_Visit to the American Churches, by Doctors Reed and Matheson; 2 vols.

New York: Harpers._--This work is excellent in its way--being a fine

addition to the already numerous commentaries of the English upon our

country. The writers, in the present instance, were delegated, about

two years since, by the dissenting churches in Great Britain, to visit

the United States, for inquiry into our religious condition and

character, and were favorably received by our countrymen. They have

shown themselves peculiarly free from unworthy prejudice, and have

gleaned, with indefatigable zeal, and surprising accuracy, a mass of

secular as well as religious information in relation to the United

States. The book consists of six hundred closely printed pages,

abounding with acute comment, and replete with valuable statistical

details. It has a value, too, particularly its own, as exhibiting the

real views of two well-educated English clergymen upon the

_religious_, more especially than upon the political and social aspect

of our land. The volumes are well written, and likely to do much good

in England as well as in the United States. Our readers will remember

Doctor Reed as the author of _No Fiction_, and _Martha_, both of which

publications were favorably noticed in a former number of the

Messenger.

_The Black Watch, by the author of the Dominie's Legacy; 2 vols. E. L.

Carey and A. Hart._--This is perhaps the best of all the writings of

this author. The _soubriquet_ of "The Black Watch" is familiar in the

anecdotary annals of our country. We all remember its celebrity at

Crown Point, and among the wild doings at Lake George. We should be

pleased, did it not interfere too much with our arrangements, to give

an extract from this novel in our present number. We must, however,

confine ourselves to a general recommendation.

_Magpie Castle; 1 vol.: by Theodore Hook. E. L. Carey and A.

Hart._--This is one of the finest trifles we have had the pleasure of

looking into for many years. Hook is a writer more entirely original

in his manner of thinking and speaking than many of his literary

brethren who possess a greater reputation.

_The American Journal of Science and the Arts, by Benjamin Silliman,

M.D., L.L.D. &c. Vol. XXVII--No. 11. New Haven: Hezekiah Howe &

Co._--We are glad to see that this admirable Journal is no longer in

immediate danger of decline. It is the only work of the kind in the

United States, and it would be positively disgraceful to let it perish

from a want of that patronage which, in the opinion of all proper

judges, it so pre-eminently deserves. We perceive a suggestion in the

New York American on this subject--an appeal to the lovers of sound

knowledge, calling upon them for their aid in behalf of the Journal,

and urging them not to let slip any opportunity of speaking a word in

its favor. To this appeal we take pleasure in cordially responding. We

positively can call to mind, at this moment, _no work whatever_, more

richly deserving of support; and it _must_ be supported, if only for

the justice of the thing--it _will_ be supported, we believe, for the

credit of the country. The present number, among many well written

articles of pure science, contains not a few of universal and

practical interest to the people. We beg leave also to call the

attention of our readers to the very interesting paper entitled "An

Ascent to the summit of the Popocatepetl, the highest point of the

Mexican Andes, eighteen thousand feet above the level of the sea." We

have been nearly tempted to extract the entire article.

_The Manual of Phrenology; 1 vol. 350 pp. Philadelphia: Carey, Lea &

Blanchard._ This is a summary of Dr. Gall's system, and a translation

from the fourth Paris edition. We might as well make up our minds to

listen patiently.

_Recollections of an Excursion to the Monasteries of Alcobaca and

Batalha, by Beckford, the author of Vathek,_ have been recently

published in London. We have had occasion before to speak of the

author of Vathek, and, without having seen this his last production,

we have taken up an idea that it must bear a family resemblance to

that heterogeneous, tumid, and blasphemous piece of _Easternism_, by

which Mr. Beckford has acquired so much notoriety. We hope not,

however, for the writer's sake, who is undoubtedly a man of genius and

fine imagination. However this matter may eventuate--whether we prove

to be true prophets, or false--one thing is certain: the work of which

we are now speaking, as indeed any book whatever from the same pen,

will be read with eagerness; and this for no better reason which we

can discover, than that the world have habituated themselves to mix up

in their fancy the mind and writings with the former fine house and

furniture of Mr. Beckford--the gorgeous nonsense of Vathek, with the

vast and absolute magnificence of the Abbey of Fonthill. We predict

for the book a rapid sale in this country. The notices which we have

seen merely speak of it as a charming specimen of a book made up from

nothing at all. It is said, however, to give a faithful picture of

monastic life, and a sprightly view of Portugal in 1794.

P. S. It appears that we have not been altogether mistaken in our

pre-supposition touching this book. The _Recollections_ consist of

little more than a glowing description of monastic epicurism and

_gourmandise_.

_The Wife and Woman's Reward_, by the Hon. Mrs. Norton, editress of

the London Court Journal, has been republished by the Harpers. We have

merely glanced at the book, and can therefore say very little about

it. Mrs. Norton's name however is high {715} authority. She has

written some of the most touching verses in the language, imbued with

poetry and passion; and since we saw her lately at breakfast in

Frazer's Magazine, we have fallen positively in love with her, and

intend to look with a favorable eye upon each and all of her future

productions.

_The Brothers, a Tale of the Fronde; 2 vols. New York: Harper and

Brothers._--This novel is from the pen of Mr. Herbert of New York, one

of the editors of the American Monthly Magazine. Detached chapters of

it have appeared from time to time in that journal, and gave

indication of the glowing talent which is now so apparent in the

entire work. As an historical novel, in excellent keeping, written

with great fluency and richness of diction, we know of (nothing?) from

the American press possessing higher claims than _The Brothers_ of Mr.

Herbert.

_Letters to Young Ladies; by Mrs. L. H. Sigourney._ W. Watson of

Hartford, has just published a second edition of this little volume.

It contains 200 pages, and consists of twelve letters on subjects

appertaining to the female character. Mrs. Sigourney blends a strong

and commanding good sense, with the loftier qualities of the poet. She

has written nothing which is not, in its particular way, excellent.

Hilliard, Gray & Co. have just published _The Comprehensive

Pronouncing and Explanatory Dictionary of the English Language, with

Pronouncing Vocabularies of Classical, Scriptural and Modern

Geographical Names, by J. E. Worcester; 1 vol. 12 mo._ Also--_An

Elementary Dictionary for Common Schools, &c. &c.; by the same._ The

latter of these two works is merely a condensation of the former; and

is in so much to be preferred, as it omits references and

authority--giving, in cases of doubt, what is deemed upon the whole

the proper pronunciation. The Comprehensive Dictionary was first

published in 1830. Several editions have been since printed. It

contains 6000 words more than Walker.

Matsells, of Chatham, New York, has published _A Few Days in Athens,

being a translation of a Greek M.S. discovered in Herculaneum; by

Frances Wright._--We have been sadly puzzled what idea to attach to

this very odd annunciation--the book itself we have not yet been able

to obtain. What it is, and what it is not, must deeply concern every

lover of Fanny Wright, pure Greek, and perfect independence.

We perceive that J. N. Reynolds' Voyage of the United States' Frigate

Potomac--Dr. Bird's Infidel--Tocqueville's Democracy in

America--Professor Longfellow's Outre-Mer--and John P. Kennedy's

Horse-Shoe Robinson--all of which we noticed favorably in the

Messenger--are highly praised in the London Literary Gazette.

Outre-Mer sells in that city for nearly $5--Horse-Shoe Robinson, and

the Infidel, for $6 50 each.

A superb work has appeared in Paris--_Descriptions of the French

Possessions in India_, viz: Views of the Coromandel and Madras

Coasts--Sketches of the Temples, Gods, Costumes, &c. of the

inhabitants of French India. The book is richly ornamented with

lithographic plates of exquisite finish, and altogether the

publication is worthy of the government under whose direction it has

been gotten up.

The July number of the London New Monthly Magazine contains a portrait

of Mrs. Hemans (from the bust by Angus Kecher,) engraved on steel by

Thompson. This is the only likeness of Mrs. Hemans ever published.

There is also an article by Willis entitled _The Gipsey of Sardis_.

Since the secession of Campbell in 1831, Samuel Carter Hall has edited

the New Monthly--the editorship of Bulwer only enduring for a short

interval.

_Robert Gilfillan_, of Edinburg, the Scottish lyrical writer, has

published a second edition of his songs. Some of them are said to be

of surpassing beauty.

Mr. Hoskins' _Travels in Ethiopia above the Second Cataract of the

Nile_, are very highly spoken of. The work is a large quarto; and the

expense of getting it up has been so great, as to leave its author no

chance of remuneration. It contains ninety illustrations, by a

Neapolitan artist of great eminence. The risk attending the

publication of so valuable a book, will operate to deter any American

bookseller from attempting it.

The new number of Lardner's Cyclopædia is _A History of Greece, vol.

1, by the Rev. C. Thirwall, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College,

Cambridge_. There will be three volumes of it. Alas, for our old and

valued friend, Oliver Goldsmith! The book is said to be faithful--but

very stupid.

_Anecdotes of Washington, illustrative of his patriotism and courage,

piety and benevolence_, is the title of one of the last of the "_Books

for the Young_." It is a Scottish publication.

Sir James Mackintosh has just issued _A View of the Reign of James II,

from his accession to the enterprize of the Prince of Orange. The

History of the Revolution in England in 1688_, a late work by the same

author, sold for three guineas: it was reprinted by the Harpers. The

present book is said to be nothing more than a part of the former work

in a new dress.

The Honorable Arthur Trevor has issued a volume of _The Life and Times

of William III, King of England, and Stadtholder of Holland_.

_Irving's Crayon Sketches, Parts I and II_, have been reprinted in

Paris by Galignani. _Fanny Kemble_ has been also reprinted there.

Captain Ross, the hero of the North Pole, is losing ground in public

favor. Singular discrepancies are said to have been discovered in his

last volume, between his map and his text.

_Sketches of American Literature_, by Flint, are in course of

publication in the London Athenæum. They are not very highly spoken

of--being called abstruse and dull.

The finest edition ever yet published of Milton's Paradise Lost, is

that of Sir Egerton Brydges, of which the first volume is already

issued. It contains the first six books--an engraving from Romney's

picture "Milton Dictating to his Daughter," and a fine vignette, "The

Expulsion," by J. M. W. Turner, R.A. The edition will be completed in

six vols.

The Right Hon. J. P. Courtney has in press _Memoirs of the Life,

Works, and Correspondence of Sir William Temple_.

James, the author of Darnley, has completed the _Life of Edward the

Black Prince_.

Lady Dacre, who wrote the _Tales of a Chaperon_, has published _Tales

of the Peerage and Peasantry_. The work is ostensibly _edited_ by Lady

Dacre, but there can be no {716} doubt of her having written it. Every

lover of fine writing must remember the story of _Ellen Wareham_ in

the Tales of a Chaperon. Positively we have never seen any thing of

the kind more painfully interesting, with the single exception of the

Bride of Lammermuir. The Tales in the present volumes are _The

Countess of Nithsdale_, _The Hampshire Cottage_, and _Blanche_.

Willis' _Pencillings by the Way_ are regularly republished in the

Liverpool Journal.

The _Canzoniere of Dante_ has been translated by C. Lyell with

absolute fidelity, and of course with correspondent awkwardness.

Barry Cornwall's _Life of Edmund Kean_ is severely handled in

Blackwood's Magazine for July.

The seventh Bridgewater Treatise has appeared in two volumes. It is by

the Rev. W. Kirby, the naturalist, and treats of _The History, Habits,

and Instincts of Animals_. The article on the Bridgewater Treatises in

the London Quarterly (we believe,) is one of the most admirable essays

ever penned--we allude to the paper entitled _The Universe and its

Author_.

A second edition of _Social Evils_, by Mrs. Sherwood, has appeared.

Mrs. S. is now well advanced in years.

A political novel is also in press--_Mephistopheles in England, or the

Confessions of a Prime Minister_.

_The Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon_, is in preparation by Lister,

author of Granby.

Joanna Baillie is about to issue three new volumes of _Dramas on the

Passions_. She is, in our opinion, the first literary lady in England.

The London Quarterly Review is especially severe on Fanny Kemble's

Journal--while an article on the same subject in the last New England

Review is as particularly lenient. The paper in the Quarterly is from

the pen of Lockhart.

Dr. Bird is preparing for the press a new novel under the name of _The

Hawks of Hawk's Hollow_. The adventures of a band of refugees, who

during the revolutionary war infested the banks of the Delaware, will

form the groundwork of the story.

