an altitude of no less than nine miles and a half. I began to find
great difficulty in drawing my breath. My head too was excessively
painful; and, having felt for some time a moisture about my cheeks, I
at length discovered it to be blood, which was oozing quite fast from
the drums of my ears. My eyes, also, gave me great uneasiness. Upon
passing the hand over them they seemed to have protruded from their
sockets in no inconsiderable degree, and all objects in the car, and
even the balloon itself appeared distorted to my vision. These
symptoms were more than I had expected, and occasioned me some alarm.
At this juncture, very imprudently and without consideration, I threw
out from the car three five pound pieces of ballast. The accelerated
rate of ascent thus obtained carried me too rapidly, and without
sufficient gradation, into a highly rarefied stratum of the
atmosphere, and the result had nearly proved fatal to my expedition
and to myself. I was suddenly seized with a spasm which lasted for
better than five minutes, and even when this, in a measure, ceased, I
could catch my breath only at long intervals, and in a gasping
manner--bleeding all the while copiously at the nose and ears, and
even slightly at the eyes. The pigeons appeared distressed in the
extreme, and struggled to escape; while the cat mewed piteously, and,
with her tongue hanging out of her mouth, staggered to and fro in the
car as if under the influence of poison. I now too late discovered the
great rashness I had been guilty of in discharging the ballast, and my
agitation was excessive. I anticipated nothing less than death, and
death in a few minutes. The physical suffering I underwent contributed
also to render me nearly incapable of making any exertion for the
preservation of my life. I had, indeed, little power of reflection
left, and the violence of the pain in my head seemed to be greatly on
the increase. Thus I found that my senses would shortly give way
altogether, and I had already clutched one of the valve ropes with the
view of attempting a descent, when the recollection of the trick I had
played the three creditors, and the inevitable consequences to myself,
should I return to Rotterdam, operated to deter me for the moment. I
lay down in the bottom of the car, and endeavored to collect my
faculties. In this I so far succeeded as to determine upon the
experiment of losing blood. Having no lancet, however, I was
constrained to perform the operation in the best manner I was able,
and finally succeeded in opening a vein in my right arm, with the
blade of my penknife. The blood had hardly commenced flowing when I
experienced a sensible relief, and by the time I had lost about half a
moderate basin full, most of the worst symptoms {573} had abandoned me
entirely. I nevertheless did not think it expedient to attempt getting
on my feet immediately; but, having tied up my arm as well as I could,
I lay still for about a quarter of an hour. At the end of this time I
arose, and found myself freer from absolute _pain_ of any kind than I
had been during the last hour and a quarter of my ascension. The
difficulty of breathing, however, was diminished in a very slight
degree, and I found that it would soon be positively necessary to make
use of my condenser. In the meantime looking towards the cat, who was
again snugly stowed away upon my coat, I discovered, to my infinite
surprise, that she had taken the opportunity of my indisposition to
bring into light a litter of three little kittens. This was an
addition to the number of passengers on my part altogether unexpected;
but I was pleased at the occurrence. It would afford me a chance of
bringing to a kind of test the truth of a surmise, which, more than
anything else, had influenced me in attempting this ascension. I had
imagined that the _habitual_ endurance of the atmospheric pressure at
the surface of the earth was the cause, or nearly so, of the pain
attending animal existence at a distance above the surface. Should the
kittens be found to suffer uneasiness _in an equal degree with their
mother_, I must consider my theory in fault, but a failure to do so I
should look upon as a strong confirmation of my idea.
By eight o'clock I had actually attained an elevation of seventeen
miles above the surface of the earth. Thus it seemed to me evident
that my rate of ascent was not only on the increase, but that the
progression would have been apparent in a slight degree even had I not
discharged the ballast which I did. The pains in my head and ears
returned, at intervals, with violence, and I still continued to bleed
occasionally at the nose: but, upon the whole, I suffered much less
than might have been expected. I breathed, however, at every moment,
with more and more difficulty, and each inhalation was attended with a
troublesome spasmodic action of the chest. I now unpacked the
condensing apparatus, and got it ready for immediate use. The view of
the earth, at this period of my ascension, was beautiful indeed. To
the westward, the northward, and the southward, as far as I could see,
lay a boundless sheet of apparently unruffled ocean, which every
moment gained a deeper and a deeper tint of blue, and began already to
assume a slight appearance of convexity. At a vast distance to the
eastward, although perfectly discernible, extended the islands of
Great Britain, the entire Atlantic coasts of France and Spain, with a
small portion of the northern part of the continent of Africa. Of
individual edifices not a trace could be discovered, and the proudest
cities of mankind had utterly faded away from the face of the earth.
From the rock of Gibraltar, now dwindled into a dim speck, the dark
Mediterranean sea, dotted with shining islands as the heaven is dotted
with stars, spread itself out to the eastward as far as my vision
extended, until its entire mass of waters seemed at length to tumble
headlong over the abyss of the horizon, and I found myself listening
on tiptoe for the echoes of the mighty cataract.
The pigeons about this time seeming to undergo much suffering, I
determined upon giving them their liberty. I first untied one of
them--a beautiful gray-mottled pigeon--and placed him upon the rim of
the wicker-work. He appeared extremely uneasy, looking anxiously
around him, fluttering his wings, and making a loud cooing noise--but
could not be persuaded to trust himself from off the car. I took him
up at last, and threw him to about half a dozen yards from the
balloon. He made, however, no attempt to descend as I had expected,
but struggled with great vehemence to get back, uttering at the same
time very shrill and piercing cries. He at length succeeded in
regaining his former station on the rim--but had hardly done so when
his head dropped upon his breast, and he fell dead within the car. The
other one did not prove so unfortunate. To prevent his following the
example of his companion, and accomplishing a return, I threw him
downwards with all my force, and was pleased to find him continue his
descent, with great velocity, making use of his wings with ease, and
in a perfectly natural manner. In a very short time he was out of
sight, and I have no doubt he reached home in safety. Puss, who seemed
in a great measure recovered from her illness, now made a hearty meal
of the dead bird, and then went to sleep with much apparent
satisfaction. Her kittens were quite lively, and so far evinced not
the slightest sign of any uneasiness whatever.
At a quarter past eight, being able no longer to draw breath at all
without the most intolerable pain, I proceeded, forthwith, to adjust
around the car the apparatus belonging to the condenser. This
apparatus will require some little explanation, and your Excellencies
will please to bear in mind that my object, in the first place, was to
surround myself and car entirely with a barricade against the highly
rarefied atmosphere in which I was existing--with the intention of
introducing within this barricade, by means of my condenser, a
quantity of this same atmosphere sufficiently condensed for the
purposes of respiration. With this object in view I had prepared a
very strong, perfectly air-tight, but flexible gum-elastic bag. In
this bag, which was of sufficient dimensions, the entire car was in a
manner placed. That is to say, it (the bag) was drawn over the whole
bottom of the car--up its sides--and so on, along the outside of the
ropes, to the upper rim or hoop where the net-work is attached. Having
pulled the bag up in this way, and formed a complete enclosure on all
sides, and at bottom, it was now necessary to fasten up its top or
mouth, by passing its material over the hoop of the net-work--in other
words between the net-work and the hoop. But if the net-work was
separated from the hoop to admit this passage, what was to sustain the
car in the meantime? Now the net-work was not permanently fastened to
the hoop, but attached by a series of running loops or nooses. I
therefore undid only a few of these loops at one time, leaving the car
suspended by the remainder. Having thus inserted a portion of the
cloth forming the upper part of the bag, I re-fastened the loops--not
to the hoop, for that would have been impossible, since the cloth now
intervened,--but to a series of large buttons, affixed to the cloth
itself, about three feet below the mouth of the bag--the intervals
between the buttons having been made to correspond to the intervals
between the loops. This done, a few more of the loops were unfastened
from the rim, a farther portion of the cloth introduced, and the
disengaged loops then connected with their proper buttons. In this way
it was possible to insert the whole upper part of {574} the bag
between the net-work and the hoop. It is evident that the hoop would
now drop down within the car, while the whole weight of the car
itself, with all its contents, would be held up merely by the strength
of the buttons. This, at first sight, would seem an inadequate
dependence, but it was by no means so, for the buttons were not only
very strong in themselves, but so close together that a very slight
portion of the whole weight was supported by any one of them. Indeed
had the car and contents been three times heavier than they were, I
should not have been at all uneasy. I now raised up the hoop again
within the covering of gum-elastic, and propped it at nearly its
former height by means of three light poles prepared for the occasion.
This was done, of course, to keep the bag distended at the top, and to
preserve the lower part of the net-work in its proper situation. All
that now remained was to fasten up the mouth of the enclosure; and
this was readily accomplished by gathering the folds of the material
together, and twisting them up very tightly on the inside by means of
a kind of stationary tourniquet.
In the sides of the covering thus adjusted round the car, had been
inserted three circular panes of thick but clear glass, through which
I could see without difficulty around me in every horizontal
direction. In that portion of the cloth forming the bottom, was
likewise a fourth window, of the same kind, and corresponding with a
small aperture in the floor of the car itself. This enabled me to see
perpendicularly down, but having found it impossible to place any
similar contrivance overhead, on account of the peculiar manner of
closing up the opening there, and the consequent wrinkles in the
cloth, I could expect to see no objects situated directly in my
zenith. This, of course, was a matter of little consequence--for, had
I even been able to place a window at top, the balloon itself would
have prevented my making any use of it.
