georg. ii. 490.
Footnote 499:
Georg. iii. 478.
Footnote 500:
Plin. xxxvii. 6.
Footnote 501:
Suet. v. Jul. 73.
Footnote 502:
See Carm. cxvi.
Footnote 503:
Anthol. 208.
Footnote 504:
Apuleius.
Footnote 505:
Carm. li.
Footnote 506:
Od. IV. iii. 23.
Footnote 507:
Od. III. xx. 13.
Footnote 508:
Lect. cvi.
Footnote 509:
Lib. v. 132, 166.
Footnote 510:
Cic. Brut. 82; ad Fam. xv. 21; Dial. de Or. 18; Quint. xi. 115.
Footnote 511:
Cat. liv.
Footnote 512:
Sat. I. x. 16.
Footnote 513:
Cat. Carm. X. xcv.
Footnote 514:
Ecl. 9.
Footnote 515:
Suet. de Ill. Gram. 2–9.
Footnote 516:
Wernsdorf, Po. Lat. Mi.
Footnote 517:
H. N. xxv. 2.
Footnote 518:
Od. ii. 9; Sat. I. x.
Footnote 519:
Wernsdorf.
Footnote 520:
Sat. II. v. 41.
Footnote 521:
Hieron. in Euseb. Chron.
Footnote 522:
See Meyer’s Anthol. Lat.
Footnote 523:
Ibid. 77, 78.
Footnote 524:
Lib. x. i. 87.
Footnote 525:
Hor. Sat. I. x. 46.
Footnote 526:
Anthol. 77, 78.
Footnote 527:
See, on this subject, Niebuhr’s Lectures on Roman History, cvi.
Footnote 528:
Mart. Ep. xii. 68.