_Halleck's Poems_ are in press, and will speedily be published. This

announcement has been received with universal pleasure. As a writer of

light, airy and graceful things, Halleck is inimitable.

Mr. Simms, author of the _Yemassee_, has in preparation a novel

founded upon incidents in the war of the revolution in South Carolina.

He will thus find himself at issue with Mr. Kennedy in Horse-Shoe

Robinson. De Kalb, Marion, Gates, and a host of other worthies will

figure in the pages of Mr. Simms.

We are looking for _The Gift_ with great anxiety. This annual will

have few, perhaps no rivals any where. Its embellishments are of the

very highest order of excellence; and a galaxy of talent has been

enlisted in its behalf. It is edited by Miss Leslie, and will be

issued from the press of Carey and Lea early in September.

In conclusion. Charles Kemble is reported to have said that Fanny's

is, beyond doubt, the best and truest book ever published, with the

exception of Byron and the Bible.

TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS.

It has been our custom, hitherto, to offer some few _Editorial

Remarks_ explanatory, complimentary, or otherwise, upon each

individual article in every Messenger. For this we had many reasons

which it will be unnecessary to mention in detail. But although, in

the infancy of our journal, such a course might have seemed to us

expedient, we are _now_ under no obligation to continue it. We shall

therefore, for the future, suffer our various articles to speak for

themselves, and depend upon their intrinsic merit for support.

In our next will appear No. VIII of the Tripoline Sketches: No. III of

the Autobiography of Pertinax Placid: and many other papers which we

have been forced for the present to exclude. Many poetical favors are

under consideration.

We avail ourselves of this opportunity again to solicit contributions,

especially from our Southern acquaintances. While we shall endeavor to

render the Messenger acceptable to all, it is more particularly our

desire to give it as much as possible a _Southern_ character and

aspect, and to identify its interests and associations with those of

the region in which it has taken root.

As one or two of the criticisms in relation to the Tales of our

contributor, Mr. Poe, have been directly at variance with those

generally expressed, we take the liberty of inserting here an extract

from a _letter_ (signed by three gentlemen of the highest standing in

literary matters) which we find in the Baltimore Visiter. This paper

having offered a premium for the best Prose Tale, and also one for the

best Poem--_both_ these premiums were awarded by the committee to Mr.

Poe. The award was, however, subsequently altered, so as to exclude

Mr. P. from the second premium, in consideration of his having

obtained the higher one. Here follows the extract.

"Among the prose articles offered were many of various and

distinguished merit; but the singular force and beauty of those sent

by the author of the _Tales of the Folio Club_, leave us no room for

hesitation in that department. We have accordingly awarded the premium

to a Tale entitled _MS. found in a Bottle_. It would hardly be doing

justice to the writer of this collection to say that the Tale we have

chosen is the best of the six offered by him. We cannot refrain from

saying that the author owes it to his own reputation, as well as to

the gratification of the community, to publish the entire volume, (the

Tales of the Folio Club.) These Tales are eminently distinguished by a

wild, vigorous, and poetical imagination--a rich style--a fertile

invention--and varied and curious learning.

(Signed)

JOHN P. KENNEDY,

J. H. B. LATROBE,

JAMES H. MILLER."

We presume this letter must set the question at rest. Lionizing is one

of the Tales here spoken of--The Visionary is another. The _Tales of

the Folio Club_ are sixteen in all, and we believe it is the author's

intention to publish them in the autumn. When such men as Miller,

Latrobe, Kennedy, Tucker, and Paulding speak unanimously of any

literary productions in terms of exalted commendation, it is nearly

unnecessary to say that we are willing to abide by their decision.

In every publication like ours, a brief sentence or paragraph is often

wanted for the filling out a column, and in such cases it is customary

to resort to selection. We think it as well, therefore, to mention

that, in all similar instances, we shall make use of _original_

matter.

{717}

SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER.

Vol. I.] RICHMOND, SEPTEMBER 1835. [No. 13.

T. W. WHITE, PRINTER AND PROPRIETOR. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.

The present number closes the first volume of the Messenger; and

accompanying it, the Publisher will transmit to each subscriber a

title page and copious Index to the volume. Gratified that his past

endeavors to please, have been crowned with success--the Publisher

anticipates with confidence that, with the continued patronage of the

public, the forthcoming volume shall in no respect be behind, if it

does not greatly outstrip its predecessor.

For the Southern Literary Messenger.

SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY

And Present Condition of Tripoli, with some account of the other

Barbary States.

No. VIII.--[_Continued_.]

In the beginning of April 1816, Admiral Lord Exmouth, Commander of the

British naval forces in the Mediterranean, arrived at Algiers

commissioned by his Government to negotiate with the Dey, in favor of

some of the inferior powers, which were in alliance with or under the

protection of Great Britain, and in order to give greater weight to

his arguments, he was accompanied by a fleet consisting of six sail of

the line, and nineteen frigates and smaller vessels.

The particulars of this negotiation have never been made public; from

what has transpired, it appears that the Admiral began by exacting

conditions much less favorable to Algiers, than those which he finally

subscribed. Whatever may have been those terms, the Dey refused to

admit them, and demonstrations were made on both sides, of an appeal

to arms; the negotiations were however renewed, and on the 4th,

engagements were concluded, to which upon the whole the Dey could have

made no objections. The Ionian Islands which had been placed under the

protection of Great Britain, were to be respected as part of the

British dominions; and thirty-three slaves, natives of Malta and

Gibraltar (British possessions) were liberated without ransom. A

treaty of peace was made with Sardinia, by which that country was

placed on the same footing with Great Britain, except that a present

not exceeding in value five thousand pounds sterling, was to be paid

on the arrival of each of its Consuls at Algiers; the Sardinian

captives were to be restored, on payment by that Government of five

hundred dollars per man. These terms may be considered as fair, and

the King of Sardinia who had just received Genoa from the hands of the

British, acknowledged his obligations for this additional favor. But

the treaty by which the Government of the Two Sicilies was bound to

ransom its subjects at the price of one thousand dollars each, and to

pay an annual tribute of twenty-four thousand dollars, besides

Consular presents, could scarcely have been considered as a boon in

Naples, and it must have consoled Omar for the concessions made to

other two powers.[1]

[Footnote 1: The King of Sardinia, besides the Island from which his

title is derived, possesses Savoy, Piedmont and Genoa on the continent

of Europe; he likewise styles himself sovereign of Corsica, Sicily,

Rhodes, Cyprus and Jerusalem. The King of Naples is styled the King of

the Two Sicilies.]

Before the departure of Lord Exmouth, an American squadron of two

frigates and two sloops of war, under Commodore Shaw, came to Algiers

with the ostensible purpose of presenting to the Dey a copy of the

treaty, signed in the preceding year, with the ratifications by the

President of the United States. Other circumstances however had

rendered its appearance necessary.

The treaty concluded with the United States under the guns of

Decatur's ships, was more mortifying to the Algerines than any which

had previously been made with a Christian nation; captives had been

surrendered without ransom, property seized had been restored, and the

right of demanding tribute or presents had been distinctly renounced.

The Dey saw that his credit would be seriously impaired when these

engagements should become publicly known; he suspected that had he

held out longer, he might have escaped the humiliation, and he

flattered himself that he might still retrieve what had been lost. No

Barbary sovereign ever considered it incumbent on him to observe a

treaty longer than it was compatible with his interests; yet every

man, however rude may be his ideas of moral conduct, knows the

advantage of being, or of seeming to be in the right. With these views

Omar determined to seek, and he accordingly soon found a pretext for

quarrel.

It has been stated that the Algerine brig taken by the Americans and

sent into Carthagena, had been there detained by the authorities, on

the plea of irregularity in the capture, but really in order that the

Spanish Government might obtain some concessions from the Dey in

return for the vessel. Omar did not fail to express to the Consul, at

first his surprise, then his indignation at this delay, which he

insisted was a violation of the treaty. Mr. Shaler endeavored to

reason with him, and renewed his assurances that the brig would be

soon restored; but he became daily more open in his threats, and more

insulting in his language, until the Consul not knowing to what

lengths his arrogant folly might lead him, requested Commodore Shaw

who had just reached Mahon, to come with his whole force to Algiers.

Immediately after the arrival of the squadron the Consul demanded an

audience of the Dey, and presented to him the ratified treaty, in

which no alteration had been made by the American Government. Omar was

at that moment elated by his success in obtaining such immense sums

from Sardinia and Naples, through the agency of their kind and

generous patrons the British, and he determined if possible to make

the Americans pay as dearly for his friendship. He therefore at first

pretended not to understand the meaning of this second treaty as he

termed it; he however admitted though with apparent unwillingness the

explanation of Mr. Shaler, and having called for the original Arabic

copy signed in the preceding year, compared it with that now offered.

This examination being ended, the {718} Dey insisted that the treaty

ratified by the President was essentially different from his own copy;

that several clauses had been varied, and others which he had been

particular in having inserted, were altogether omitted; among the

latter he cited one binding the United States to pay a certain sum on

the presentation of each of their Consuls, which indeed existed in the

Arabic version but had been fraudulently introduced without the

knowledge of the American Commissioners. He dwelt on the delay in

restoring the brig, as an instance of flagrant disregard of

engagements on the part of the Americans, who he considered had thus

shewn themselves unworthy of confidence, and concluded by declaring

that the treaty with them was null and void. The next day the Prime

Minister returned the ratified copy to Mr. Shaler using the most

insulting language on the occasion; and when the Consul warned him of

the consequences which might ensue, he replied with a sneer that his

master entertained no apprehensions, "as he had been assured by the

British that the Americans had neither ships nor money."

Mr. Shaler at this immediately retired on board the squadron; Omar

then became more reasonable, and after some days negotiation, he

agreed to submit the questions of the brig and of the future relations

between the two countries to the President of the United States in a

letter from himself, and to observe the treaty of 1815 until the

answer could be received. He accordingly wrote to the President on the

24th of April, recapitulating, according to his own views, the

occurrences which attended the signature of the treaty, and declaring

that as it had been violated by the Americans themselves, a new one

must be made, to which effect he proposed a renewal of the treaty of

1796.

Lord Exmouth having obtained the results above stated at Algiers,

sailed with his fleet for Tunis where similar arrangements were

subscribed at once by the Bey; the Sardinian captives were restored

without ransom, and the Neapolitans were liberated on payment by the

Sicilian Government of three hundred dollars for each. The Pasha of

Tripoli also willingly got rid of his remaining slaves from those

countries at the prices proposed by the British Commander, and the

Sovereigns of both these Regencies promised, that prisoners taken in

war with Christian nations should not in future be made slaves. The

Admiral then returned to Algiers, where he at length ventured to

require from the Dey a similar abolition of slavery in his dominions.

Omar in reply manifested his surprise at this demand, which was indeed

at variance with those made and assented to a few weeks before; he

however submitted it to his Divan[2] and soldiery, and having received

assurances of their support, he declared that as Algiers was a

dependency of the Porte, he could not enter into such an engagement

without authority from his Suzerain, and he therefore required six

months delay before he could give a final answer. Lord Exmouth granted

him but three hours, and gave evidences of an intention to bombard the

city. Omar showed no backwardness, and considering the war begun, he

imprisoned the British Consul, and sent orders to the Governors of the

other ports of the Regency to seize all vessels which might be lying

in them under the flag of his enemies; the Admiral however thought

proper to agree to a truce during the time demanded by him, and even

sent a frigate to bear his Ambassador to Constantinople.

[Footnote 2: The Divan of Algiers consisted originally of all the

soldiers and civil officers of the Government; it had however become a

mere name, and was scarcely ever convened, until Omar formally

assembled one, on a much more limited scale however, in order to

deliberate upon the propositions of Lord Exmouth. It then again

acquired importance; which it lost when the Dey in 1817 transferred

his residence to the Casauba. The members of the Government of Algiers

besides the Dey were, the Hasnagee or Minister of Finance, the Aga who

was Commander in Chief and Minister of War, the Vikel Adgee or

Minister of Marine, the Khogia de Cavallas or Adjutant General, and

the Bet el Mel or Judge of inheritances.]