About a foot below one of the side windows was a circular opening
eight inches in diameter, and fitted with a brass rim adapted in its
inner edge to the windings of a screw. In this rim was screwed the
large tube of the condenser, the body of the machine being, of course,
within the chamber of gum-elastic. Through this tube a quantity of the
rare atmosphere circumjacent being drawn by means of a vacuum created
in the body of the machine, was thence discharged in a state of
condensation to mingle with the thin air already in the chamber. This
operation, being repeated several times, at length filled the chamber
with atmosphere proper for all the purposes of respiration. But in so
confined a space it would in a short time necessarily become foul, and
unfit for use from frequent contact with the lungs. It was then
ejected by a small valve at the bottom of the car--the dense air
readily sinking into the thinner atmosphere below. To avoid the
inconvenience of making a total _vacuum_ at any moment within the
chamber this purification was never accomplished all at once, but in a
gradual manner,--the valve being opened only for a few seconds, then
closed again, until one or two strokes from the pump of the condenser
had supplied the place of the atmosphere ejected. For the sake of
experiment I had put the cat and kittens in a small basket, and
suspended it outside the car to a button at the bottom, close by the
valve, through which I could feed them at any moment when necessary. I
did this at some little risk, and before closing the mouth of the
chamber, by reaching under the car with one of the poles
before-mentioned to which a hook had been attached.
By the time I had fully completed these arrangements and filled the
chamber as explained, it wanted only ten minutes of nine o'clock.
During the whole period of my being thus employed I endured the most
terrible distress from difficulty of respiration, and bitterly did I
repent the negligence, or rather fool-hardiness, of which I had been
guilty in putting off to the very last moment a matter of so much
importance. But having at length accomplished it, I soon began to reap
the benefit of my invention. Once again I breathed with perfect
freedom and ease--and indeed why should I not? I was also agreeably
surprised to find myself, in a great measure, relieved from the
violent pains which had hitherto tormented me. A slight headach,
accompanied with a sensation of fulness or distension about the
wrists, the ancles, and the throat, was nearly all of which I had now
to complain. Thus it seemed evident that a greater part of the
uneasiness attending the removal of atmospheric pressure had actually
_worn off_, as I had expected, and that much of the pain endured for
the last two hours should have been attributed altogether to the
effects of a deficient respiration.
At twenty minutes before nine o'clock--that is to say--a short time
prior to my closing up the mouth of the chamber, the mercury attained
its limit, or ran down, in the barometer, which, as I mentioned
before, was one of an extended construction. It then indicated an
altitude on my part of 132000 feet, or five and twenty miles, and I
consequently surveyed at that time an extent of the earth's area
amounting to no less than the three-hundred-and-twentieth part of its
entire superficies. At nine o'clock I had again entirely lost sight of
land to the eastward, but not before I became fully aware that the
balloon was drifting rapidly to the N. N. W. The convexity of the
ocean beneath me was very evident indeed--although my view was often
interrupted by the masses of cloud which floated to and fro. I
observed now that even the lightest vapors never rose to more than ten
miles above the level of the sea.
At half past nine I tried the experiment of throwing out a handful of
feathers through the valve. They did not float as I had expected--but
dropped down perpendicularly, like a bullet, _en masse_, and with the
greatest velocity--being out of sight in a very few seconds. I did not
at first know what to make of this extraordinary phenomenon: not being
able to believe that my rate of ascent had, of a sudden, met with so
prodigious an acceleration. But it soon occurred to me that the
atmosphere was now far too rare to sustain even the feathers--that
they actually fell, as they appeared to do, with great rapidity--and
that I had been surprised by the united velocities of their descent
and my own elevation.
By ten o'clock I found that I had very little to occupy my immediate
attention. Affairs went on swimmingly, and I believed the balloon to
be going upwards with a speed increasing momentarily, although I had
no longer any means of ascertaining the progression of the increase. I
suffered no pain or uneasiness of any kind, and enjoyed better spirits
than I had at any period {575} since my departure from Rotterdam,
busying myself now in examining the state of my various apparatus, and
now in regenerating the atmosphere within the chamber. This latter
point I determined to attend to at regular intervals of forty minutes,
more on account of the preservation of my health, than from so
frequent a renovation being absolutely necessary. In the meanwhile I
could not help making anticipations. Fancy revelled in the wild and
dreamy regions of the moon. Imagination, feeling herself for once
unshackled, roamed at will among the ever-changing wonders of a
shadowy and unstable land. Now there were hoary and time-honored
forests, and craggy precipices, and waterfalls tumbling with a loud
noise into abysses without a bottom. Then I came suddenly into still
noon-day solitudes where no wind of heaven ever intruded, and where
vast meadows of poppies, and slender, lily-looking flowers spread
themselves out a weary distance, all silent and motionless forever.
Then again I journeyed far down away into another country where it was
all one dim and vague lake, with a boundary-line of clouds. And out of
this melancholy water arose a forest of tall eastern trees, like a
wilderness of dreams. And I bore in mind that the shadows of the trees
which fell upon the lake remained not on the surface where they
fell--but sunk slowly and steadily down, and commingled with the
waves, while from the trunks of the trees other shadows were
continually coming out, and taking the place of their brothers thus
entombed. "This then," I said thoughtfully, "is the very reason why
the waters of this lake grow blacker with age, and more melancholy as
the hours run on." But fancies such as these were not the sole
possessors of my brain. Horrors of a nature most stern and most
appaling would too frequently obtrude themselves upon my mind, and
shake the innermost depths of my soul with the bare supposition of
their possibility. Yet I would not suffer my thoughts for any length
of time to dwell upon these latter speculations, rightly judging the
real and palpable dangers of the voyage sufficient for my undivided
attention.
At five o'clock P.M. being engaged in regenerating the atmosphere
within the chamber, I took that opportunity of observing the cat and
kittens through the valve. The cat herself appeared to suffer again
very much, and I had no hesitation in attributing her uneasiness
chiefly to a difficulty in breathing--but my experiment with the
kittens had resulted very strangely. I had expected of course to see
them betray a sense of pain, although in a less degree than their
mother; and this would have been sufficient to confirm my opinion
concerning the habitual endurance of atmospheric pressure. But I was
not prepared to find them, upon close examination, evidently enjoying
a high degree of health, breathing with the greatest ease and perfect
regularity, and evincing not the slightest sign of any uneasiness
whatever. I could only account for all this by extending my theory,
and supposing that the highly rarefied atmosphere around might perhaps
not be, as I had taken for granted, chemically insufficient for the
purposes of life, and that a person born in such a medium might
possibly be unaware of any inconvenience attending its inhalation,
while, upon removal to the denser strata near the earth, he might
endure tortures of a similar nature to those I had so lately
experienced. It has since been to me a matter of deep regret that an
awkward accident at this time occasioned me the loss of my little
family of cats, and deprived me of the insight into this matter which
a continued experiment might have afforded. In passing my hand through
the valve with a cup of water for the old puss, the sleeve of my shirt
became entangled in the loop which sustained the basket, and thus, in
a moment, loosened it from the button. Had the whole actually vanished
into air it could not have shot from my sight in a more abrupt and
instantaneous manner. Positively there could not have intervened the
tenth part of a second between the disengagement of the basket and its
absolute and total disappearance with all that it contained. My good
wishes followed it to the earth, but, of course, I had no hope that
either cat or kittens would ever live to tell the tale of their
misfortune.
At six o'clock I perceived a great portion of the earth's visible area
to the eastward involved in thick shadow, which continued to advance
with great rapidity until, at five minutes before seven, the whole
surface in view was enveloped in the darkness of night. It was not,
however, until long after this time that the rays of the setting sun
ceased to illumine the balloon; and this circumstance, although of
course fully anticipated, did not fail to give me an infinite deal of
pleasure. It was evident that, in the morning, I should behold the
rising luminary many hours at least before the citizens of Rotterdam,
in spite of their situation so much farther to the eastward, and thus,
day after day, in proportion to the height ascended, would I enjoy the
light of the sun for a longer and a longer period. I now determined to
keep a journal of my passage, reckoning the days from one to
twenty-four hours continuously, without taking into consideration the
intervals of darkness.
At ten o'clock, feeling sleepy, I determined to lie down for the rest
of the night--but here a difficulty presented itself, which, obvious
as it may appear, had totally escaped my attention up to the very
moment of which I am now speaking. If I went to sleep as I proposed,
how could the atmosphere in the chamber be regenerated in the interim?
To breathe it for more than an hour, at the farthest, would be a
matter of impossibility; or if even this term could be extended to an
hour and a quarter, the most ruinous consequences might ensue. The
consideration of this dilemma gave me no little disquietude, and it
will hardly be believed that, after the dangers I had undergone, I
should look upon this business in so serious a light, as to give up
all hope of accomplishing my ultimate design, and finally make up my
mind to the necessity of a descent. But this hesitation was only
momentary. I reflected that man is the veriest slave of custom--and
that many points in the routine of his existence are deemed
_essentially_ important, which are only so _at all_ by his having
rendered them habitual. It was very certain that I could not do
without sleep--but I might easily bring myself to feel no
inconvenience from being awakened at regular intervals of an hour
during the whole period of my repose. It would require but five
minutes at most, to regenerate the atmosphere in the fullest manner,
and the only real difficulty was to contrive a method of arousing
myself at the proper moment for so doing. But this was a question
which I am willing to confess, occasioned me no little trouble in its
solution. {576} To be sure, I had heard of the student who, to prevent
his falling asleep over his books, held in one hand a ball of copper,
the din of whose descent into a basin of the same metal on the floor
beside his chair, served effectually to startle him up, if, at any
moment, he should be overcome with drowsiness. My own case, however,
was very different indeed, and left me no room for any similar
idea--for I did not wish to keep awake, but to be aroused from slumber
at regular intervals of time. I at length hit upon the following
expedient, which, simple as it may seem, was hailed by me, at the
moment of discovery, as an invention fully equal to that of the
telescope, the steam-engine, or the art of printing itself.
