OUR HISTORIC CHARACTERS

_Washington_

Washington was a vestryman of both Truro and Fairfax parishes. The place

of worship of the former was at Pohick, and of the latter at Alexandria.

Mount Vernon was within Truro parish, and in the affairs of the church

Washington took a lively interest. The old Pohick building became so

dilapidated that in 1764 it was resolved to build a new church. The

question as to location was discussed in the parish with considerable

excitement, some contending for retention of the old site and others

favoring a more central position. At a meeting for settling the

question, George Mason (the famous author of the Bill of Rights of

Virginia) made an ardent and eloquent plea to stand by the old landmarks

consecrated by the ashes of their ancestors, and sacred to all the

memories of life, marriage, birth, and death. In reply to this touching

appeal Washington produced a survey of the parish, drawn by himself with

his usual accuracy, on which every road was laid down, and the residence

of every householder marked. Spreading his map before the audience, he

showed that the new location which he advocated would be more

conveniently reached by every member of the parish, while to many of

them the old site was inaccessible. He expressed the hope that they

would not allow their judgment to be guided by their feelings. When the

vote was taken, a large majority favored removal to the proposed

locality. Thereupon George Mason put on his hat and stalked out of the

meeting, saying, in not smothered tones, “That’s what gentlemen get for

engaging in debate with a damned surveyor.” But, notwithstanding this

little tiff, the owners of Gunston Hall and of Mount Vernon had the

highest respect and warmest affection for each other.

One of the greatest blessings which a man can possess—especially if he

is a public man—is an imperturbable temper. It is a remarkable fact that

those who have most signally manifested this virtue have been men who

were constitutionally irritable. Such was the case with Washington,

whose habitual composure, the result of strenuous self-discipline, was

so great that it was supposed to be due to a cold and almost frigid

temperament. By nature a violently passionate man, he triumphed so

completely over his frailty as to be cheated of all credit for his

coolness and exasperating trials.

His biographers record very few instances of violent outbreak of anger,

even under excessive provocation. One of the few was in the well-known

disobedience of orders by General Charles Lee, at the battle of

Monmouth, and his ordering a retreat by which the day was nearly lost.

It was a betrayal of confidence which was subsequently explained by the

verdict of a court-martial convened to inquire into his misconduct. When

Washington, who was hurrying forward to his support, met the retreating

troops struggling and straggling in confusion, and realized the

situation, he rode at Lee as if he meant to ride him down. He was like a

raging lion. Demanding the meaning of the rout, he accompanied his

questions with imprecations whose crushing force was terrible.

Another instance of justifiable wrath following the libellous attacks of

Bache, Freeman, and the French Minister Genet, is noted as follows in

McMaster’s “History of the People of the United States,” which we copy

from that admirable book by permission of the publishers, D. Appleton &

Company:

“For a while Washington met this abuse with cold disdain. ‘The

publications,’ he wrote to Henry Lee, June 21, 1793, ‘in Freneau’s and

Bache’s papers are outrages on common decency. But I have a consolation

within that no earthly effort can deprive me of, and that is, that

neither ambition nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. The

arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well pointed, never

can reach the most vulnerable part of me, though, while I am up as a

mark, they will be continually aimed.’ But as time went on, the slanders

daily heaped upon him by the _National Gazette_ and the _General

Advertiser_ irritated him to such a degree that every allusion to them

provoked a testy answer or a show of rage. One of these outbursts took

place at a cabinet meeting held early in August, and has been described

with manifest delight by Jefferson. The matter discussed was the conduct

of Genet, and, in the course of some remarks, Knox spoke of the recent

libel on the President. In a moment the face of Washington put on an

expression which it was seldom given his friends to see. Says Jefferson,

‘He got into one of those passions when he cannot command himself, ran

on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed on him, and defied

any man on earth to produce one single act of his since he had been in

the government which had not been done on the purest motives. He had

never repented but once having slipped the moment of resigning his

office, and that was every moment since; and, by heavens! he would

rather be in his grave than in his present situation. He would rather be

on his farm than be emperor of the world; and yet they were charging him

with wanting to be a king.’”

This reference to a dictatorship recalls the incident which shook to its

centre his evenly balanced and self-controlled nature. Discontent among

officers and soldiers over arrearages of pay, the neglect of Congress to

make provision for the claims of their suffering families, and

increasing distrust of the efficiency of the government and of

republican institutions, led to an organized movement for a

constitutional monarchy, and to make Washington its king. A paper

embodying the views of the malcontents was drawn up, and presented to

the Chief by a highly esteemed officer,—Colonel Nicola. Washington’s

scornful rebuke, dated Newburgh, May 22, 1782, expressed surprise and

indignation. Said he, “No occurrences in the course of the war have

given me more painful sensations than your information of the existence

of such ideas in the army, ideas which I view with abhorrence and

reprehend with severity. I am at a loss to conceive what part of my

conduct could have given encouragement to an address, which to me seems

big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not

deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person

to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. Let me conjure you, if you

have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or

respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never

communicate, from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like

nature.”

While colonel of the Virginia troops in 1754, Washington was stationed

at Alexandria. At an election for members of the Assembly Colonel

Washington, in the heat of party excitement, used offensive language

toward a Mr. Payne. Thereupon that gentleman struck him a heavy blow and

knocked him down. Intelligence of the encounter aroused among his

soldiers a spirit of vengeance, which was quieted by an address from

him, showing his noble character. Next day, Mr. Payne received a note

from Washington, requesting his attendance at the tavern in Alexandria.