The treaty between the United States and Algiers having been by this

time published in Europe, its conditions excited great attention, as

they were infinitely less favorable to the latter party than those

which had been obtained up to that period, by any Christian Power;

numerous speculations were formed by politicians as to the probability

of their being maintained, and the movements of the American squadron

in the Mediterranean were attentively noted in the public prints. The

eighteenth article of this treaty provides--that American armed

vessels should be allowed to bring their prizes into the ports of the

Regency and to dispose of them there, while those of nations at war

with the United States were to be obliged to depart with their prizes

as soon as they had procured the requisite supply of provisions and

water. The evident partiality displayed in this article induced Lord

Exmouth to demand explanations on the subject from the Dey; Omar

however soon satisfied his Lordship by an assurance that he had no

intention to observe it or any other stipulation contained in the

treaty.

The British fleet quitted Algiers about the middle of May and returned

to England where a great portion of the seamen were discharged, and

the ships were ordered to be dismantled. No official announcement had

been made of the results of the expedition, but the general tenor of

the engagements entered into were sufficiently understood, and the

newspapers of England and France were filled with articles, in which

they were severely reprobated and contrasted with those dictated by

the Americans with the aid of a trifling force. In Parliament Mr.

Brougham on the 18th of June, called for the production of the treaty

which had been made with Algiers, declaring that if the terms were

really such as were supposed, "a great stain would be fixed on the

character of the country, as they distinctly acknowledged the right of

depredation exercised by these Barbarians by providing a ransom for

the slaves whom they had made." Lord Cochrane insisted that "two sail

of the line would have been sufficient to compel the Dey of Algiers to

any terms." Lord Castlereagh the Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs evaded the call for the treaty, stating however "that the

cause of humanity had been materially advanced by the negotiations

which had been carried on, as it was for the first time agreed to by

the Dey of Algiers, that captives should be considered and treated on

the European footing as prisoners of war, and set at liberty at the

conclusion of every peace." This declaration was probably considered

by that ingenious statesman as _a necessary fiction_. The British

Government however felt that more was required of it by the nation,

and a circumstance soon occurred which afforded an excuse for the

employment of {719} measures better calculated to secure the public

voice in its favor.

The rocks at the bottom of the sea near some parts of the shores of

Algiers and Tunis are covered with coral of the finest quality; on

these coasts, the British and French have long maintained

establishments, to which persons provided with their license annually

resorted in the spring in order to fish for this substance. The

establishments of the French were at Calle and Bastion-de-France,

where they had forts and even claimed the sovereignty of the

territory, paying however a large sum yearly to the Governments of

those Regencies. The coral fishers under British license were nearly

all natives of the Italian States and islands; they assembled

principally at Bona, a small and ruinous place in Algiers about four

hundred miles west of the capital, occupying the site of the

celebrated ancient city of Hippo-Regius, where resided a Vice Consul

of Great Britain, and a number of magazines were erected for the

reception of the coral and of goods brought for sale; there was no

fort and no pretension was made to jurisdiction over the territory.

While the British fleet was lying before Algiers, and the Dey was

momentarily in expectation of an attack, he despatched an order to his

Aga or Governor of Bona, to secure all persons living there under the

protection of Great Britain. Owing to the great distance from Algiers,

this order did not arrive until the 23d of May, by which time the

truce with Great Britain had been agreed to, and the fleet had quitted

the African coast. The Aga on receiving the commands of the Dey,

instantly sent out his whole force to seize the Christians, but the

latter being more numerous than the Algerines, made resistance and

several persons were killed on both sides. The people of the country

and neighborhood, however coming to the aid of the soldiers, the

Europeans were overpowered, some escaped in their boats, and some were

murdered by the exasperated soldiers and populace; the rest were

dragged to prison, and their magazines and dwellings including that of

the British Vice Consul were pillaged. This is a simple statement of

the facts as subsequently ascertained; the occurrence was indeed to be

lamented, but there is no reason for attributing it to any

predetermined motive either on the part of the Dey or of his agents;

it might have happened in the best regulated country, and as Shaler

observes, is by far more defensible than the massacre of the American

prisoners by the British soldiers at Dartmoor. That the Dey had a

right to order the seizure of persons living in his dominions under

the flag of a nation with which he conceived himself engaged in

hostilities, cannot be disproved; and the Europeans by their

resistance subjected themselves to the chances of war. Mr. Shaler

justly censures Lord Exmouth for not having taken measures to protect

the sufferers at Bona which he might easily have done as he passed by

the place on his way from Tunis.

The British government however chose to regard the affair as an act of

signal atrocity, and without waiting to demand explanations on the

subject, prepared immediately to avenge the cause of humanity, and to

chastise the Algerines for the insult offered to the national flag. A

fleet of five sail of the line, five frigates, five sloops of war and

forty smaller vessels, accordingly sailed from Gibraltar under Lord

Exmouth on the 14th of August, 1816; and having been joined by a Dutch

squadron of five frigates and a sloop, under Admiral Van Capellen, the

whole armament appeared before Algiers on the 27th of that month.

Before detailing the operations of this force, it will be proper to

give some account of the situation and defences of the place against

which it was sent.

Algiers stands on the western side of a semicircular bay, the shore of

which between the two Capes at its extremities, extends about fifteen

miles. Of these Capes the eastern is called Cape Matifou; the shore of

the bay on this side and on the south, is low and level, offering

every where facilities for landing, which circumstances induced

Charles the Fifth to disembark his army there, on his unfortunate

expedition in 1541. Since that period, a number of strong batteries

have been erected along the edge of the bay, connected by lines which

if well manned would render landing impracticable. The western side of

the bay is formed by a ridge of hills, which terminate on the north in

a bold promontory called Ras Acconnater or Cape Caxine; this ridge

separates the bay of Algiers from that of Sidi Ferruch where the

French forces landed in 1830.

The city is built upon the declivity of a steep hill, about three

miles south-east of Cape Caxine. Its general form presents a

triangular outline, and the houses being all white it has the

appearance of a sail when seen from a distance at sea. One side is on

the bay, the walls on the other two sides extend up the hill from the

water's edge; they are about thirty feet in height and twelve in

thickness, built of brick, with towers at intervals, and a shallow

ditch on the outside. At the place where these walls meet, is situated

the Casauba or citadel, an octagon fort separated from the houses of

the town by a deep moat, and which has served since 1817 as the

treasury and palace of the Dey. About a mile south-east of the Casauba

on a hill completely commanding the city, was a square castle of

brick, mounting sixty guns, called the Kallahai or Emperor's Castle,

which name it derived from occupying the spot where Charles the Fifth

pitched his tent. Two other forts situated near the shore, one north

of the city called Akoleit, and the other south called Babazon,

mounting about thirty guns each, completed the fortifications of the

place on the main land as they existed in 1816. They were of little

importance in a military point of view, being intended principally to

keep the inhabitants in order; they however served as effectual

protections against the attacks of the Arabs and Kabyles. The whole

circumference of the town does not exceed a mile and a half, and there

are scarcely any suburbs, the ground around the walls being devoted to

cemeteries and gardens. The houses are closely built, the streets

being with one or two exceptions narrow tortuous lanes, many of them

covered over: the mosques, bazaars and public buildings are generally

inferior in size and style. The population has been variously

estimated, but the researches made by the French since their capture

of the place, show that it has never exceeded fifty thousand,

including the Turkish garrison, the number of which varied between

seven and ten thousand.

The defences on the sea side were indeed formidable. Opposite and

eastward of the city, at the distance of two hundred and fifty or

three hundred yards was a {720} little island, from which the place

derives its name _Al Gezeir_ or _the island_; it has been however

connected with the main land by a solid causeway of stone, and the

whole together forms a continued mole. The space of sea opposite the

city thus partially enclosed by the mole is the harbor, which opens

directly to the south, and does not exceed seven acres in extent. On

the mole are the offices and magazines of the marine department which

are surrounded by fortifications, mounting at that time two hundred

large guns and fourteen mortars.

The Dey had received notice of the approach of this expedition, and

made every exertion to place his capital in a state to resist it. The

ships were all called in and disposed in the harbor so as to present

of themselves a formidable show of guns; the fortifications were

strengthened, and temporary batteries were thrown up on proper points

which made the whole line not less than three miles in length. In

addition to the garrison on the bay a number of Arabs said to be forty

thousand, were collected to secure the place against an attack by

land.

The combined squadrons having every thing in readiness, on the morning

of the 27th a flag of truce was sent to Algiers, to urge the Dey once

more to accept the conditions of peace; after a delay of three hours,

the flag returned without any answer having been received. Omar did

not think proper, or did not dare assent to the terms offered; there

was probably however much discussion in the Divan: it is otherwise

difficult to account for the circumstance that the British Consul was

not disturbed until after the action was begun, or for the oversight

committed by the Algerines, in allowing the enemy's ships to advance

and take their stations without interruption. Lord Exmouth was so much

surprised at this inaction, that as he says, "he began to suspect a

full compliance with the terms offered." Omar afterwards endeavored to

excuse his fault, by asserting that he had been deceived by the

advance of the British, under the false pretext of the flag of truce.

The British Admiral being thus undisturbed, passed the morning in

arranging his forces according to the plan previously resolved on,

which was to concentrate their effects entirely on the mole and

shipping, his object being to destroy the fortifications and navy as

soon as possible, and to do no injury which could be avoided to the

town. His own ship the Queen Charlotte of one hundred guns was drawn

up and anchored within fifty yards of the southern extremity of the

mole, the others were distributed at points more or less distant from

the batteries, but all much nearer than had been customary on previous

occasions of a similar nature. At three o'clock the action was begun

by a shot from the mole at the Queen Charlotte which being instantly

returned the action became general. In twenty minutes the marine

batteries were silenced, and the defenders endeavoring to escape from

them along the causeway, were mowed down by the guns of the ships;

they however returned to their posts and kept up a desultory fire

throughout the afternoon. At eight o'clock the whole of the Algerine

shipping in the harbor was in flames, presenting a spectacle of

terrific sublimity; the fortifications of the mole were soon after

abandoned by the defenders, being reduced to an untenable state by the

effects of the bombardment and of the explosion vessels. At ten

o'clock the ammunition of the attacking fleet began to fail, but the

British Admiral saw that sufficient damage had been done; he therefore

took advantage of a breeze which sprung up at that time and drew off

his ships.

The next morning Lord Exmouth again sent to know whether the Dey would

accept the terms offered on the 27th. Omar declared his own

unwillingness to yield, and his readiness to abandon the city in

preference; but he was overruled by his Divan, and having reluctantly

agreed to submit to them, the Chevalier d'Ankarloo the Swedish Consul,

(since Chargé d'Affaires of Sweden in the United States,) was

requested by him to go on board the British fleet and make the

necessary arrangements in behalf of Algiers. On the 29th a convention

was signed, the conditions of which were--the delivery of all slaves

in Algiers without ransom, and the abolition of christian slavery in

those dominions for ever--the restitution of all sums paid as ransom

within the year 1816, including three hundred and fifty-seven thousand

dollars which had been paid by Naples and twenty-five thousand five

hundred by Sardinia, according to the terms of the treaty signed in

April preceding--reparation to the British Consul for all losses

sustained by him in consequence of his confinement, and an apology to

be made by the Dey publicly in presence of his ministers and officers.

Of the combined fleets no vessel was lost; the number of killed on

board them was one hundred and fifty-one, of wounded seven hundred and

fifty-seven. On the side of the Algerines, there is no means of

ascertaining with precision the amount of killed and wounded; the

result of the inquiries made, however, gives every reason for

believing it to have been much less than that sustained by the

attacking party. The city was severely damaged; the houses bordering

on the harbor being but little protected by defensive works, were

nearly demolished; among these was the dwelling of the American

Consul, who did not leave it during the action, but continued at his

post calmly recording his observations, while the shells were bursting

around him. The fortifications of the mole were much injured; the

arsenal and magazines of the marine, with the greater part of the

timber, ammunition and stores were destroyed; and the whole navy,

consisting of four large frigates, five corvettes, and thirty

gun-boats was consumed.

Information of what had been effected at Algiers, was instantly

communicated to the British Consuls at Tunis and Tripoli, who were

instructed to recommend to the sovereigns of those Regencies the

instant liberation of their Christian slaves. To this, under the

influence of their fears, they immediately assented; and since that

period, it is supposed that no Christians have been held in slavery in

any part of Barbary; captives have however been since compelled to

labor, and ransom has been paid for them. Treaties were also

negotiated on terms of equality between each of them, and the Kingdoms

of Sardinia and of the Two Sicilies. The Dutch Admiral also concluded

a treaty, "renewing and confirming all the articles of peace and

friendship agreed to in 1757, between the States' General and the

Government of Algiers." He then sailed with his victorious fleet for

Tripoli, where he signed another convention, by which his Government

engaged to pay to that Regency an annual tribute of five thousand

dollars!!