It is necessary to premise that the balloon, at the elevation now
attained, continued its course upwards with an even and undeviating
ascent, and the car consequently followed with a steadiness so perfect
that it would have been impossible to detect in it the slightest
vacillation whatever. This circumstance favored me greatly in the
project I now determined to adopt. My supply of water had been put on
board in kegs containing five gallons each, and ranged very securely
around the interior of the car. I unfastened one of these--took two
ropes, and tied them tightly across the rim of the wicker-work from
one side to the other, placing them about a foot apart and parallel,
so as to form a kind of shelf, upon which I placed the keg and
steadied it in a horizontal position. About eight inches immediately
below these ropes, and four feet from the bottom of the car, I
fastened another shelf--but made of thin plank, being the only similar
piece of wood I had. Upon this latter shelf, and exactly beneath one
of the rims of the keg a small earthen pitcher was deposited. I now
bored a hole in the end of the keg over the pitcher, and fitted in a
plug of soft wood, cut in a tapering or conical shape. This plug I
pushed in or pulled out, as might happen, until, after a few
experiments it arrived at that exact degree of tightness, at which the
water oozing from the hole, and falling into the pitcher below, should
fill the latter to the brim in the period of sixty minutes. This, of
course, was a matter briefly and easily ascertained by noticing the
proportion of the pitcher filling in any given time. Having arranged
all this, the rest of the plan is obvious. My bed was so contrived
upon the floor of the car, as to bring my head, in lying down,
immediately below the mouth of the pitcher. It was evident, that, at
the expiration of an hour, the pitcher, getting full, would be forced
to run over, and to run over at the mouth, which was somewhat lower
than the rim. It was also evident that the water, thus falling from a
height of better than four feet, could not do otherwise than fall upon
my face, and that the sure consequence would be, to waken me up
instantaneously, even from the soundest slumber in the world.
It was fully eleven by the time I had completed these arrangements,
and I immediately betook myself to bed with full confidence in the
efficiency of my invention. Nor in this matter was I disappointed.
Punctually every sixty minutes was I aroused by my trusty chronometer,
when, having emptied the pitcher into the bung-hole of the keg, and
performed the duties of the condenser, I retired again to bed. These
regular interruptions to my slumber caused me even less discomfort
than I had anticipated, and when I finally arose for the day it was
seven o'clock, and the sun had attained many degrees above the line of
my horizon.
_April 3d_. I found the balloon at an immense height indeed, and the
earth's apparent convexity increased in a material degree. Below me in
the ocean lay a cluster of black specks, which undoubtedly were
islands. Far away to the northward I perceived a thin, white, and
exceedingly brilliant line or streak on the edge of the horizon, and I
had no hesitation in supposing it to be the southern disk of the ices
of the Polar sea. My curiosity was greatly excited, for I had hopes of
passing on much farther to the north, and might possibly, at some
period, find myself placed directly above the Pole itself. I now
lamented that my great elevation would, in this case, prevent my
taking as accurate a survey as I could wish. Much however might be
ascertained. Nothing else of an extraordinary nature occurred during
the day. My apparatus all continued in good order, and the balloon
still ascended without any perceptible vacillation. The cold was
intense, and obliged me to wrap up closely in an overcoat. When
darkness came over the earth, I betook myself to bed, although it was
for many hours afterwards broad daylight all around my immediate
situation. The water-clock was punctual in its duty, and I slept until
next morning soundly--with the exception of the periodical
interruption.
_April 4th_. Arose in good health and spirits, and was astonished at
the singular change which had taken place in the appearance of the
sea. It had lost, in a great measure, the deep tint of blue it had
hitherto worn, being now of a grayish white, and of a lustre dazzling
to the eye. The islands were no longer visible--whether they had
passed down the horizon to the southeast, or whether my increasing
elevation had left them out of sight, it is impossible to say. I was
inclined however, to the latter opinion. The rim of ice to the
northward, was growing more and more apparent. Cold by no means so
intense. Nothing of importance occurred, and I passed the day in
reading--having taken care to supply myself with books.
_April 5th_. Beheld the singular phenomenon of the sun rising while
nearly the whole visible surface of the earth continued to be involved
in darkness. In time, however, the light spread itself over all, and I
again saw the line of ice to the northward. It was now very distinct
and appeared of a much darker hue than the waters of the ocean. I was
evidently approaching it, and with great rapidity. Fancied I could
again distinguish a strip of land to the eastward--and one also to the
westward--but could not be certain. Weather moderate. Nothing of any
consequence happened during the day. Went early to bed.
_April 6th_. Was surprised at finding the rim of ice at a very
moderate distance, and an immense field of the same material
stretching away off to the horizon in the north. It was evident that
if the balloon held its present course, it would soon arrive above the
Frozen Ocean, and I had now little doubt of ultimately seeing the
Pole. During the whole of the day I continued to near the ice. Towards
night the limits of my horizon very suddenly and materially increased,
owing undoubtedly to the earth's form being that of an oblate
spheroid, and my arriving above the flattened regions {577} in the
vicinity of the Arctic circle. When darkness at length overtook me I
went to bed in great anxiety, fearing to pass over the object of so
much curiosity when I should have no opportunity of observing it.
_April 7th_. Arose early, and, to my great joy, at length beheld what
there could be no hesitation in supposing the northern Pole itself. It
was there, beyond a doubt, and immediately beneath my feet--but, alas!
I had now ascended to so vast a distance that nothing could with
accuracy be discerned. Indeed, to judge from the progression of the
numbers indicating my various altitudes respectively at different
periods, between six A.M. on the second of April, and twenty minutes
before nine A.M. of the same day, (at which time the barometer ran
down,) it might be fairly inferred that the balloon had now, at four
o'clock in the morning of April the seventh, reached a height of _not
less_ certainly than 7254 miles above the surface of the sea. This
elevation may appear immense, but the estimate upon which it is
calculated gave a result in all probability far inferior to the truth.
At all events I undoubtedly beheld the whole of the earth's major
diameter--the entire northern hemisphere lay beneath me like a chart
orthographically projected--and the great circle of the equator itself
formed the boundary line of my horizon. Your Excellencies may however,
readily imagine that the confined regions hitherto unexplored within
the limits of the Arctic circle, although situated directly beneath
me, and therefore seen without any appearance of being foreshortened,
were still, in themselves, comparatively too diminutive, and at too
great a distance from the point of sight to admit of any very accurate
examination. Nevertheless what could be seen was of a nature singular
and exciting. Northwardly from that huge rim before mentioned, and
which, with slight qualification may be called the limit of human
discovery in these regions, one unbroken, or nearly unbroken sheet of
ice continues to extend. In the first few degrees of this its
progress, its surface is very sensibly flattened--farther on depressed
into a plane--and finally, becoming _not a little concave_, it
terminates at the Pole itself in a circular centre, sharply defined,
whose apparent diameter subtended at the balloon an angle of about
sixty-five seconds; and whose dusky hue, varying in intensity, was, at
all times darker than any other spot upon the visible hemisphere, and
occasionally deepened into the most absolute and impenetrable
blackness. Farther than this little could be ascertained. By twelve
o'clock the circular centre had materially decreased in circumference,
and by seven P.M. I lost sight of it entirely--the balloon passing
over the western limb of the ice, and floating away rapidly in the
direction of the equator.
_April 8th_. Found a sensible diminution in the earth's apparent
diameter, besides a material alteration in its general color and
appearance. The whole visible area partook in different degrees of a
tint of pale yellow, and in some portions had acquired a brilliancy
even painful to the eye. My view downwards was also considerably
impeded by the dense atmosphere in the vicinity of the surface being
loaded with clouds between whose masses I could only now and then
obtain a glimpse of the earth itself. This difficulty of direct vision
had troubled me more or less for the last forty-eight hours--but my
present enormous elevation brought closer together, as it were, the
floating bodies of vapor, and the inconvenience became, of course,
more and more palpable in proportion to my ascent. Nevertheless I
could easily perceive that the balloon now hovered above the range of
great lakes in the continent of North America, and was holding a
course due south which would soon bring me to the tropics. This
circumstance did not fail to give me the most heartfelt satisfaction,
and I hailed it as a happy omen of ultimate success. Indeed the
direction I had hitherto taken had filled me with uneasiness, for it
was evident that, had I continued it much longer, there would have
been no possibility of my arriving at the moon at all, whose orbit is
inclined to the ecliptic at only the small angle of 5°, 8', 48".
_April 9th_. To-day, the earth's diameter was greatly diminished, and
the color of the surface assumed hourly a deeper tint of yellow. The
balloon kept steadily on her course to the southward, and arrived at
nine P.M. over the northern edge of the Mexican gulf.