Mr. Payne anticipated a duel, but instead of pistols he found a table

set with wine and glasses, and was met with a friendly smile by his

antagonist. Colonel Washington felt that himself was the aggressor, and

determined to make reparation. He offered Mr. Payne his hand, and said:

“To err is human; to rectify error is right and proper. I believe I was

wrong yesterday; you have already had some satisfaction, and if you deem

that sufficient, here is my hand—let us be friends.” The _amende

honorable_ was promptly accepted.

Another case of offence, with prompt regret and reparation, occurred at

Cambridge, in 1775, when the army was destitute of powder. Washington

sent Colonel Glover to Marblehead for a supply of that article, which

was said to be there. At night the colonel returned and found Washington

in front of his head-quarters pacing up and down. The general, without

returning his salute, asked, roughly, “Have you got the powder?” “No,

sir.” Washington swore the terrible Saxon oath, with all its three

specifications. “Why did you come back, sir, without it?” “Sir, there is

not a kernel of powder in Marblehead.” Washington walked up and down a

minute or two in great agitation, and then said, “Colonel Glover, here

is my hand, if you will take it and forgive me. The greatness of our

danger made me forget what is due to you and myself.”

In his “Memories of a Hundred Years,” Edward Everett Hale says, “It is

with some hesitation that I add here what I am afraid is true, though I

never heard it said aloud until the year 1901. It belongs with the

discussion as to the third term for the Presidency. The statement now is

that Washington did not permit his name to be used for a third election

because he had become sure that he could not carry the State of Virginia

in the election. He would undoubtedly have been chosen by the votes of

the other States, but he would have felt badly the want of confidence

implied in the failure of his own ‘country,’ as he used to call it in

his earlier letters, to vote for him. It is quite certain, from the

correspondence of the time, that as late as September of the year 1796,

the year in which John Adams was chosen President, neither Adams nor

Washington knew whether Washington meant to serve a third time.”

In delineating the characteristics of Washington, Edward Everett says,

in his masterly way:

“If we claim for Washington solitary eminence among the great and good,

the question will naturally be asked in what the peculiar and

distinctive excellence of his character consisted; and to this fair

question I am tasked to find an answer that does full justice to my own

conceptions and feelings. It is easy to run over the heads of such a

contemplation; to enumerate the sterling qualities which he possessed

and the defects from which he was free; but when all is said in this way

that can be said, with whatever justice of honest eulogy, and whatever

sympathy of appreciation, we feel that there is a depth which we have

not sounded, a latent power we have not measured, a mysterious beauty of

character which you can no more describe in words than you can paint a

blush with a patch of red paint, or the glance of a sunbeam from a

ripple with a streak of white paint thrown upon the canvas; a moral

fascination, so to express it, which we all feel, but cannot analyze nor

trace to its elements. All the personal traditions of Washington assure

us that there was a serene dignity in his presence which charmed while

it awed the boldest who approached him.”

_Franklin_

Benjamin Franklin is probably the best specimen that history affords of

what is called a self-made man. He certainly “never worshipped his

maker,” according to a stinging epigram, but was throughout his life,

though always self-respectful, never self-conceited. Perhaps the most

notable result of his self-education was the ease with which he accosted

all grades and classes of men on a level of equality. The printer’s boy

became, in his old age, one of the most popular men in the French Court,

not only among its statesmen, but among its frivolous nobles and their

wives. He ever estimated men at their true worth or worthlessness; but

as a diplomatist he was a marvel of sagacity. The same ease of manner

which recommended him to a Pennsylvania farmer was preserved in a

conference with a statesman or a king. He ever kept his end in view in

all his complaisances, and that end was always patriotic. When he

returned to his country he was among the most earnest to organize the

liberty he had done so much to achieve; and he also showed his hostility

to the system of negro slavery with which the United States was

burdened. At the ripe age of eighty-four he died, leaving behind him a

record of extraordinary faithfulness in the performance of all the

duties of life. His sagacity, when his whole career is surveyed, was of

the most exalted character, for it was uniformly devoted to the

accomplishment of great public ends of policy or beneficence.

During a part of his reign, George III. was in the habit of keeping a

note-book, in which he jotted down his observations of men and passing

events. In the volume dated 1778, among the names to which the king

attached illustrative quotations, was the name of Benjamin Franklin,

with the following passage from Shakespeare’s _Julius Cæsar_, ii. 1:

O let us have him; for his silver hairs

Will purchase us a good opinion,

And buy men’s voices to commend our deeds:

It shall be said his judgment ruled our hands;

Our youths and wildness shall no whit appear,

But all be buried in his gravity.

With regard to the charge frequently made against him of scepticism and

infidel leanings, Franklin’s own refutation should suffice. In a letter

written in 1784 to his friend William Strahan, in England, he said,

referring to the successful outcome of the Revolutionary struggle,—

“I am too well acquainted with all the springs and levers of our machine

not to see that our human means were unequal to our understanding, and

that, if it had not been for the justice of our cause, and the

consequent interposition of Providence, in which we had faith, we must

have been ruined. If I had ever before been an atheist, I should now

have been convinced of the being and government of a Deity. It is He

that abases the proud and favors the humble. May we never forget His

goodness to us, and may our future conduct manifest our gratitude!”

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