{721} The bombardment of Algiers by the combined fleets was made the

subject of triumph in Great Britain, and of congratulation throughout

Europe; it was extolled as "one of the most glorious achievements in

the history of naval warfare," and "as most truly honorable to the

British nation, which had, with its characteristic generosity,

entirely at its own expense, and purely for the general benefit of

mankind, performed this great public service of putting down, with the

strong hand, a system of rapacity and cruelty." We may be permitted to

examine how far this eulogium is merited.

From the accounts already given of the occurrences in April and May

preceding the expedition, some judgment may be formed of the motives

by which it was occasioned. It has been stated that the British

Admiral in May, gave up the immediate prosecution of the demands to

enforce which he had visited Algiers with his immense fleet, agreeing

to await the decision of the Sultan, with regard to their admission by

the Dey. Now the independence of Algiers had long been recognized by

treaties, and was known to exist _de facto_; the reference to the

Porte could only have been a pretext on the part of the Dey, in order

to adjourn the decision of the question, and it is difficult to

conceive how Lord Exmouth could have viewed it in any other light.

However the British Government on his return must either have

calculated upon the Dey's accession to the conditions required, or

have determined to abandon their enforcement; for certainly we cannot

otherwise account for the dismantling of the fleet, and the discharge

of the seamen, when they would have been required at the end of six

months. The probability is strong, that the ministry had no intentions

to quarrel with "their ancient ally," until public opinion forced them

to do so; and that they seized on the "massacre at Bona," as the

pretext, when there was no other means of escaping the necessity.

The British expedition against Algiers was indeed prepared and

supported entirely at the expense of the British nation, and conducted

to its conclusion with that skill and gallantry, for the display of

which the experience of ages gave the strongest assurance. For the

first time also, was the abolition of Christian slavery in general,

and the delivery of all Christian slaves required of a Barbary Power.

These were indeed benefits to mankind, and the fact that Christians

have not been since enslaved in Barbary, would seem of itself to offer

a sufficient justification of the expedition; but history in every

page warns us against estimating the propriety of measures by the

importance of their consequences, however well ascertained. The

engagement made by the Dey to abolish slavery in his dominions, was

only of value as it gave those to whom it was made, a right to enforce

its observance; experience had already proved that national faith was

unknown in Barbary, and within three years after the promise had been

given by Omar, his successor refused to abide by it. Algiers was left

by Lord Exmouth in enjoyment of all the rights of an independent

nation; the Dey could make war on whom he pleased, provided he did not

enslave his prisoners, that is to say compel them to labor. Now this

enslavement was but a small portion of the evil caused by the Barbary

States; the number of persons reduced to servitude in them was never

large, and the produce of their labor added to the sums received for

their ransom, was scarcely more than sufficient to pay the expense of

keeping them; their condition was indeed generally better than that of

the prisoners of war in other countries. Piracy was the true ground of

complaint against the Barbary Regencies, and more on account of the

restraint it imposed upon the commerce of the lesser nations, than of

the outrages actually committed. Without the support and encouragement

of Great Britain, it would long since have ceased, and if the world

owes her Government any thanks, it is for the adoption of a more just

course of conduct by itself, for the abandonment of that selfish

policy to which the Barbary States had so long been indebted for their

impunity. Those who now entertain the political opinions which guided

the British Administration in 1815 regard the bombardment of Algiers

as a blunder, similar to the destruction of the Turkish fleet at

Navarino, and the Conservative Journals of London occasionally express

their regrets at the pursuance of that system which allows the vessels

of all nations to navigate the Mediterranean without dreading the

pirates of Africa.[3]

[Footnote 3: That no war was expected, appears clearly from the

statement made in the House of Lords on the 3d of February, 1817, by

Viscount Melville, then first Lord of the Admiralty, that "in the

month of June when Lord Exmouth returned from the Mediterranean, with

the fleet under his command, as usual at the close of a war, that

fleet was dismantled and the crews paid off and disbanded. When the

expedition against Algiers was determined upon, it became necessary to

collect men," &c. On the same day Lord Castlereagh stated in the House

of Commons, that "during the last session, when the thanks of the

House were given to several of our gallant officers for their conduct

in the late war, he entertained an earnest hope that a long course of

years would have elapsed before it would be again necessary to perform

that ceremony."]

Notwithstanding the Dey's promise to Mr. Shaler, that he would observe

the treaty of 1815 with the United States, the Consul saw from various

circumstances, that he had determined to break it on the first

favorable opportunity; and as a large American force was expected in

the Mediterranean in the course of the summer, he sent letters to

Gibraltar requesting the officer who might command it, to visit

Algiers as soon as convenient. The American squadron consisting of a

ship of the line, three frigates and two sloops under Commodore Isaac

Chauncey, entered the Mediterranean about the middle of August, and

appeared before Algiers immediately after the departure of the

combined fleets. On its arrival Omar saw that he had been deceived as

to the power of the Americans, and he therefore at once requested,

that things might remain as they were until the receipt of the

President's letter. Algiers was then entirely defenceless, the

fortifications were in ruins, the soldiers dispirited and the people

rebellious; a few broadsides from the American force would have

battered the town to pieces. But it was determined between the Consul

and Commodore Chauncey, that no advantage should be taken of the

condition of things, to exact a specific acceptance of the treaty, and

the Dey's request was acceded to; Mr. Shaler however quitted Algiers

with the squadron, which sailed for Gibraltar to await the arrival of

orders from the United States.

The President's reply came in December; it is but justice to the

eminent persons (Madison and Monroe) who signed it, to say that it is

remarkable for the {722} dignity and temperance which pervade it. A

series of arguments based on abstract principles of International Law

or Political Economy, would have been addressed in vain to a merely

clever barbarian, while diplomatic finesse would have been equally

ineffectual, with those who never sincere themselves always suspect

knavery in others. The impropriety of the complaints respecting the

delay in restoring the brig, is simply and dearly exposed; and the

fixed determination of the American Government with regard to a return

to the principles on which the treaty of 1798 had been based, is

conveyed in the assurance that "the United States while they wish for

war with no nation, will buy peace with none, it being a principle

incorporated into the settled policy of America, that as peace is

better than war, so war is better than tribute." In conclusion, Mr.

Shaler and Commodore Chauncey were authorized to communicate with the

Dey, "for the purpose of terminating the subsisting differences by a

mutual recognition and execution of the treaty of 1815."

The Commodore and Mr. Shaler on receiving their commissions, instantly

sailed for Algiers with two of the ships, and proposed that the

negotiation should be immediately commenced. Omar had been actively

engaged, since the departure of Mr. Shaler in repairing his

fortifications; but not considering them yet able to withstand an

attack, he endeavored to gain time by insisting that the _statu quo_

should continue for eight months, on the plea that the President had

taken that space to make a reply to his letter. The Commissioners

refusing to admit of any delay the Dey yielded; accordingly, the

conduct of the negotiation on the part of the United States having

been committed entirely to Mr. Shaler, he landed and on the 17th of

December presented a note containing the _ultimatum_ of his

Government. The Dey was required to admit as a preliminary, that the

stipulations of the treaty with regard to the restoration of the

vessels had been scrupulously fulfilled by the United States; this

being admitted, the treaty was to be renewed exactly in its original

form, except that the eighteenth article might be altered, so as to

annul that portion of it, which gave to the United States advantages

in the ports of Algiers over the most favored nations; finally, as it

was ascertained that a clause had been introduced into the Arabic

translation of the said treaty, contrary to the understanding between

the Dey and the American Commissioners who signed it, by which the

United States were made to engage to pay a certain sum to Algiers, on

the presentation of each of their Consuls, it was distinctly declared,

"that no obligation binding the United States to pay any thing to the

Regency or to its officers on any occasion whatever, will be agreed

to."

The Dey struggled to avoid this additional humiliation, which he had

brought upon himself by his ill-timed breach of faith; for he saw

clearly that by submitting to it he was hastening the downfall of

Algiers and his own destruction. But Shaler possessed in an eminent

degree, these two essential qualities of a negotiator, courage and

knowledge of the human heart; his contempt of danger had been

manifested during the bombardment of the 27th of August; he had never

deceived Omar, nor ever suffered him for a moment to suppose that he

had been deceived by him, and by thus acting always, fairly and

honestly towards him, he had acquired his respect and confidence.

After a few days of discussion, the Dey in despair declared, that as

misfortune had deprived him of the means of resistance, he would agree

to the terms proposed or to any others which might be demanded,

provided the Consul would give him a certificate under his hand and

seal, that he had compelled him to do so. This was a strange request

from an absolute sovereign; however Shaler saw that the unfortunate

Omar was no longer at liberty to act as he pleased, but was the mere

agent of his Divan; he therefore gave him the required acknowledgment,

and the treaty was signed as dictated by the American Commissioners on

the 23d of December, 1816.

From that period to the overthrow of the Algerine Government, the

intercourse between the United States and this Regency was strictly

peaceful. The treaty was rigidly observed by both parties, and a few

trifling differences of a personal nature which occurred between the

officers of the Government and those attached to the Consulate, were

speedily and satisfactorily arranged. This continuation of pacific

intercourse, is to be attributed in a great measure to the personal

character of the American Consuls, to the respect which they acquired,

nay, we are even warranted in saying, to the influence which they

maintained over the members of the Algerine Government.

Omar continued his exertions to repair the losses occasioned by the

bombardment, and he soon placed the city in a defensible condition;

the Sultan presented him with a frigate and two corvettes, and he

caused other ships of war to be built at Leghorn. But his popularity

had been destroyed by the many adverse circumstances which had marked

his reign; he was stigmatized as the _unlucky_, and a plague which

ravaged Algiers in 1817 was attributed by the ignorant populace and

soldiery to the influence of their ruler's evil star. Several

conspiracies were formed against him, which he eluded by his

vigilance, but he saw that his end was near, and with honorable

forethought, he placed his mother and relations out of danger, by

sending them back to his native isle of Mytelene. A plot was at length

arranged, which was successful; the principal contrivers were Ali, a

violent and fanatical Turk, who had assumed the title of Khogia or

_the scribe_, a high literary and theological distinction, and Hussein

an officer of repute for his talents, bravery and military skill. The

soldiery and Divan entered into the conspiracy, and Omar was strangled

on the 8th of September, 1817, without a hand or a voice having been

raised in his defence.

Ali Khogia was immediately proclaimed Pasha, and he showed his

gratitude to his coadjutor Hussein by making him his Prime Minister.

The new Sovereign soon proved himself to be a monster of vice and

cruelty, which were rendered still more shocking by his affectation of

superior learning and sanctity. "When on public occasions, he was

visited by the foreign Consuls," says Shaler, "they, after stumbling

over scores of murdered carcases on their way to the hall of audience,

always found the Pasha superbly dressed, surrounded by his guards,

with a book in his hands, in the contemplation of which he would

affect to be interrupted and precipitately lay it aside on their

entrance." He set at naught the treaties with foreign nations, acting

with violence towards persons living under the protection of their

flags, and sending his cruisers to sea with orders {723} to search

their vessels, while the plague was raging in Algiers. By the active

interposition of Mr. Shaler, the commerce and flag of the United

States were respected, but several French and Sardinian vessels were

taken under various pretences and brought into the ports of the

Regency.

Ali Khogia was one of the many Deys, who endeavored to get rid of the

foreign soldiery, and to render the crown hereditary in his own

family. With this view he transferred his residence and the immense

treasures of the State, from the old palace in the city, to the more

secure residence of the Casauba, where he surrounded himself by a

guard formed of natives; he then commenced his attacks on the Turks,

of whom he is said to have despatched fifteen hundred during his short

reign of four months. His course was suddenly arrested by the plague,

of which he died in January, 1818.

On the death of Ali Khogia, Hussein his Prime Minister assumed the

crown, without election and without opposition. He was a native of

Salonica, and then about fifty-four years old, a man of bold and

unscrupulous character, possessing much sagacity, and even some ideas

of true policy; but his irascibility often led him into difficulties,

from which his haughtiness and obstinacy prevented his retreating. He

was supposed to have councilled the persecution commenced against the

Turks by his predecessor; but if so, he must have despaired of its

success, for he instantly put an end to it, and invited other soldiers

from the East to supply the place of those who had fallen. He however

retained the Moorish guards, and continued to reside at the Casauba.