_April 10th_. I was suddenly aroused from slumber, about five o'clock
this morning, by a loud, crackling, and terrific sound, for which I
could in no manner account. It was of very brief duration, but, while
it lasted, resembled nothing in the world of which I had any previous
experience. It is needless to say, that I became excessively alarmed,
having, in the first instance, attributed the noise to the bursting of
the balloon. I examined all my apparatus, however, with great
attention, and could discover nothing out of order. Spent a great part
of the day in meditating upon an occurrence so extraordinary, but
could find no means whatever of accounting for it. Went to bed
dissatisfied, and in a pitiable state of anxiety and agitation.
_April 11th_. Found a startling diminution in the apparent diameter of
the earth, and a considerable increase, now observable for the first
time, in that of the moon itself, which wanted only a few days of
being full. It now required long and excessive labor to condense
within the chamber sufficient atmospheric air for the sustenance of
life.
_April 12th_. A singular alteration took place in regard to the
direction of the balloon, and although fully anticipated, afforded me
the most unequivocal delight. Having reached, in its former course,
about the twentieth parallel of southern latitude, it turned off
suddenly at an acute angle to the eastward, and thus proceeded
throughout the day, keeping nearly, if not altogether, _in the exact
plane of the lunar ellipse_. What was worthy of remark, a very
perceptible vacillation in the car was a consequence of this change of
route--a vacillation which prevailed, in a more or less degree, for a
period of many hours.
_April 13th_. Was again very much alarmed by a repetition of the loud,
crackling noise which terrified me on the tenth. Thought long upon the
subject, but was unable to form any satisfactory conclusion. Great
decrease in the earth's apparent diameter which now subtended from the
balloon an angle of very little more than twenty-five degrees. The
moon could not be seen at all, being nearly in my zenith. I still
continued in the plane of the ellipse, but made little progress to the
eastward.
_April 14th_. Extremely rapid decrease in the diameter of the earth.
To-day I became strongly impressed {578} with the idea, that the
balloon was now actually running up the line of apsides to the point
of perigee--in other words, holding the direct course which would
bring it immediately to the moon in that part of its orbit, the
nearest to the earth. The moon itself was directly over-head, and
consequently hidden from my view. Great and long-continued labor
necessary for the condensation of the atmosphere.
_April 15th_. Not even the outlines of continents and seas could now
be traced upon the earth with anything approaching to distinctness.
About twelve o'clock I became aware, for the third time, of that
unearthly and appalling sound which had so astonished me before. It
now, however, continued for some moments, and gathered horrible
intensity as it continued. At length, while stupified and
terror-stricken I stood in expectation of, I know not what hideous
destruction, the car vibrated with excessive violence, and a gigantic
and flaming mass of some material which I could not distinguish, came
with the voice of a thousand thunders, roaring and booming by the
balloon. When my fears and astonishment had in some degree subsided, I
had little difficulty in supposing it to be some mighty volcanic
fragment ejected from that world to which I was so rapidly
approaching, and, in all probability, one of that singular class of
substances occasionally picked up on the earth, and termed meteoric
stones for want of a better appellation.
_April 16th_. To-day, looking upwards as well as I could, through each
of the side windows alternately, I beheld, to my great delight, a very
small portion of the moon's disk protruding, as it were, on all sides
beyond the huge circumference of the balloon. My agitation was
extreme--for I had now little doubt of soon reaching the end of my
perilous voyage. Indeed the labor now required by the condenser had
increased to a most oppressive degree, and allowed me scarcely any
respite from exertion. Sleep was a matter nearly out of the question.
I became quite ill, and my frame trembled with exhaustion. It was
impossible that human nature could endure this state of intense
suffering much longer. During the now brief interval of darkness a
meteoric stone again passed in my vicinity, and the frequency of these
phenomena began to occasion me much anxiety and apprehension. The
consequence of a concussion with any one of them, would have been
inevitable destruction to me and my balloon.
_April 17th_. This morning proved an epoch in my voyage. It will be
remembered that, on the thirteenth, the earth subtended an angular
breadth of twenty-five degrees. On the fourteenth, this had greatly
diminished--on the fifteenth, a still more rapid decrease was
observable--and on retiring for the night of the sixteenth I had
noticed an angle of no more than about seven degrees and fifteen
minutes. What, therefore, must have been my amazement on awakening
from a brief and disturbed slumber on the morning of this day, the
seventeenth, at finding the surface beneath me so suddenly and
wonderfully _augmented_ in volume as to subtend no less than
thirty-nine degrees in apparent angular diameter! I was thunderstruck.
No words--no earthly expression can give any adequate idea of the
extreme--the absolute horror and astonishment with which I was seized,
possessed, and altogether overwhelmed. My knees tottered beneath
me--my teeth chattered--my hair started up on end. "The balloon then
had actually burst"--these were the first tumultuous ideas which
hurried through my mind--"the balloon had positively burst. I was
falling--falling--falling--with the most intense, the most impetuous,
the most unparalleled velocity. To judge from the immense distance
already so quickly passed over, it could not be more than ten minutes,
at the farthest, before I should meet the surface of the earth, and be
hurled into annihilation." But at length reflection came to my relief.
I paused--I considered--and I began to doubt. The matter was
impossible. I could not in any reason have so rapidly come down. There
was some mistake. Not the red thunderbolt itself could have so
impetuously descended. Besides, although I was evidently approaching
the surface below me, it was with a speed by no means commensurate
with the velocity I had at first so horribly conceived. This
consideration served to calm the perturbation of my mind, and I
finally succeeded in regarding the phenomenon in its proper point of
view. In fact amazement must have fairly deprived me of my senses when
I could not see the vast difference, in appearance, between the
surface below me, and the surface of my mother earth. The latter was
indeed over my head, and completely hidden by the balloon, while the
moon--the moon itself in all its glory--lay beneath me, and at my
feet.
The stupor and surprise produced in my mind by this extraordinary
change in the posture of affairs was perhaps, after all, that part of
the adventure least susceptible of explanation. For the
_bouleversement_ in itself was not only natural and inevitable, but
had been long actually anticipated as a circumstance to be expected
whenever I should arrive at that exact point of my voyage where the
attraction of the planet should be superseded by the attraction of the
satellite--or, more precisely, where the gravitation of the balloon
towards the earth should be less powerful than its gravitation towards
the moon. To be sure I arose from a sound slumber with all my senses
in confusion to the contemplation of a very startling phenomenon, and
one which, although expected, was not expected at the moment. The
revolution itself must, of course, have taken place in an easy and
gradual manner, and it is by no means clear that, had I even been
awake at the time of the occurrence, I should have been made aware of
it by any _internal_ evidence of an inversion--that is to say by any
inconvenience or disarrangement either about my person or about my
apparatus.
It is almost needless to say that upon coming to a due sense of my
situation, and emerging from the terror which had absorbed every
faculty of my soul, my attention was, in the first place, wholly
directed to the contemplation of the general physical appearance of
the moon. It lay beneath me like a chart, and although I judged it to
be still at no inconsiderable distance, the indentures of its surface
were defined to my vision with a most striking and altogether
unaccountable distinctness. The entire absence of ocean or sea, and
indeed of any lake or river, or body of water whatsoever, struck me,
at the first glance, as the most extraordinary feature in its
geological condition. Yet, strange to say! I beheld vast level regions
of a character decidedly alluvial--although by far the greater portion
of the hemisphere in sight was covered with innumerable volcanic {579}
mountains, conical in shape, and having more the appearance of
artificial than of natural protuberances. The highest among them does
not exceed three and three quarter miles in perpendicular
elevation--but a map of the volcanic districts of the Campi Phlegræi
would afford to your Excellencies a better idea of their general
surface than any unworthy description I might think proper to attempt.
The greater part of them were in a state of evident eruption, and gave
me fearfully to understand their fury and their power by the repeated
thunders of the miscalled meteoric stones which now rushed upwards by
the balloon with a frequency more and more appalling.
_April 18th_. To-day I found an enormous increase in the moon's
apparent bulk, and the evidently accelerated velocity of my descent
began to fill me with alarm. It will be remembered that, in the
earliest stage of my speculations upon the possibility of a passage to
the moon, the existence in its vicinity of an atmosphere dense in
proportion to the bulk of the planet had entered largely into my
calculations--this too in spite of many theories to the contrary, and,
it may be added, in spite of the positive evidence of our senses. Upon
the resistance, or more properly, upon the support of this atmosphere,
existing in the state of density imagined, I had, of course, entirely
depended for the safety of my ultimate descent. Should I then, after
all, prove to have been mistaken, I had in consequence nothing better
to expect as a _finale_ to my adventure than being dashed into atoms
against the rugged surface of the satellite. And indeed I had now
every reason to be terrified. My distance from the moon was
comparatively trifling, while the labor required by the condenser was
diminished not at all, and I could discover no indication whatever of
a decreasing rarity in the air.
_April 19th_. This morning, to my great joy, about nine o'clock, the
surface of the moon being frightfully near, and my apprehensions
excited to the utmost, the pump of my condenser at length gave evident
tokens of an alteration in the atmosphere. By ten I had reason to
believe its density considerably increased. By eleven very little
labor was necessary at the apparatus--and at twelve o'clock, with some
hesitation, I ventured to unscrew the tourniquet, when, finding no
inconvenience from having done so, I finally threw open the
gum-elastic chamber, and unrigged it from around the car. As might
have been expected, spasms and violent headach were the immediate
consequence of an experiment so precipitate and full of danger. But
these and other difficulties attending respiration, as they were by no
means so great as to put me in peril of my life, I determined to
endure as I best could, in consideration of my leaving them behind me
momentarily in my approach to the denser strata near the moon. This
approach, however, was still impetuous in the extreme, and it soon
became alarmingly certain that, although I had probably not been
deceived in the expectation of an atmosphere dense in proportion to
the mass of the satellite, still I had been wrong in supposing this
density, even at the surface, at all adequate to the support of the
great weight contained in the car of my balloon. Yet this _should_
have been the case, and in an equal degree as at the surface of the
earth, the actual gravity of bodies at either planet being in the
exact ratio of their atmospheric condensation. That it _was not_ the
case however my precipitous downfall gave testimony enough--why it was
not so, can only be explained by a reference to those possible
geological disturbances to which I have formerly alluded. At all
events I was now close upon the planet, and coming down with most
terrible impetuosity. I lost not a moment accordingly in throwing
overboard first my ballast, then my water-kegs, then my condensing
apparatus and gum-elastic chamber, and finally every individual
article within the car. But it was all to no purpose. I still fell
with horrible rapidity, and was now not more than half a mile at
farthest from the surface. As a last resource, therefore, having got
rid of my coat, hat, and boots, I cut loose from the balloon _the car
itself_, which was of no inconsiderable weight, and thus, clinging
with both hands to the hoop of the net-work, I had barely time to
observe that the whole country as far as the eye could reach was
thickly interspersed with diminutive habitations, ere I tumbled
headlong into the very heart of a fantastical-looking city, and into
the middle of a vast crowd of ugly little people, who none of them
uttered a single syllable, or gave themselves the least trouble to
render me assistance, but stood, like a parcel of idiots, grinning in
a ludicrous manner, and eyeing me and my balloon askant with their
arms set a-kimbo. I turned from them in contempt, and gazing upwards
at the earth so lately left, and left perhaps forever, beheld it like
a huge, dull, copper shield, about two degrees in diameter, fixed
immoveably in the heavens overhead, and tipped on one of its edges
with a crescent border of the most brilliant gold. No traces of land
or water could be discovered, and the whole was clouded with variable
spots, and belted with tropical and equatorial zones.
Thus, may it please your Excellencies, after a series of great
anxieties, unheard of dangers, and unparalleled escapes, I had, at
length, on the nineteenth day of my departure from Rotterdam, arrived
in safety at the conclusion of a voyage undoubtedly the most
extraordinary, and the most momentous ever accomplished, undertaken,
or conceived by any denizen of earth. But my adventures yet remain to
be related. And indeed your Excellencies may well imagine that after a
residence of five years upon a planet not only deeply interesting in
its own peculiar character, but rendered doubly so by its intimate
connection, in capacity of satellite, with the world inhabited by man,
I may have intelligence for the private ear of the States' College of
Astronomers of far more importance than the details, however
wonderful, of the mere _voyage_ which so happily concluded. This is,
in fact, the case. I have much--very much which it would give me the
greatest pleasure to communicate. I have much to say of the climate of
the planet--of its wonderful alternations of heat and cold--of
unmitigated and burning sunshine for one fortnight, and more than
polar severity of winter for the next--of a constant transfer of
moisture, by distillation _in vacuo_, from the point beneath the sun
to the point the farthest from it--of a variable zone of running
water--of the people themselves--of their manners, customs, and
political institutions--of their peculiar physical construction--of
their ugliness--of their want of ears, those useless appendages in an
atmosphere so peculiarly modified as to be insufficient for the
conveyance of any but the loudest sounds--of their consequent
ignorance of the use and properties of speech--of their substitute for
speech {580} in a singular method of inter-communication--of the
incomprehensible connection between each particular individual in the
moon, with some particular individual on the earth--a connection
analogous with, and depending upon that of the orbs of the planet and
the satellite, and by means of which the lives and destinies of the
inhabitants of the one are interwoven with the lives and destinies of
the inhabitants of the other--and above all, if it so please your
Excellencies, above all of these dark and hideous mysteries which lie
in the outer regions of the moon--regions which, owing to the almost
miraculous accordance of the satellite's rotation on its own axis with
its sideral revolution about the earth, have never yet been turned,
and, by God's mercy, never shall be turned to the scrutiny of the
telescopes of man. All this, and more--much more--would I most
willingly detail. But to be brief, I must have my reward. I am pining
for a return to my family and to my home: and as the price of any
farther communications on my part--in consideration of the light which
I have it in my power to throw upon many very important branches of
physical and metaphysical science--I must solicit, through the
influence of your honorable body, a pardon for the crime of which I
have been guilty in the death of the creditors upon my departure from
Rotterdam. This, then, is the object of the present paper. Its bearer,
an inhabitant of the moon, whom I have prevailed upon, and properly
instructed, to be my messenger to the earth, will await your
Excellencies' pleasure, and return to me with the pardon in question,
if it can, in any manner, be obtained.
I have the honor to be, &c. your Excellencies very humble servant,
HANS PHAALL.
Upon finishing the perusal of this very extraordinary document,
Professor Rub-a-dub, it is said, dropped his pipe upon the ground in
the extremity of his surprise, and Mynheer Superbus Von Underduk,
having taken off his spectacles, wiped them, and deposited them in his
pocket, so far forgot both himself and his dignity, as to turn round
three times upon his heel in the quintescence of astonishment and
admiration. There was no doubt about the matter--the pardon should be
obtained. So at least swore with a round oath, Professor Rub-a-dub,
and so finally thought the illustrious Von Underduk, as he took the
arm of his brother in science, and without saying a word, began to
make the best of his way home to deliberate upon the measures to be
adopted. Having reached the door, however, of the burgomaster's
dwelling, the Professor ventured to suggest, that as the messenger had
thought proper to disappear--no doubt frightened to death by the
savage appearance of the burghers of Rotterdam--the pardon would be of
little use, as no one but a man of the moon would undertake a voyage
to so horrible a distance. To the truth of this observation the
burgomaster assented, and the matter was therefore at an end. Not so,
however, rumors and speculations. The letter, having been published,
gave rise to a variety of gossip and opinion. Some of the overwise
even made themselves ridiculous, by decrying the whole business as
nothing better than a hoax. But hoax, with these sort of people, is, I
believe, a general term for all matters above their comprehension. For
my part I cannot conceive upon what data they have founded such an
accusation. Let us see what they say:
Imprimis. That certain wags in Rotterdam have certain especial
antipathies to certain burgomasters and astronomers.
Don't understand at all.
Secondly. That an odd little dwarf and bottle conjurer, both of whose
ears, for some misdemeanor, have been cut off close to his head, has
been missing for several days from the neighboring city of Bruges.
Well--what of that?
Thirdly. That the newspapers which were stuck all over the little
balloon were newspapers of Holland, and therefore could not have been
made in the moon. They were dirty papers--very dirty--and Gluck, the
printer, would take his bible oath to their having been printed in
Rotterdam.
He was mistaken--undoubtedly--mistaken.
Fourthly. That Hans Phaall himself, the drunken villain, and the three
very idle gentlemen styled his creditors, were all seen, no longer
than two or three days ago, in the tippling house in the suburbs,
having just returned, with money in their pockets, from a trip beyond
the sea.
Don't believe it--don't believe a word of it.
Lastly. That it is an opinion very generally received, or which ought
to be generally received, that the College of Astronomers in the city
of Rotterdam--as well as all other Colleges in all other parts of the
world--not to mention Colleges and Astronomers in general--are, to say
the least of the matter, not a whit better, nor greater, nor wiser
than they ought to be.
The d----l, you say! Now that's too bad. Why, hang the people, they
should be prosecuted for a libel. I tell you, gentlemen, you know
nothing about the business. You are ignorant of Astronomy--and of
things in general. The voyage was made--it was indeed--and made, too,
by Hans Phaall. I wonder, for my part, you do not perceive at once
that the letter--the document--is intrinsically--is astronomically
true--and that it carries upon its very face the evidence of its own
authenticity.
For the Southern Literary Messenger.
THE SALE.
It is the law throughout the Old Dominion,
When some poor devil dies in peace or battle,
The executor must be of the opinion
His goods are perishing, and sell each chattel;
Whatever treads on hoof, or flies on pinion--
Hogs, horses, cows, and every sort of cattle--
Cups, saucers, swingle trees and looking glasses--
Ploughs, pots and pans, teakettles and jackasses.