In November, 1818, a Congress composed of Representatives of the

Sovereign Powers of Europe, was convened at Aix la Chapelle; where

among other things, a resolution was taken, to oblige the Barbary

States to conform with the usages of Christian nations, in their

intercourse or wars with them; that is to say, to abstain from piracy,

not to require tribute as the price of peace, and not to enslave their

prisoners taken in war, but to treat them with humanity until they

were exchanged. The Kings of Great Britain and France were charged by

the other Powers with carrying this resolution into effect; and in

consequence a combined English and French squadron under Admirals

Freemantle and Jurien de la Graviere appeared at Algiers on the 1st of

September, to make known to the Dey the will of their Sovereigns, and

to require his compliance. Hussein after deliberating some days,

formally refused "to surrender rights, which had been recognized by

solemn treaties, and respected by all the world during a succession of

ages;" and declared that he would "maintain his privilege to enslave

the subjects of those nations with which he had no treaties, or which

paid him no tribute." This reply was certainly at variance with the

engagements to Lord Exmouth in 1816, but the Admirals could get no

other by negotiation, and their force was not sufficient to authorize

an attack on the place; perhaps also, they conceived that the appeal

made by the Dey to the past, might find a responsive echo in the

bosoms of those by whom they were commissioned, and who were so

careful in resisting innovations in their own States. The squadrons

therefore sailed for Tunis where the answer obtained from Mahmoud was

even less satisfactory. In Tripoli, the Pasha met them by expressing

his surprise that such a demand should be made of him, when it must

have been well known, that he had long reprobated the practice, and

shewn every disposition to live in harmony with Christian nations.

This latter reply was trumpeted throughout Europe, as a signal

advantage secured for the interests of humanity, through the exertions

of France and England, while those given by the rulers of Algiers and

Tunis were studiously concealed.

This appears to have been the only effort made by the European powers

in concert, to enforce the observance by the Barbary States of the

principles which regulate intercourse and warfare among more civilized

nations; the Governments of Britain and France however, as we shall

see, continued separately to maintain those principles; of the other

powers each acted for itself, paying, threatening or fighting, as it

conceived most proper for its own interests and honor.

In 1812 and 1823, when the insurrection of the Greeks had already

assumed so formidable a character, as to require the utmost exertions

on the part of the Sultan, each of the Barbary States sent ships to

his aid; on this occasion, the Government of Great Britain exacted

from the Bey of Tunis a declaration that the Greeks who might be taken

by his forces should not be enslaved, but be treated as prisoners of

war. No such promise appears recorded on the part of the Dey of

Algiers, and the propriety of requiring it for the interests of

humanity, may be doubted; a powerful incentive to the continuance of

the war against the Greeks would indeed be thus removed; but on the

other hand, it might have been supposed that little mercy would be

shown to captives who if preserved were to be supported at an expense,

while nothing was to be obtained from their labor or for their ransom.

This supposition is strengthened by the fact, that an Algerine

Ambassador who was sent to London in 1819, propounded to the Secretary

for Foreign Affairs the question--"Whether, as his Government had

engaged to make no Christian slaves, its cruisers might without

offending Great Britain, put to death those of their prisoners whom by

treaty they could not reduce to slavery?"

The Algerines sent eight ships to the Archipelago, which returned in

the autumn of 1823; how they conducted themselves in the war it is not

easy to ascertain; the Dey chose to consider that they had acquired a

title to immortal renown, and while elated by their real or fancied

successes, he ventured to commit an act of violence against the

British Consul, which caused Algiers to undergo another humiliation.

The greater part of the laborers and domestic servants of Algiers,

particularly those employed by Foreign Consuls, are of the race of

Kabyles, who as before stated, inhabit the mountainous districts of

the Regency, and are with good reason supposed to be the descendants

of the aboriginal _Nomades_. One of these tribes having made some

attacks on the people in the vicinity of Bugia, the Dey on the 22d of

October, ordered all the Kabyles in Algiers to be put in confinement.

The Consuls of some of the smaller European powers, after a little

hesitation, surrendered those in their service; the Agent of the

Netherlands offered to his the choice of remaining under his

protection, or of escaping; they chose the latter, and his premises

were not disturbed. The French Consul at first made a show {724} of

refusal to deliver his domestics, but afterwards adroitly got rid of

the difficulty, by _paying and discharging them_; they were of course

immediately arrested. Mr. Shaler and the British representative

Macdonnell each indignantly resisted this invasion of privileges,

which had always been held as most sacred in Barbary. Mr. Shaler

placed his Kabyle servants in his cabinet, where he remained with

them, declaring to the Dey that they could only be removed from thence

by force, and warning him of the consequences which would attend such

an insult to his nation; this determined conduct produced the desired

effect, the guards were withdrawn, and the servants of the American

Consulate were effectually protected. In treating with

semi-barbarians, much depends on the personal character of the agent;

Mr. Macdonnell, a mild and amiable old gentleman, devoted to rural

pursuits, could not secure for himself that respect, which was enjoyed

by the shrewd, energetic and intrepid Shaler; so that notwithstanding

he had hoisted the flag of his nation, and placed its seal on the

doors of his house, it was forcibly entered by the Algerine guards,

and its most private apartments were ransacked in search of the

unfortunate servants.

Mr. Macdonnell complained to his Government of this insult, and a

frigate was in consequence despatched to Algiers in January 1824, for

the purpose of demanding satisfaction, and of requiring that the

rights of British Consuls should be guarantied by additional articles

to the treaty. These articles were presented to the Dey for his

signature; he refused to agree to them, and Mr. Macdonnell embarked

with his family on board the frigate, leaving his property under the

care of Mr. Shaler.[4] A large British force was soon collected before

the city under the command of Admiral Sir Harry Burrard Neale, who

endeavored to negotiate the acceptance of the conditions proposed; the

Divan were unanimous in wishing to yield points so unimportant, but

Hussein was obstinate, and although he at length on the 28th of March

agreed to admit the articles, he would not consent that Mr. Macdonnell

should return as Consul to Algiers. The Admiral then declared that war

was begun, and that the place was blockaded; but he continued his

endeavors to make peace on the terms he had first proposed. At length

on the 24th of July, the British force being increased to twenty-three

sail, a fire was commenced on the city and batteries, which was

instantly returned. On this occasion, a steam vessel was employed, for

the first time it is believed in naval warfare; its appearance excited

much astonishment on the part of the Algerines, and caused them to

direct their fire particularly at it, which was done with so much

effect that the wheels were in an instant rendered useless. After a

few minutes the Admiral displayed a flag of truce, which having been

answered by a similar signal from the Casauba, the firing ceased on

both sides, and an officer was sent on shore again to submit the

demand which had first been made. Two days having been spent in

messages and negotiations, the affair was adjusted; the Dey signed the

articles containing stipulations for the protection of the British

Consul and the support of his rights, and confirmed the engagement

made with Lord Exmouth in 1816, that in any future wars with European

powers, the prisoners should not be consigned to slavery, but be

treated with humanity until regularly exchanged. Respecting the return

of Mr. Macdonnell nothing is said in the documents signed by the Dey;

in the negotiation, he declared that he had no personal objections to

that gentleman, yet that he had made himself most obnoxious to the

inhabitants, and that no assurance could be given of his safety should

he attempt to land. This was notoriously untrue, yet the Admiral

thought proper to waive a point which he had before considered so

important, and after the trouble and expense of a four months blockade

and an attack upon the city, he accepted exactly what had been offered

in March. Thus by the determination of the American Consul, were his

privileges maintained, and a rupture between his Government and that

of Algiers was prevented; while the agent of the most powerful nation

on earth, from possessing less energy, was himself insulted, and his

country placed in the necessity of requiring satisfaction by arms.

[Footnote 4: Mr. Shaler quitted Algiers in 1829 having been appointed

Consul of the United States in Havana, where he died of cholera in the

spring of 1833. He was succeeded as Consul General for the Barbary

Regencies, by Henry Lee of Virginia, who remained in that office at

Algiers, until the city was taken by the French.]

For the Southern Literary Messenger.

THE VICTIM OF DISAPPOINTMENT.

'Tis vanishing!--'tis vanishing!--

The last bright star that shed

Its cheering light upon a path,

Whence all light else had fled!

'Tis vanishing!--'tis vanishing!--

As night steals on the day,

And slowly wraps the glowing west,

In its dark cloak of gray.

So, silently, o'er me advance

The shades of dark despair,

And fade away the hopes that shone

But yesterday, so fair!

Aye! when they shone so fair, and seemed

As soon to be enjoyed,

And I (fond fool!) believed so, came,

The blight that hath destroyed!

I might have known it would be so!

There is an evil sprite,

That, ever present, watches me,

My every joy to blight!

I never grasp'd the cup of bliss,

And, raising, thought to sip,

But, straight, the envious demon came,

And dash'd it from my lip!

I never keenly strove to win

What heart was set upon,

But, when I thought it surely mine,

And grasp'd at it--'twas gone!

And now, the cherished dream, that hath

So long, so deeply blessed--

That gave me heart to struggle on,

Hath vanished--_with the rest!_

P. H.

{725}

For the Southern Literary Messenger.

MR. WHITE,--Having long believed that Education was by far the most

important subject on which the talents of either public or private men

could be exercised, I have ever deemed that man in some degree a

public benefactor, who contributed even a mite towards its promotion.

To the study therefore of _this subject_, much more than of any other,

I have devoted my time and thoughts for the last twenty or thirty

years; vainly perhaps, hoping that I also might contribute something

in aid of this most momentous work. How far the labor has been

productive of any good, must be determined by others; but _their_

approbation, although it would certainly gratify my feelings, has

operated, I trust, only as a secondary motive. To contribute

something, be it ever so little, towards the good of my fellow

creatures, has been the chief purpose of my existence since I came to

years of serious reflection; and the consciousness of having achieved

this good in any degree, would be (could I once possess it) my highest

reward in the present life.

Influenced by such sentiments and considerations, I now send you five

manuscript lectures, delivered about two years ago, before the Lyceum

of Fredericksburg, "On the Obstacles to Education arising from the

peculiar faults of Parents, Teachers, Scholars, and those who direct

and control our Schools and Colleges."

Trite as the subject of Education is, it can never cease to be

deeply--nay, vitally interesting, so long as the happiness of the

whole human race--both in their private and public relations--both in

this world and the next, so entirely depends upon the nature of the

objects embraced by it, and the manner in which it is conducted. Deep

and deadly too will be the guilt of any wilful neglect, error, or

perversion, on the part of all those who direct the physical and

intellectual training of the youth of our country. Unless both become

what they should be, neither our forms of government, nor our

political nor literary institutions, can ever accomplish any of the

great ends for which they were designed.

I remain, dear sir, yours with regard,

JAMES M. GARNETT.

_Elm-Wood, August 1835_.

INTRODUCTORY LECTURE

To a Course on "The Obstacles to Education arising from the peculiar

faults of Parents, Teachers, Scholars, and those who direct and

control our Schools and Colleges," delivered before the Fredericksburg

Lyceum, by James M. Garnett.

Once more, my friends, I am about to address you--although at present,

on a subject by far the most important that can engage the attention

of intelligent, social, and moral beings. This subject is _Education_;

in regard to the true meaning and object of which, as many and as

fatal errors have been committed, as in relation to any other term in

our language--although nothing less than our happiness in both worlds

depends upon its being rightly understood, and properly applied. From

the earliest ages to the present day, men have differed widely, not

only as to the particulars which should be comprehended under the term

itself, and the modes and the means by whose instrumentality they

should be taught; but a large portion of society have attached the

utmost importance to certain acquirements which others have deemed at

least useless, if not actually and deeply pernicious. Literally,

Education means an elicitation, a drawing or leading forth--and when

applied to a human being, should be understood to indicate such a full

development of all his powers and faculties, both physical and

intellectual, as will best promote his own happiness, and that of his

fellow-creatures; in a word, it embraces "every influence by which man

becomes what he is, or may be made what he should be," and never

ceases until death terminates our earthly pilgrimage. Every one, I

think, may agree that any other general definition less comprehensive

of this all-important term would be false, and consequently lead to

mistakes. But the great misfortune is, the moment we approach the

details, vital differences of opinion present themselves, which often

give rise to practices decidedly hostile to each other--thereby

demonstrating, that until all such as are erroneous can be exploded,

the good will be unavoidably counteracted if not entirely superseded,

by the bad. The removal then, of all the obstacles to the universal

adoption of the former, is the great, the truly arduous task to be

performed; and the first step towards its achievement, will be to show

what these obstacles really are.