A man who never quotes, it has been said, will in return never be
quoted. By way therefore of quoting, and at the same time of being
quoted, I have quoted a poem of my own, which "will never be
published," written in attempted imitation of Beppo, and describing a
sale in Virginia. Who has not seen something like the following
staring him in the face, on the side of a store or tavern, or upon the
post of a sign-board where several roads meet? "_I shel purceed to sel
to the highest bidder, on Saterday the 3d of Janewary next, at Blank,
all the housol and kitchen ferniter of the late David Double, Esq.
together with all the horses, muels, sheep and hoges. Cash on all sums
of five dollars and under, and a credit of twelve months on the
ballance. Bond with aproved sekurity will {581} be requierd_," _&c._
Such a notification as the above, which is copied verbatim et
spellatim, operates like an electric shock on a whole neighborhood in
that portion of the country in which I reside, especially upon that
part of the population which can least afford to buy bargains. The
temptation of long credit is too great to be resisted, although no
calculations of the ultimate ability to pay are ever made. The grand
desideratum is, to obtain the necessary security, and to purchase to a
greater amount than five dollars. I am myself infected by this
prevailing malady, and frequently buy what is of no manner of use to
me, simply because no cash is required, and bonds are hard to collect,
and suits may be put off by continuances, and matters of this sort
after all, may be settled by executors and administrators. Among the
rest therefore, on the day appointed by the aforesaid notification, I
mounted my horse, and sallied out upon the road leading to Blank, and
fell in with a large party going to the sale, principally managers, as
they call themselves now-a-days, on the neighboring estates. Formerly
they were yclept overseers, but the term is falling into disuse, as
conveying the idea of something derogatory. They were mounted in every
variety of style; there were long tails, and bob tails, and nicked
tails; and I saw at least one sheep skin saddle and grape vine bridle.
By the by, talking of grape vines, what a country ours is for this
invaluable article. Here is no need of hemp manufactories. Nature, in
her exuberant goodness, has supplied an abundance of primitive rope,
which is just as convenient and efficacious as the best cordage,
whether a man wants to hang himself or a dog--whether he wants a cap
for his fence, a backband for his plough-horse, a pair of leading
lines, or a girth for his saddle. Why should we be the advocates of a
tariff, when nature supplies us in peace or war with this and many
other articles of the first necessity, among which I once heard a
Chotanker enumerate _mint_. "Why," said he, "should we fear a
dissolution of the union, a separation of the north from the south,
when there is not a sprig of mint in all New England?" When this was
said, peradventure it might be true; but to my certain knowledge, at
this day the word julap is well understood much farther north than
Mason's and Dixon's line. Pardon me, reader, this digression--for I am
mounted to-day on a rough-going, headstrong animal, that will have his
own way, and wants to turn aside into every by-path which he sees, and
is as "_willyard a pony_" as that ridden by Dumbiedikes, when he
followed Jeanie Deans to lend her the purse of gold. But to return. I
cannot let this opportunity slip of singling out one of this group of
horsemen for description, that you may have a graphic sketch of the
sort of folks and horses that live hereabouts. Wert thou ever upon
Hoecake Ridge? and hast thou ever met in winter, a thorough bred
native of that region, mounted upon his little shaggy pony, "_skelping
on through dub and mire_," like Tam O'Shanter? Here he was to-day, in
his element, dressed in Nankin pantaloons and a thin cotton jacket,
and riding in the teeth of a strong northwester, singing "_Life let us
cherish_." His saddle had no skirts, having been robbed of those
useless appendages by some rogue who wanted a pair of brogues; his
bridle had as many knots as the sea serpent. But my business is not so
much with him as with his pony, whose head and neck may be aptly
represented by a maul and its handle. His tail is six inches long, and
standing at an angle of forty-five degrees with his back; his hair is
long and shaggy; he is cat-hammed, and his chest so narrow that his
fore legs almost touch one another; his eyes snap fire when you plague
him. You may talk of improving the breed of horses. Tell me not of
your Eclipses, your Henrys--of Arabians or Turks. They may be all very
well in their places, but this pony is the animal for my country. He
can bite the grass which is absolutely invisible to human eyes, and
subsist upon it. If you would give him six ears of corn twice a day,
he would be almost too fat to travel. He never stumbles. Give him the
rein, and he will pick his path as carefully as a lady. His powers of
endurance exceed the camel's. His master is a sot, and his horse will
stand all night at a tippling shop, gnawing a fence rail; he almost
prefers it to a corn-stalk which has been lying out all winter, his
common food. When his master comes forth and mounts, he studies
attitudes. If the rider reel to the right, the pony leans to the
starboard side; if to the left, he tacks to suit him. If the master
fall, he falls clear, having no girth to his saddle, and the pony does
not waste time in useless meditation upon accidents that will happen
to the best of us, but moves homeward with accelerated velocity,
leaping every obstacle in his way to his brush stable.
It was my good fortune to drop in alongside of the man who was mounted
upon this incomparable animal, and complimenting him upon his
philosophy in the selection of his song, and on the dexterity of his
horse, I soon found he was a great politician, and we chatted most
agreeably until our arrival at the place of sale. He was a violent
----, but not a word of politics; literature and politics are
different matters altogether. You may be a great politician, you know,
without a particle of literature. Politicians are the last people in
the world to bear a joke; and if I were even to glance at the
discourse of my neighbors, there are many who would not submit to this
interference with their exclusive business; they would see in it "more
devils than vast hell could hold." The world must therefore be content
to lose the humor of my singular acquaintance, as I cannot possibly do
justice to his conceptions without the mention of names. I shall die
though, unless I find some occasion of disclosing them; for old
Hardcastle's man Diggory was never more diverted at his story of the
grouse in the gun-room, than was I at the political conceits of my
Hoecake-ridger. Having arrived at Blank, we _hung_ our horses, as
Virginians always do after riding them, and entered the grounds before
a venerable looking building which had been completely embowelled, and
its contents were piled in promiscuous heaps in various parts of the
yard. Within the great house, as it is usually styled, was already
assembled around a blazing fire, a crowd of exceedingly noisy folks,
all talking at once, and nobody apparently listening. The names of our
leading men sounded on every side, and the Tower of Babel never
witnessed a greater confusion of tongues. For my own part, it always
makes me melancholy to contemplate this inroad of Goths and Vandals
upon apartments which were once perhaps so sacred, and kept in order
with such sedulous attention. It seems a profanation--a want of
respect for the recently dead, and a cruel outrage upon {582} the
feelings of the surviving family. Nothing escapes the prying eye of
curiosity--the rude footstep invades the very penetralia. The
household gods, the Dii Penates are all upturned; and mirth and
jesting reign amidst the precincts of woe. I felt like a jackal
tearing open the grave for my prey. The crier, the high priest of
these infernal orgies, now came forward with his badge of office, the
jug of whiskey, and announced that the sale would commence as soon as
he could wet his whistle, which he proceeded to do, and then began to
ply his customers. It is wonderful to think how much ingenuity has
been displayed in finding out metaphors to describe the detestable act
of tippling. The renowned biographer of Washington and Marion has
imbodied a number of these in one of his minor performances; but
several which I heard this day were new to me, and escaped his
researches; thus, I heard one upbraid another for being too fond of
"_tossing his head back_," while a third invited his companion to
"_rattle the stopper_"--and upon my taking a very moderate drink, and
so weak that a temperance man would scarcely have frowned upon me, I
was clapped on the back and jeered for my fondness of the creature,
since I was willing to swallow an ocean of water to get at a drop. In
a very short time the liquid fire of the Greeks ran through the veins
of the crowd, and they were quickly ripe for bidding--
"Inspiring bold John Barleycorn,
What dangers thou canst make us scorn;
Wi' tippenny we fear nae evil--
Wi' Usquebaugh we'll face the devil."
The "swats sae ream'd" in their noddles, that every thing sold at a
price far beyond its value, and our crier became so exceedingly
facetious, and cracked so many excellent ironical jokes, that it is a
pity they should be lost. Being unskilled however in stenography, I
could not take down his words, and only remember that every untrimmed
_old field_ colt was a regular descendant of Eclipse; the long nosed
hogs were unquestionably Parkinson; the sheep, Merinoes; the cattle
which were notoriously _all horn_, were short horns, &c. &c. They
seemed to me but a scurvy set of animals; but those who saw through a
_glass_ darkly, seemed to entertain a very different opinion. The
"mirth and fun grew fast and furious," "till first a caper sin
anither" "they lost their reason a' thegither," and the sale closed in
one wild uproarious scuffle for every thing at any price whatever.
It now became necessary to return home, an important consideration
which had been wholly overlooked; and the difficulty of mounting our
horses having been overcome after many trials, we began to "witch the
world with" feats of "noble horsemanship." Such "racing and chasing"
had not been seen since the days of Cannobie lea, and quizzing became
the order of the evening. Perceiving the mettlesome nature of my
steed, my friend the politician and philosopher, seemed resolved upon
unhorsing me, notwithstanding my entreaties that he would forbear; and
by dint of riding violently up to me, and shouting out at the top of
his voice, he so alarmed my nag, that he seized the bit between his
teeth, and away I flew, John Gilpin like, to the infinite amusement of
my persecutor, until I was safely deposited in a mud hole, near my own
gate, from whence I had to finish my journey on foot, and appear
before my helpmate in a condition that reflected greatly upon my
character. As a finale to this mortifying business, my purchases were
brought home the next day, and were most unceremoniously thrown out of
doors by my wife, as utterly useless, being literally sans eyes, sans
teeth, sans every thing; cracked pitchers, broken pots, spiders
without legs, jugs without handles, et id genus omne.
NUGATOR.
LITERARY NOTICES.
THE INFIDEL, or the Fall of Mexico, _a romance, by the author of
Calavar_. Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Blanchard.