Although perfectly aware that many of the ablest writers in every age

and nation, have been so frequently and long engaged in efforts to

promote the cause of Education, as almost to preclude the possibility

of saying any thing new on the subject, still I believe there is one

view of it which has not yet been taken to a sufficient extent for all

the salutary purposes to be accomplished by it:--I mean a connected

and full exposure, apart from all other matter, of the various

obstacles which have long impeded, and still greatly retard its

progress among us. These I propose to examine thoroughly, and to trace

to their respective sources, in such a manner as to lead, if possible,

to their final removal. All of them, I believe, will be found in what

may be called the peculiar mental maladies, and moral diseases, (if I

may so express myself,) of parents, teachers, scholars, and that

portion of society by whom our literary institutions are directed and

controlled. This shall hereafter be made more fully to appear. In the

meantime, before I commence the very delicate task of apportioning

censure among such large classes of {726} my fellow-citizens, I beg to

premise that special care shall be taken so to generalize my remarks,

that no just cause of offence shall be afforded either to any

individual persons or schools. Nothing shall intentionally be said

which can, by possibility, be fairly construed into invidious

personalities, nor be with justice ascribed to any motives whatever

but such as I have avowed. Having no other object in view--none other

at heart, than to mark for universal reprobation and avoidance the

many fatal obstructions to the general adoption of those great

fundamental principles of instruction, without which neither public

nor private Education can ever become what it should be, my hearers

may rest perfectly assured, that every example, allusion, argument, or

illustration I may use, shall be directed, in perfect sincerity and

good faith, to this end and to this alone. Previously however, to any

specifications of the obstructions interposed by either of the classes

of persons already enumerated, I beg to be indulged in several general

observations. These appear to me essential, by way of introduction to

that minute exposure of their respective prejudices, faults, and vices

which I design to exhibit--not like a faint hearted recruit, who shuts

his eyes when he pulls trigger, and recoils from the report of his own

piece--but with the resolute purpose of killing, if I can, what I wish

to destroy.

The attainment of most of the objects of human pursuit, would be a

work of comparative ease, if nothing was necessary to be done but to

devise the best ways and means of acquiring them. By far the most

difficult achievement is to remove those numerous obstacles to their

attainment which the ignorance, the folly, and the vices of mankind

either create entirely, or aggravate; for unless _this_ be first done,

all our labor will be utterly thrown away, or must fall very short of

accomplishing what otherwise might be effected. While these obstacles

remain, the task of applying the proper ways and means, and producing

the desired end, is little less discouraging than to begin building a

house without foundation or scaffolding, or to render the earth

productive of wholesome food without first clearing away the stumps

and roots, the briers and noxious weeds with which it is encumbered.

To nothing within the whole scope of our desires and efforts does this

remark apply with more truth and force, than to the great object of

Education. Hindrances and impediments, vast in number, and formidable

in degree, surround it on almost every side. Many of these have their

source in long established, but very erroneous practice--while others

are intrenched in some of the most deeply rooted prejudices of

mankind. Hence they oppose barriers of nearly insurmountable strength

to all individual skill, however great--to all isolated exertion,

however well directed.

The most prominent and pernicious of these barriers or obstacles are

so glaring, that any attempt to point them out will escape, I hope,

all imputation of presumption. No extraordinary sagacity is necessary

to detect, nor any great power of language to expose, what all who

have had any thing to do with the business of Education must long have

experienced, and deeply deplored. In fact, the undertaking to educate

the youth of our country as they should be educated, will be almost a

hopeless task, until most of these impediments are removed; and the

fortunate individual who could discover the effectual means to

eradicate them, would much better deserve a public triumph for so

glorious a victory over human prejudices and passions, than any

warrior ever gained by the most splendid of his conquests. The more

free our government and institutions generally, the more necessary

will good Education continually become to preserve them, since neither

sound morals, nor wise and salutary laws, nor social and political

happiness can exist without its general diffusion. But before such

Education can possibly be imparted to any great extent, the minds of

all the parties concerned must be entirely disenthralled from every

opposing obstacle. In regard to bodily maladies, to know the cause and

nature of the disease is said to be half the cure. Why then, may it

not be equally true in relation to the mind? Experience tells us that

so much depends upon this previous knowledge, as to render the course

both of the mental and bodily physician exceedingly dangerous without

it. Neither must make a quackery affair of his business. No guess-work

nor chance-medley will do in either case; for the death both of soul

and body often follows the administration of improper medicine. Many

constitutions of excellent original stamina have been utterly

destroyed by physic, when all that was really wanting was healthful

diet, and proper exercise; and numerous minds of the fairest promise

have been blasted forever, by the equally injudicious--equally fatal

application of unsuitable intellectual regimen. This surely ought to

happen much less frequently than in bygone times, since schools of

every grade, especially for females, have greatly multiplied of late

years--and consequently, many more mothers than formerly, ought to be

qualified so far as schools can effect it, for the arduous task of

imparting to children at least the elementary branches of knowledge.

Yet I believe it is unquestionably true that private, domestic

Education, is less common than it used to be. But two rational

explanations can be given of this fact. Either mothers and fathers

must be so naturally averse to teaching their own children as very

rarely to do it when avoidable, and therefore less often attempt it,

since it has become easier to transfer the duty to others--or the

prevalent systems of Education itself have had the {727} effect of

preventing parental affection from exerting itself in this way. To the

last cause I hope it must be ascribed; for it would be shocking to

believe that parents generally were so barbarous, as voluntarily to

surrender the care and instruction of their helpless, innocent

offspring, to others, when they themselves were equally well qualified

for this most tender and all-important office; at the same time that

nature herself seems evidently to have destined them to fulfil,

whenever practicable, these paramount duties. _Home_ is,

unquestionably, the best place suited in all respects, at least for

_female_ education; nor should it ever be relinquished for any other,

but in cases of the strongest, most obvious necessity--such as a

thorough conviction of incompetency on the part of the parents, and of

very superior qualifications in those to whom the sacred trust is to

be confided. It is under the parental roof, and immediately under the

parental supervision and guidance, that young girls can most easily be

protected from the corrupting influence of bad companions and bad

examples. It is there, if _any where_, that all the best affections of

the heart can be most readily excited and cultivated; and it is _there

alone_ that they can best acquire all those admirable domestic virtues

and habits, to the exercise of which much the greater part of their

lives, after they leave school, should be devoted, as the sure means

of imparting to private life its greatest charm and highest

embellishment. If this be admitted, as I think it must, then the

nearer the management of any public school, whether large or small,

especially for girls, can be made to resemble that of a well regulated

private family, the better it will be calculated to attain the true,

legitimate purposes of all seminaries of Education. The more easy will

it be also to prove, when this point is conceded, that there are very

many radical defects in a large portion of such establishments in our

country. For example, in what well regulated private family will you

ever find numerous restraints enforced, which obviously have nothing

else in view but the more ease and convenience of the heads of the

establishment, entirely apart from all moral influence to be produced

on the individuals upon whom these restraints are imposed? In what

family of the kind do you see the children often _exhibited for show_,

as at public examinations--always encouraged and goaded to strive with

might and main for victory over each other in all their scholastic

exercises, and continually stimulated to toil and struggle for public

applause, as the highest earthly felicity; and all this too without

the least regard for the sufferings and mortifications of the

unsuccessful competitors? So far is this from ever being done in any

private family under proper management, that every imaginable cause of

jealousy, ill-will, heart-burning and envy, is most carefully

avoided--every symptom of distrust and animosity anxiously

removed--and brotherly love of the most tender, affectionate kind,

sedulously cultivated, as the best possible preparation of the

intellectual soil for the reception, growth and maturity of the seeds

of knowledge and virtue. Here then, at once, in the very threshold of

our temples of public instruction, do we meet with an obstacle of such

magnitude, as effectually to bar, if it be not removed, all attempts

to decorate and embellish the interior of the building with any

ornaments, such as good taste, sound judgment, and just principles

would deem most appropriate. In the moral code of far too many of

these temples, the admirable virtue of true Christian humility--that

virtue which so pre-eminently adorned the character of the blessed

Saviour himself, has no abiding place whatever; but numerous

expedients and artifices are adopted to prevent the possibility of its

entrance. The pupils are not even taught what it means, unless they

find it out while turning their dictionaries for other words; and so

far are they from ever being required to act on the principle of not

letting one hand know what the other doeth, that every effort, both of

hands and head, is most studiously directed towards giving the

greatest possible publicity to all their proceedings: first, and above

all, that the fame of their school and its teachers may be widely

diffused; and secondly, that they themselves may be talked about every

where. To accomplish this, weeks and months are spent by the students

in preparing for public examinations, during which no advances are

made in the general course of their studies, but the whole time is

sacrificed to the feeding their vanity and ambition at the expense of

real utility, common sense, and intellectual progress in useful

knowledge. A great portion of this period of strenuous uselessness is

consumed, by all the aspirants after collegiate honors, in composing,

writing, committing to memory and reciting again and again something

which is to be called an oration. This too, is often in a language

utterly unintelligible to nine-tenths of the auditors, or rather

spectators, commonly assembled upon such occasions, who are drawn

together more by idle curiosity than by any other motive. I will

readily admit that occasional revisions of past studies may be useful

to fix them in the memory; I will also admit, that to be examined in

them by or before good judges, convened especially for the purpose,

_but without any notice to the scholars of the precise time when such

examination would take place_, would also be beneficial, particularly

in schools for boys. But _any thing_ beyond this, whether it be called

examination, commencement, or what you please--especially if exhibited

(after many weeks preparation) before hundreds and thousands of

spectators who know little or nothing of what is going on--is, to

speak the plain, unvarnished truth, sheer waste of time, if nothing

worse. It is to treat young men {728} as if they were always to be

children, incapable of being interested in any thing much above the

toys and playthings of childhood. Such _shows_, for they deserve no

better name, should never be suffered in female schools; for their

only use _there_ is to discourage the timid, the bashful, the

modest--and to render the bold, the forward, and the presumptuous

still more conspicuous for these disgusting, unfeminine qualities.

Already too anxious, like rival milliners, always to be displaying

their finery at their shop-windows, to the public gaze, the more

opportunities you give them for making this exhibition, the more eager

they become to attract visiters, admirers, and purchasers. Flattery is

the chief thing they covet; base as it really is, it is the treasure

upon which this kind of scholastic training learns them to set their

hearts, and seldom are they paid with any thing better. Whatever they

do is to be done because it will be popular, becoming, and will make a

great noise--not because it is recommended and enjoined by the

precepts of our holy religion. Moreover, to insure that the former

shall be the ruling, all-efficient motive of action, the ever

restless, soul-corroding spirit of emulation is infused into them in

every possible way that ingenuity can devise. That this is utterly

incompatible with the pure spirit of Christian humility, it needs no

argument to prove; in fact, oil and water could just as soon coalesce,

or enter into complete chemical union. Does it not, then, most deeply

concern us all to inquire whether this principle of emulation, which

may truly be called the present master-spirit of nearly all our

literary institutions, should still be suffered to prompt and to

govern all their operations? Can any societies--but especially such as

have been avowedly established for the great, the Godlike purpose of

making men wiser and better, be rationally expected to thrive, if they

run counter to the plainest dictates of wisdom and virtue, which

command us to do nothing that the gospel of Christ either expressly

forbids, or impliedly, but plainly discountenances? Does not this code

most explicitly enjoin us to "be kindly affectioned one to another

with brotherly love, in honor preferring one another." "That nothing

be done through strife or vain glory; but in lowliness of mind let

each esteem others better than themselves." And does it not class

emulations with "idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variance, wrath,