The second effort of the author of Calavar, gives us no reason for
revoking the favorable opinion which we expressed of his powers as a
writer of fictitious narrative, in noticing the first. On the
contrary, that opinion is confirmed and strengthened by a perusal of
the Infidel. It is a work of great power, and although, as was the
case with Calavar, it is chiefly occupied with the delineation of
scenes of slaughter and violence--with the stratagems of war--the
plots of conspirators--the stirring incidents of siege and sortie--and
the thrilling details of individual prowess or general onslaught--yet
it abounds in passages which give a pleasing relief to the almost too
frequently recurring incidents of peril and adventure. It is true that
this work does not possess, to by far the same extent, those
enchanting descriptions of natural scenery, which abounded in Calavar:
but the cause of this is probably to be found in the fact, that the
scene of action is the same in both works, and in a natural aversion
of the author to repeat his own pictures. Still, as a whole, we think
the Infidel fully equal to its predecessor, and in some respects
superior. The principal female character is drawn with far greater
vigor, than marked the heroine of Calavar, although the prominent
features in the sketch of the impassioned _Monjonaza_, are of a
masculine kind. She is indeed a most powerful and eccentric creation,
and adds much to the interest of the narrative. Still we think it
problematical whether the author is capable of success in a purely
feminine picture of female character. Zelahualla, the daughter of
Montezuma, a gentler being than La Monjonaza, does not give him a
claim to such a distinction, as she is brought forward but seldom, and
sustains no important part in the action of the drama.
The period at which the narrative of the Infidel commences, is a few
months after the disastrous retreat of the Spaniards from Mexico,
during the "Noche Triste," so powerfully described in Calavar. Cortes
had re-organized his forces, re-united his allies, and was preparing
for the siege of Mexico, now rendered strong in its defences by the
valor, enterprise and activity of the new emperor, Guatimozin. Tezcuco
is the scene of the earlier events, where Cortes was engaged in
completing his preparations, part of which consisted in the
construction of a fleet of brigantines, to command the sea of Anahuac,
and co-operate in the meditated attack upon the great city.
The hero of the story, Juan Lerma, a former protege of Cortes, but who
has fallen under his displeasure, is the pivot on which the main
interest of the work is made to turn. He is imprisoned, and ultimately
rescued by Guatimozin, who carries him to Mexico. The details of a
treasonable plot against the Captain General, headed by Villafana, one
of the most {583} complicated of villains, is skilfully interwoven
with this portion of the narrative. The mysterious _Monjonaza_ is also
a prominent character in the scenes at Tezcuco.
The action changes in the second volume to Mexico, where the
unfortunate Lerma is retained by the Emperor, who is described as
possessing all the noble virtues of christianity, although his pagan
faith gives the title to the book.
The details of the siege are given in the same powerful style as
characterised the combats in Calavar. Indeed it is in descriptions of
battles, that we think the author excels, and is transcendently
superior to any modern writer. When his armies meet, he causes us to
feel the shock, and to realize each turn of fortune by a minuteness of
description, which is never confused. When his heroes engage hand to
hand, we see each blow, each parry, each advantage, each vicissitude,
with a thrilling distinctness. The war cry is in our ears--the
flashing of steel--the muscular energy--the glowing eyes--the dilating
forms of the warriors, are before us. The effect of such delineations
it is difficult to describe; they arouse in us whatever of martial
fire we possess, until we feel like the war horse viewing a distant
combat, "who smelleth the battle afar off, the voice of the captains,
and the shouting." Another point of excellence in our author, is the
manner in which he paints to us the vastness of a barbarian multitude.
His descriptions of myriads, appeal to the sense with graphic effect.
Although we do not generally indulge in long extracts from works like
this, yet, as it is difficult otherwise to convey an idea of the
spirit with which such scenes are presented by the author, we take
from the second volume the description of the battle of the
ambuscades, the last successful struggle made by Guatimozin to repel
the besiegers, who had already hemmed in the city on the several
causeways, and mostly destroyed the water suburbs. The Mexicans, as a
part of their system of defence, had perforated the causeways at short
intervals, with deep ditches, which were conquered by the Spaniards,
one by one, after the most obstinate resistance. Cortes, with his
followers, on the occasion described, had forced one of the dikes, and
with his characteristic impetuosity, pursued the flying Mexicans into
the city, attended by about twenty horsemen only, the foot being far
in the rear. The enemy gave way with apparent signs of fear, which was
not habitual, and Cortes had already been advised that an ambuscade
was evidently contemplated; but the frenzy of battle made him deaf to
prudent counsel:
CHAP. XV, VOL. 2.
The horsemen pursued along the dike, spearing, or tumbling into the
water, the few who had the heart to resist; and so great was, or
seemed, the terror of the barbarians, that the victors penetrated even
within the limits of the island, until the turrets of houses, from
which they were separated only by the lateral canals, darkened them
with their shadows. Upon these were clustered many pagans, who shot at
them both arrows and darts, but with so little energy, that it seemed
as if despondence or fatuity had robbed them of their usual vigor.
Hence, the excited cavaliers gave them but little attention, not
doubting that they would be soon dislodged by the infantry. They were
even regardless of circumstances still more menacing; and if a
lethargy beset the infidel that day, it is equally certain that a
species of distraction overwhelmed the brains of the Spaniards. It
seemed as if the great object of their ambition depended more upon
their following the fugitives to the temple-square than upon any other
feat; and to this they encouraged one another with vivas and
invocations to the saints. They could already behold the huge bulk of
the pyramid, rising up at the distance of a mile, as if it shut up the
street; and its terraced sides, thronged with multitudes of men,
seemed to prove to them, that the frighted Mexicans were running to
their gods for protection. It is true, they perceived vast bodies of
infidels blocking up the avenue afar, as if to dispute their passage
beyond the canalled portion of the island; but they regarded them with
scorn.
They rushed onwards, occasionally arrested by some flying group, but
only for a moment.
There was a place, not far within the limits of the island, where they
found the causeway, for the space of at least sixty paces, so delved
and pared away on either side, that it scarce afforded a passage for
two horsemen abreast. The device was of recent execution, for they
beheld the mattocks of laborers still sticking in the earth, as if
that moment abandoned. This circumstance, so strange, so novel, and so
ominious, it might be supposed, would have aroused them to suspicion.
The passage, as it was, so contracted, broken, and rugged, looked
prodigiously like the Al-Sirat, or bridge to paradise of the
Mussulmans,--that arch, narrow as the thread of a famished spider,
over which it is so much easier to be precipitated than to pass with
safety. Yet grim and threatening as it was, there was but one among
the cavaliers who raised a voice of warning. As the Captain-General,
without a moment's hesitation, pushed his horse forward, to lead the
way, and without a single expression of surprise, the ancient hidalgo,
who had twice before sounded a note of alarm, now exclaimed,--
"For the love of heaven, pause, señor! This is a trap that will
destroy us."
"Art thou afraid, Alderete?" cried Cortes, looking back to him,
grimly. "This is no place for a King's Treasurer," (such was Alderete,
the royal Contador.)--"Get thee back, then, to the first ditch, and
fill it up to thy liking. _This_ will be charge enough for a
volunteer."
"I will fight where thou wilt, when thou wilt, and as boldly as thou
wilt," said the indignant cavalier; "but here play the madman no
longer."
"I will take thy counsel,--rest where I am,--and, in an hour's time,
see myself shut out from the city by a ditch, sixty yards wide! God's
benison upon thy long beard! and mayst thou be wiser. Forward,
friends! Do you not see? the knaves are running amain to check us, and
recover their unfinished gap! On! courage, and on! Santiago and at
them!"
It was indeed as Cortes said. The infidels, who blocked up the streets
afar, were now seen running towards them, with the most terrific
yells, as if to seize, before it was too late, a pass so easily
maintained. The cavaliers, animated by the words of their leader, were
quite as resolute to disappoint them, and therefore rode across as
rapidly as they could. The pass was not only narrow, but tortuous and
irregular; which increased the difficulties of surmounting it; so that
the Mexicans, running with the most frantic speed, were within a
bowshot, before Cortes had spurred his steed upon the broader portion
of the dike. But, as if there were something dreadful to the infidels,
in the spectacle of the great Teuctli of the East, thus again in their
stronghold, they came to a sudden halt, and testified their valor only
by yelling, and waving their spears and banners.
"Courage, friends, and quick!" cried Cortes. "The dogs are beset with
fear, and will not face us. Ye shall hear other yells in a moment.
Haste, valiant cavaliers! haste, men of Spain! and make room for the
footmen, who are behind you."
The screams of the barbarians were loud and incessant; but in the
midst of the din, as he turned to cheer his cavaliers over the broken
passage, Don Hernan's ears were struck by the sound of a Christian
voice, {584} calling from the midst of the pagans, with thrilling
vehemence.
"Beware! beware! Back to the causey! Beware!"
"Hark!" cried Alderete, who had already passed; "Our Saint calls to
us! Let us return!"
"It is a trick of the fiend!" exclaimed Cortes, in evident
perturbation of mind. "Come on, good friends, and let us seize
vantage-ground; or the dogs will drive us, singly, into the ditches."
"Back! back!" shouted the cavaliers behind--"We are ambushed! We are
surrounded!"
Their further exclamations were lost in a tempest of discordant
shrieks, coming from the front and the rear, from the heavens above,
and, as they almost fancied, from the earth beneath. They looked
northward, towards the pyramid,--the whole broad street was filled
with barbarians, rushing towards them with screams of anticipated
triumph; they looked back to the lake,--the causeway was swarming with
armed men, who seemed to have sprung from the waters; to either side,
and beheld the canals of the intersecting streets lashed into foam by
myriads of paddles; while, at the same moment, the few pagans, who had
annoyed them from the housetops, appeared transformed, by the same
spell of enchantment, into hosts innumerable, with spirits all of fury
and flame.