strife, seditions, heresies, envyings," &c.? Are these nothing more

than mere abstract texts for ministers of the gospel to preach on; or

are they practical, imperative rules of conduct to govern us both for

time and eternity? If they are the latter, as all true believers in

the gospel of Christ pronounce them to be, how can they possibly be

obeyed, when every effort of our bodies and our minds, while at

school, is made to induce the world to prefer, to honor, and to esteem

_us_ far above all our companions and associates, at whatever expense

of mental suffering and anguish it may be done to them? Shall we be

told that such feelings should not be indulged by those whom we

conquer or surpass in the scholastic struggle for pre-eminence, and

therefore, that their mortification, however deep and distressing,

should not disturb us? But how can they help it, when _they_ also have

been taught that _their_ greatest honor, _their_ highest pleasure, was

to consist _in conquering and surpassing us_, and that _we had

disappointed them_? Yet this principle of emulation is a cardinal

article in the creed and practice of almost every public school of

which I have any knowledge; indeed, I might add, of a great majority

of private families. To this article might be added several others,

all going to prove that the whole course of proceeding in these

schools, whatever may be the religious principles of their managers,

partakes much more of the compromising spirit of worldly wisdom and

worldly ethics, than of the unbending, self-denying morality of the

gospel of Christ. It can never be a question among true Christians,

which should govern not only all schools, but all mankind; yet it

would be well worth the attention of all who are _not Christians_, to

inquire which would be best, _even for the present life only_. I would

send them no farther on this search for proof than to the past history

of the government--the monied institutions, and trading associations

of our own country. In this history they would most assuredly find,

that for every cent which these bodies had lost by any acknowledged

member of any Christian society, they had been defrauded and robbed of

thousands upon thousands by the open scoffers at, and known despisers

of religion. This fact alone speaks volumes of most salutary

instruction to the present generation, if they would only read them

right. It proclaims as intelligibly as if it were written on the vault

of heaven by the finger of God himself, in letters visible as the

cloudless sun, that the much lauded code of your mere worldly

morality, (admitting every thing that can be said in its favor,) is

utterly insufficient even for this poor world; although it is admitted

that thousands have lived, and do live under it alone, with very fair,

amiable characters. It is, however, like living in the midst of

contagious, pestilential and deadly diseases, without any sure charm

or antidote to protect us from destruction. I say not this to wound

unnecessarily the feelings of any one--no, God forbid! but because I

consider it a most momentous truth, which should be placed before the

public in as strong relief as language can exhibit it--since it

involves the safety, welfare and happiness, not only of thousands yet

living, but of millions yet unborn. If this highly boasted code,

founded merely on human opinion, subject to all its fluctuations, and

which tolerates drunkenness on the pretext of conviviality, while it

makes murder a duty under the term _duelling_, {729} will not, with

any thing like certainty, restrain its professors from the meanest,

most degrading vices, from the most shocking and atrocious crimes,

what can it possibly avail in withholding them from committing acts of

far more dubious character, but often little less injurious to the

peace, order, and happiness of society? Could this code bear any sort

of comparison with that which we have ventured to contrast with it, as

furnishing the best possible rules for human conduct, even considering

the present life as the _only one_, would it not be able to support

its claim to our preference, by producing a greater number of persons

reclaimed from the paths of vice by _its superior power_, than have

ever been recovered by the influence of _the Christian code_? But how

stands the fact? Examine it, I beseech you, as impartially as

possible. I may answer, I believe, without fear of contradiction, that

while the Christian code can show its thousands, rescued by its agency

from the lowest depths of profligacy and crime, not one solitary case

can be found, nor indeed has ever been heard of, wherein the code of

worldly morality has alone effected any such restoration. The utmost

scope of _its_ power has never extended beyond carrying a small

minority of its votaries through the world, with fair characters, who

have never been strongly tempted to give them up for something which

they more passionately desired. Its influence, at best, is merely of

the _preventive_, not the _reclaiming_ kind, and therefore never

brings back, under the power of its own laws, any who have once broken

through the feeble barriers which they interpose. The worldly code,

besides sanctioning many practices which the Christian code pronounces

criminal, looks not beyond the outward seeming of our actions, because

when man, who is made the sole judge of its fulfilment, attempts to

penetrate to their source, he is incapable of doing more than making

mere approximations to the truth. On the other hand, the Christian

code, having an all-wise, infallible God for _its_ judge, allows no

actions to be _right_, but such as proceed from _right motives_. These

being the only certain test--the test by which every Christian

assuredly believes that we shall all be finally tried, make the latter

code, from this circumstance alone, as far superior to the former, as

absolute certainty is, at all times and under all circumstances, much

better than uncertainty. All who faithfully obey the requisitions of

the last, must really _be_ what they _seem to be_, or they are _not

moral_ in the Christian sense. Whereas the professors of the last, who

look only to the present life for their rewards, can obtain them all,

simply by feigning well the character they wish to possess.

No sweeping denunciation is here intended against those who have the

unspeakable misfortune to be destitute of religion; for I know many,

and doubt not that many more are to be found in every class of

society, who fulfil the duties of the present life in such an

exemplary manner, as to be well worthy of our esteem and love. What I

mean to assert, and deem it all important for the cause of Education

to establish, is, that the above fact furnishes no adequate proof of

the sufficiency of the worldly code of morals, either to preserve or

to reclaim mankind from vice and crime. If their propensities happen

to be vicious, their desires criminal, no obstacle whatever exists to

their indulgence, but the ever variable opinions of the particular

society in which they live, and the fear of detection by mere human,

frail, and fallible witnesses. Their code may well be called a system

of compromise between sensual appetites and regard for appearances--a

calculation of chances and probabilities--a rule for conduct whose

standard has no well defined, certain marks, by which right and wrong

can always be accurately distinguished--no omnipotent sanction to

sustain all its requirements; and consequently, that, as the governing

principle of our whole lives, it will bear no just comparison whatever

with the Christian code of morality, where every thing is not only

sure, but forever unchangeable--full not only of the happiest

assurances in regard to the present life, but of the most

soul-cheering hopes as to that which is to come.

I have expressed the belief, justified, as I think, by my own

observation, that the prevalent system of Education, has had the

effect of diminishing the number of instances wherein mothers teach

their own children. Yet it is unquestionably true, that the progress

and improvement which girls or boys either make at public schools,

depend much more upon this domestic, elementary Education, than upon

any subsequent course of scholastic discipline under which they may be

elsewhere placed. First impressions, and above all, _those made by a

mother_, are always more permanent than almost any that can be made at

a later period of life, after parental instruction is changed for that

of strangers. In confirmation of my own observations, teachers of

great experience have assured me, that where natural talent has been

equal, they have invariably found those pupils the most docile, most

intelligent, most correct in their conduct, and best informed, who

have longest received the benefit of a parent's tuition, although they

may not actually have gone to school longer than others who have been

taught only in public seminaries. It is therefore of the highest

imaginable importance that the lessons given to children at home,

previously to going abroad to school, should all be such as are

calculated to give them good tempers, amiable dispositions, and sound

moral principles; for unless this all essential work be performed

under the parental care, it is rarely, if ever accomplished

afterwards. The power indeed, of {730} _feigning them_, may be

acquired by the constant suggestion of worldly and prudential

considerations; but the actual possession is scarcely ever gained

under any other instructer than the parent. Nay, _how can it be_, when

the proportion of pupils under public teachers, compared with the

children of one mother, is often ten, fifteen, twenty to one; when the

indispensable attention of the instructers to the usual scholastic

exercises of their scholars, engages nearly their whole time; and when

the forming the heart to virtue, the regulation of the passions, the

strengthening the understanding and judgment, which are the only

really valuable ends of all Education, cannot possibly be attained in

the very short time commonly allowed for the public instruction, (at

least of our daughters,) and under all the circumstances in which they

must necessarily be placed at all large public schools. Hence, in a

great measure, the numerous failures of the best public teachers to do

what is too often expected of them; that is, in a few months, or even

in a year or two, to reform the dispositions and characters of their

pupils, at the same time that their minds are required to be stored

with all imaginable learning; although the conviction alone of the

vicious propensities and bad habits which they may have contracted at

home, would require a much longer period than the whole time usually

allotted for all scholastic acquirements put together. Public schools

may well be called _moral hospitals_, which, like some others of a

different kind, contain not only many patients the removal of whose

diseases requires a very long course of most skilful and judicious

treatment, but others who may well be designated

"_incurables_"--rendered so too, by moral distempers contracted under

the parental roof, but for which these hospitals and their doctors

have very often to bear all the blame.

Well aware that the charges which I have brought against our prevalent

systems of Education, both private and public, (greatly improved as I

admit them to be in many important respects) are of a very serious

nature, I feel myself bound to endeavor to establish them. But in

these introductory remarks, I shall do no more, in addition to what

has already been said, than give the general heads of my

accusation--reserving "the counts in the indictment" (as the lawyers

would say) for another time. These heads are--that mere external

observances are much too often substituted for internal

principles--that a puerile smattering in many comparatively trivial

things, has been made to pass for thorough knowledge in

essentials--that _emotions_ of the body and limbs in attitudinizing

(if I may so express myself,) at the harp, at the piano, and in the

dance, have been much more cultivated than the _emotions_ of the heart

and soul; and that the mere mechanical operations of the fingers and

feet have been preferred to that heavenly operation of the spirit of

God on the mind, which alone can give any real value to actions, or

intrinsic worth to character. The sciences and arts for acquiring

wealth, fame, and aggrandizement--for securing bodily comforts,

luxuries, and amusements are taught every where, with quite as much

assiduity and zeal as any can believe they deserve. But the great art

of extracting from all the events, circumstances, and conditions of

life, whatever true substantial good and happiness they are capable of

affording, and using the whole as a preparation for entering into

_another_ state of existence, where we must account for all we have

done in _this_, is no where systematically taught, unless from the

pulpit. Even there it is far too often pretermitted, for the sake of

indulging in vague speculations which lead to no profitable result,

and the useless discussion of those deeply mysterious doctrines which

all believe it passeth man's understanding to comprehend, except those

rash theological sciolists who vainly imagine that it is given to them

alone to penetrate them.

The great majority of mankind who judge solely from appearances, are

deceived by this external Education, into a pernicious belief that all

must be right _within_, because all which they behold _without_, is

fair to the eye and agreeable to contemplate; and so superficial is

their examination generally, that if they find all the pupils

presented for their inspection, have pleasing exteriors, and voluble

tongues in their public exercises, every thing else is taken for

granted. It is never even suspected, that like the trees of the

forest, many may be hollow-hearted and worthless, although all their

branches and leaves appear in the full vigor of perfect health. Boys

who go passably well through certain evolutions, for which they have

been regularly drilled for weeks and months together, doing little if

any thing else the whole time, are held forth in all public journals

as rapid and successful travellers in the high road to the greatest

attainable mental improvement--while a large portion of the

individuals engaged in this pernicious puffing, know little or nothing

of the real progress of the pupils thus lauded, who may, for aught

their eulogists can tell, have only the parrot's knowledge of nearly

all they have been heard to repeat. Many instances I have known of

this in our colleges, and still more in schools of inferior grade.

Here many of the examiners (as they are called,) are not unfrequently

persons destitute of literature and science themselves, who still

boldly certify to the quantum of each possessed by those whom they are

supposed to examine; and their awards go forth to the world, as

satisfactory proofs of the excellence of particular schools, and the

proficiency of the scholars in them, when in fact, such testimonials

are proofs of nothing but the inexcusable vanity or thoughtlessness of

the certifiers. The case of girls, at _their_ {731} public

examinations, is far worse. Much less being expected from them, fewer

qualified judges assemble to witness _their_ performances; and if they

manage to appear with clean faces and frocks, in regular marchings to

and fro, with nicely measured steps, with prim and demure looks in the

presence of their unknown viewers, a rapid volubility in their often

repeated recitations, and all this finished off with a little music,

dancing, and drawing, they pass with their surface-skimming spectators

for marvellously accomplished girls. But woful indeed is often the

mistake, and pregnant with evil consequences. The constant tendency of

such exhibitions, although not always producing their full effect, is

to make the pupils of such schools greatly undervalue that species of

acquirement, which, although it can hardly become the subject of

newspaper notice, should always be considered of transcendent

importance in every school for either sex; I mean moral and religious

knowledge--moral and religious habits. It is true, that there is

almost always a kind of general promise promulgated of great and

unremitted attention to these matters. But every body's experience,

who has taken much notice of the manner in which schools are generally

conducted, is sufficient to convince them that such promises are more

matters of profession than practice; or, that they are complied with

in such a way, as unavoidably to impress the pupils with a belief that

it is rather an affair of form than substance. Does any one doubt this

fact? let him only take the trouble to ask the majority of the

scholars of any school the following questions, and his skepticism

will soon vanish. "What has been the course of your moral and

religious instruction? What books have you read, or have been read to

you on these subjects? What do you know of the principles of Ethics

and Christianity? How many times a week or month have you received

lessons on them? If nothing has been read specially on these

all-important topics, what has been the manner in which they have been

recommended to your attention? Has it been both by precept and

example, or by the first only; and what rank have your teachers

assigned to such studies, in the scale of importance?" Need I add,

that unless such questions can be answered to the entire satisfaction

of all such persons as really believe that the eternal welfare of the

rising generation is a matter of infinitely deeper interest than any

thing which can possibly happen to them in the present life, the

conclusion is inevitable, that _in all such cases_, by far the most

important part of Education has been either shamefully neglected, or

miserably and wickedly perverted. Let such tests be applied to _all_

schools, from the highest to the lowest, and we shall soon remove much

the most powerful of the many causes which prevent them from answering

so fully as they ought to do, the great purposes for which they have

been established and should be sustained, until the heads of every

family become capable of educating their own children--the girls

_entirely_, and the boys until the few last years of their pupilage.

The neglect of moral and religious instruction in schools generally,

may arise, in a great measure, from a belief in the teachers, that

this all essential work has been properly attended to at home. But it

should never be forgotten, that the injunction "to train up a child in

the way he should go," should be deemed obligatory during the whole

period of pupilage, on all concerned in his Education, lest if it be

intermitted at any time, the effects of the whole previous training

should be lost. It should always be remembered too, by those who have

the care of youth of either sex, that the oftener the young coursers

are permitted to run out of this track of moral and religious

training, the more apt they will be "to fly the way," not only while

the training is managed by others, but after it becomes their own

exclusive duty. It _must therefore_, be made a primary and vital

object, throughout the entire course of Education--not only at home,

but abroad--not only in the private, domestic circle, but in every

public school to which young people may be sent, or the great moral

ends and purposes of instruction will inevitably be defeated. The

_hearts_ of the pupils must first be educated, and all their motives

and dispositions brought, as nearly as practicable, to what they ought

to be, or it will be utterly vain to expect that _their actions_ can

be either generally or permanently right. It is true, that a right

action--that is, one so called--because beneficial to others, may

sometimes be performed from a wrong motive. But this can do no

possible good to the agent, whose condemnation in the eyes of God is

only the greater, when he plays the hypocrite to gain his ends.

I will not go so far as to affirm that the prevalent systems of our

schools will certainly make vain, ambitious, worldly minded men of our

sons, and actresses and _figurantes_ of our daughters, rather than

qualify the boys for fulfilling all their moral and religious duties

in the best possible manner, and the girls for becoming modest,

virtuous, intelligent, exemplary wives and mothers. But I _will say_,

that if these systems do not work such mischief in most cases, it will

be more owing to some powerfully counteracting anterior cause, over

which they have had no control, than to the doctrines which they

inculcate, the branches of human learning which they most recommend,

or the practices which they cause to be followed. It is entirely

immaterial _what_, or _how much_ instruction they profess to give, or

really do impart in all other things, but such as will insure the

fulfilment of our moral and religious duties; the vital objects of all

correct Education will be utterly lost, if {732} matters are so

managed in our schools, that the ever restless, insatiate desire for

general admiration becomes the main spring of action, rather than the

love of knowledge for its own sake, and for the power it will give us

of contributing to human happiness. If once _such_ desire be

substituted for _such_ love, the fountain head of our whole conduct is

literally poisoned. No pure water can possibly flow from such a

source; no essential good--none I mean, which can impart real value to

character, or contribute one mite towards the eternal felicity of the

individual, can ever be effected by him. The only result to be

calculated on with any certainty is, that an eager pursuit of merely

external arts and showy attainments, will take the place of sincere,

steady, deep solicitude to enrich the heart and adorn the

understanding with all those principles of really useful knowledge and

exemplary conduct, which alone can fit us both for time and eternity.

Let the project be tried when, where, and by whom it may, of stamping

indelibly on the human heart such principles of action as all admit it

should have, at least all whose opinions should be regarded in so

momentous and vital a concern, and it will prove abortive as certainly

as it is undertaken, unless "religion, pure and undefiled" as it came

from the voice of God himself, be made the basis of the whole

proceeding. _Is this generally done in our schools, either public or

private?_ I most conscientiously believe it is not--at least, as the

gospel commands us--"line upon line, and precept upon precept;" or

even as a matter to be taught first and above all others. But if any

man attempt "_to build on other foundation_,"--if he strive ever so

much to erect the edifice of Education on any other groundwork, he may

possibly rear a very showy and even attractive house, but most

assuredly his materials will be nothing better than "straw and

stubble," continually liable to take fire from every flying

spark--forever in danger of being blown down by every assailing wind.

In determining on the proper course of Education for our children, is

it not of the highest importance, first to decide in regard to the

situations in which they will probably be placed, and the

circumstances under which they are most likely to spend their lives,

that all the instruction given may have some bearing on such

destination--some peculiar aptitude to fit them for the particular

stations which they will fill? Until society is organized differently

from what it is, all the various honest trades, professions and

callings into which it is divided, must have persons specially

educated for them. But how can this all essential plan be

accomplished, if our children are made too proud for any thing but

playing ladies and gentlemen, or following some two or three

professional pursuits, distinguished from the rest by the dignified

title--"_liberal_?" Ought it to suffice with people in their sober

senses, to hear it urged in opposition to so reasonable a scheme as

that of adapting early Education to the probable destiny of each

individual in after life, that _in our country_ every child ought to

be educated for all imaginable conditions in what is called high life,

because any, possibly, may be attained by any? Surely this would be

the perfection of folly, unless it amounted almost to certainty that a

very large majority of our youth of both sexes would reach such

elevated situations. But it so happens that there is a moral certainty

the other way, and that an infinitely larger portion of mankind will

live and die in obscurity, than can ever become conspicuous for the

possession of wealth, extraordinary talent, or official station. This

obscurity however, would be no bar to the enjoyment of great

happiness, provided half the pains were taken to inculcate principles,

tastes and habits suitable to the future circumstances in which they

would probably be placed, that are very frequently taken to impress

their minds with insatiate cravings after all the highest conditions

of society. _This world_, and this alone, with all its vanities,

follies, and seductive vices, is made the God of their idolatry; and

every thing in future life which is calculated to impede their

worship, becomes a source of unavailing discontent, if not of actual

and lasting misery. To pursue such a course with children is little

short of real madness, even on the supposition that there is no other

state of existence but the present; unless indeed, this life had been

made a scene of uninterrupted enjoyment, instead of one abounding with

much unavoidable suffering--a scene in which to escape sickness, pain,

and poverty, is among our greatest blessings--a scene whose modicum of

happiness consists not in any of those merely selfish, sensual

pursuits, so generally deemed the chief good of life, but in the

diligent culture and exercise of all the powers of our mind--of all

the best affections of our hearts. How is this to be done, especially

in our female schools, which in fact are the great laboratories for

forming elementary teachers for our whole population,--if nearly, or

quite half the time of the pupils be taken up in learning to dance, to

draw, to play on musical instruments, and to acquire polite manners,

by going at stated times to private assemblies, to plays, and operas,

as we have heard is the practice in some city schools. One of two

things invariably follows from this course; either the whole stock of

accomplishments, (as they are called,) however costly it may have

been, is entirely abandoned the moment the girls get married, because

the acquisition has always been to them a kind of up-hill work, for

which they had not the smallest taste--or, such a passionate fondness

is contracted for them, that they can find pleasure in no other

occupation. The fatal disease of discontent is the result in both

those cases. But suppose the last {733} to be the most common. Are

domestic habits, so indispensable to the comfort and happiness of

married life, to be formed by acquiring a passion for public

spectacles, for company-keeping, and for all the preparatory

equipments of costly apparel, and other personal decorations? Can the

tranquil pleasures of retirement, the occupations of housekeeping, the

necessary management of all the domiciliary concerns of which the

mistresses of families must always take cognizance, have any charms

for ladies educated in what is called the fashionable style? Will not

all such things rather be insupportably irksome, if not actually

disgusting? How will such ladies be prepared to meet the numerous

inconveniences and troubles, the many unpleasant, and often painful

occurrences that take place, sometimes even in the happiest families?

How can they bear all the fatigues, the various trials of temper, the

actual labors incident to domestic life, if the sole object of the

chief lessons which they have received at school, has been to attract

attention and admiration to themselves? What, but the most inordinate

selfishness and vanity can be the fruit of such training? Will such

preparatory studies teach them how to keep their houses and families

in order--to train their offspring in the paths of knowledge and

virtue--to administer consolation to the sick and the dying--in a

word, to turn all the numerous incidents of domestic life to the moral

and religious improvement of those over whom it is their business and

sacred duty to exercise a constant and parental supervision? Alas! my

friends, there is scarcely any thing in all nature so illy qualified

to fulfil these momentous obligations, as a young lady educated in

what is called the fashionable style--unless, by the providence of

God, she may have been first imbued under the parental roof, with

moral and religious principles too strong to be overcome by such

powerful engines of destruction as are constantly at work to destroy

them, in what are called, by way of pre-eminence, "fashionable

schools." I do not mean to say that the extirpation of moral and

religious principle is really the object there aimed at. No, far from

it; for I dare affirm that many of the persons thus busily engaged,

perhaps the whole of them, really believe that they are fast

accomplishing a very great and good work. But the sum and substance of

it, when stript of all its vain illusions, is nothing more nor less,

in fact, than a very laborious and excessively expensive process to

unfit the unfortunate subjects of it for every kind of life but such

as they are taught to lead at school; _and that is_, to value all

merely external acquirements far above every moral qualification, and

to seek their chief happiness in the amount of admiration they can

procure for these very superficial and comparatively worthless

attainments. They come forth admirably prepared for a life of

alternate excitement and gratification; but for the real Christian

life of self-control, self-denial, and humble righteousness, they

probably have not so much as heard of it, unless perchance when they

have gone to church. They can use their hands, feet and eyes most

exquisitely in attracting admiration; but when compelled to apply

themselves to any of the homely, but really essential purposes of

life, they find themselves most sadly embarrassed, if not utterly at a

loss how to proceed. Are the poor girls to blame for all this? Far

from it; they must have been something more or less than human beings

to turn out differently. The fault--nay, I must call it the crime--if

such misapplication of the talents which God has given them for far

different purposes be criminal, lies chiefly at the parent's door.

_But for them_ there would be no such course of Education in the

world. It is indeed a course which prepares them admirably for what

may truly be called _public life_; instead of qualifying them to adorn

that which is almost entirely private and domestic--that in which an

immense majority of females are destined to live and to die. What is

the consequence of this incongruity--this manifest disagreement

between the matters taught, and the ends to which they must generally

be applied? What is the aptitude of the means to the great purposes

which parents should aim to accomplish? Are they favorable or not to

domestic happiness? If music, drawing, dressing, and dancing, with a

smattering of some living foreign language, garnished with a few

beggarly elements of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, Geology, and

Botany, are the principal ingredients in _this happiness_, then are

the chief pursuits of fashionable female Education eminently

calculated to promote it. But if the following view from one of our

most distinguished moral and religious writers of what female

Education _should be_, has any truth or justice in it, our prevalent

systems of fashionable Education exhibit a most lamentable deficiency

in almost all essential points. This admirable writer says, in the

form of advice to a young man--"For my own part, I call

_Education_--not that which smothers a woman with accomplishments, but

that which tends to consolidate a firm and regular system of

character--that which tends to form a friend, a companion, a wife. I

call Education, not that which is made of the shreds and patches of

useless arts, but that which inculcates principles, polishes taste,

regulates temper, cultivates reason, subdues the passions, directs the

feelings, habituates to reflection, trains to self-denial, and _more

especially_, that which refers all actions, feelings, sentiments,

tastes, and passions to the love and fear of God." Elsewhere the same

author remarks--"In character as in architecture, just proportion is

beauty. The ornaments which decorate, do not _support_ the edifice."

Again it is said--"A man of sense who loves home, and lives {734} at

home, requires a wife who can and will be at half the expense of mind

necessary for keeping up the cheerful, animating, elegant intercourse

which forms so great a part of the bond of union between intellectual

and well bred persons. The _exhibiting, the displaying wife_ may

entertain your company; but it is only the informed, the refined, the

cultivated woman, who can entertain yourself; and I presume whenever

you marry, you will marry primarily for _yourself_, and not for _your

friends_; you will want a companion--_an artist you may hire_."