"What says the king of Castile? What says the king of Castile _now_?"
roared the exulting infidels.
"Santiago! and God be with us!" exclaimed Cortes, waving his hand,
with a signal for retreat, that came too late: "Cross but this
devil-trap again, and--"
Before he could conclude the vain and useless order, the drum of the
emperor sounded upon the pyramid. It was an instrument of gigantic
size and horrible note, and was held in no little fear, especially
after the events of this day, by the Spaniards, who fabled that it was
covered with the skins of serpents. It was a fit companion for the
horn of Mexitli; which latter, however, being a sacred instrument, was
sounded only on the most urgent and solemn occasions.
The first tap,--or rather peal, for the sound came from the temple
more like the roll of thunder than of a drum,--was succeeded by yells
still more stunning; and while the cavaliers, retreating, struggled,
one by one, to recross the narrow pass, they were set upon with such
fury as left them but little hope of escape.
If the rashness of Cortes had brought his friends into this fatal
difficulty, he now seemed resolved to atone his fault, by securing
their retreat, even although at the expense of his life. It was in
vain that those few cavaliers who had succeeded in reaching him,
before the onslaught began, besought him to take his chance among
them, and recross, leaving them to cover his rear.
"Get ye over yourselves," he cried, with grim smiles, smiting away the
headmost of the assailants from the street: "If I have brought ye
among coals of fire, heaven forbid I should not broil a little in mine
own person. Quick, fools! over and hasten! over and quick! and by and
by I will follow you."
For a moment, it seemed as if the terror of his single arm would have
kept the barbarians at bay. But, waxing bolder, as they saw his
attendants dropping one by one away, they began to close upon him, and
his situation became exceedingly critical. He looked over his
shoulder, and perceived that his followers threaded their way along
the broken dike with less difficulty than he at first feared. The very
narrowness of the passage left but little foothold for the enemy; and
their attacks, being made principally from canoes, were not such as
wholly to dishearten a cavalier, whose steed was as strongly defended
by mail as his own body. Encouraged by this assurance, the
Captain-General still maintained his post, rushing ever and anon upon
the closing herds, and mowing right and left with his trusty blade,
while his gallant charger pawed down opposition with his hoofs. Thus
he fought, with the mad valor that made his enemies so often deem him
almost a demigod, until satisfied that his own attempt to cross the
pass could no longer embarrass the efforts of his followers. Then,
charging once more upon the pagans, and even with greater fury than
before, he wheeled round with unexpected rapidity, and uttering his
famous cry, "Santiago and at them!" dashed boldly at the passage.
Seven pagans sprang upon the path. They were armed like princes, and
the red fillets of the House of Darts waved among their sable locks.
"The Teuctli shall have the tribute of Mexico!" shouted one,
flourishing a battle-axe that seemed of weight sufficient, in his
brawny arm, to dash out the charger's brains at a blow. The words were
not understood by Cortes; but he recognized at once the visage of the
Lord of Death.
"I have thee, pagan!" he cried, striking at the bold barbarian. The
blow failed; for one of the others, springing at the charger's head
with unexampled audacity, seized him by the bridle, so that he reared
backwards, and thus foiled the aim of his rider. The next moment, the
Spanish steel fell upon the neck of the daring infidel, killing him on
the spot; yet not so instantaneously as to avert a disaster, which it
seemed the object of his fury to produce. His convulsive struggles, as
he clung, dying, to the rein, drove the steed off the narrow ledge;
and thus losing his foothold, the noble animal rolled over into the
deep canal, burying the Captain-General in the flood.
"The general! save the general!" shrieked the only Christian, who, in
this horrible melèe, (for the battle was now universal,) beheld the
condition of Cortes, and who, although on foot, and bristling with
arrows that had stuck fast in his cotton-armor, and resisted by other
weapons at every step, had yet the courage to run to the rescue. It
was Gaspar Olea. His visage was yet wan, and expressive of the unusual
horror preying upon his mind; yet he rushed forward, as if he had
never known a fear. He exalted his voice, while crying for assistance,
until it was heard far back upon the causeway; yet he reached the
place of Don Hernan's mischance alone. The scene was dreadful: the
nobles had flung themselves into the flood, and were dragging the
stunned and strangling hero from the steed, which lay upon its side on
the rugged and shelving edge of the dike, unable to arise, and
perishing with the most fearful struggles; while, all the time, the
elated infidels expressed their triumph with shouts of frantic joy.
"Courage, captain! be of good heart, señor!" exclaimed the Barba-Roxa,
striking down one of the captors at a single blow: "Courage! for we
have good help nigh," he continued, attacking a second with the same
success: "Courage, señor, courage!"
No Mexican helm of dried skins, and no breastplate of copper, could
resist the machete of a man like Gaspar. Yet his first success was
caused rather by the Mexicans being so intently occupied with their
captive, that they thought of nothing else, than by any miraculous
exertion of skill and prowess. He slew two, before they dreamed of
attack, and he mortally wounded a third, ere the others could turn to
drive him back. A fourth rushed upon him, before he could again lift
up his weapon, and grasping him in his arms, with the embrace of a
mountain bear, leaped with him into the canal.
There were now but two left in possession of Cortes; yet his
resistance even against these was ineffectual. His sword had dropped
from his hand; a violent blow had burst his helmet, and confounded his
brain; and he had been lifted from the water, already half suffocated.
Yet he struggled as he could, and catching one of his foes by the
throat, he succeeded in overturning him into the water, and there
grappled with him among the shallows. The remaining barbarian, yelling
for assistance, flung himself upon the pair; and though twenty
Spaniards, headed by Bernal Diaz and the hunchback, were now within
half as many paces, Cortes would have perished where he lay, had not
assistance arose from an unexpected quarter.
{585} Among the vast numbers who came crowding from the city over the
broken passage, were several who knew, by the cry of the seventh
noble, that Malintzin was in his hands; and they rushed forward, to
ensure his capture. The foremost and fleetest of these was
distinguished from the rest by a frame of towering height; and, had
there been a Spaniard by to notice him, would have been still more
remarkable from the fact, that he uttered all his cries in good,
expressive Castilian. He bore a Spanish weapon, too, and his first
act, as he flung himself into the ditch where Cortes was drowning, was
to strike it through the neck of the uppermost noble. His next was to
spurn the other from the breast of the general, whom he raised to his
feet, murmuring in his ear,
"Be of good heart, señor! for you are saved."
What more he would have said and done can only be imagined; for, at
that moment, the Barba-Roxa rushed out of the ditch, followed close at
hand by the hunchback, Bernal Diaz, and others, and seeing his
commander, as he thought, in the hands of a foeman, he lifted his good
sword once again, and smote him over the head, crying,
"Down, infidel dog! and _vive_ for Spain and our general!"
At this moment, there rushed up a crew of fresh combatants, Spaniards
from the rear and infidels from the front. But before they closed upon
him entirely, the Barba-Roxa caught sight of the man he had struck
down, and beheld, in his pale and quivering aspect, the features of
Juan Lerma.
The unhappy wretch, thus beholding the beloved youth, with his own
eyes, a leaguer and helpmate of the infidel, and punished to death, as
it seemed, by his hand, set up a scream wildly vehement, and broke
from the group of Spaniards, who now surrounded Cortes, endeavoring to
drag him in safety over the pass. The exile had been seen by others as
well as Gaspar, and many a ferocious cry of exultation burst from
their lips, as they saw him fall.
Meanwhile, Gaspar, distracted in mind, and dripping with blood, for he
had not escaped from the ditch and the fierce embrace of his fourth
antagonist, without many severe wounds, endeavored to retrace his
steps to the spot where Juan had followed. It was occupied by
infidels, who drove him into the ditch, where his legs were grasped by
a drowning Mexican, who raised himself a little from the water, and
displayed, between his neck and shoulder, a yawning chasm, rather than
a wound, from which the blood, at every panting expiration of breath,
rolled out hideously in froth and foam. It was the Lord of Death, thus
struck by Juan Lerma, as he lay upon the breast of Cortes, and now
perishing, but still like a warrior of the race of America. He
clambered up the body of Gaspar, for it could hardly be said, that he
rose upon his feet; and seeing that he grasped a Christian soldier, he
strove to utter once more a cry of battle. The blood foamed from his
lips, as from his wound; and his voice was lost in a suffocating
murmur. Yet, with his last expiring strength, he locked his arms round
the neck of the Spaniard, now almost as much spent as himself, and
falling backwards, and writhing together as they fell, they rolled off
into the deep water, where the salt and troubled flood wrapped them in
a winding-sheet, already spread over the bosoms of thousands.
There is another scene which we had marked for extracting, but which
our limits forbid inserting--a single combat on the stone of
Temalacatl--in which a Spanish prisoner, doomed to the gladiatorial
sacrifice, contends successfully against several antagonists. The
details of this barbarous ceremony, are full of interest. The prisoner
is bound by one foot to the stone of sacrifice, and if in this
condition he kill six Mexicans, he is liberated, and sent home with
honor; if he fail, he is doomed a sacrifice to the pagan deities. The
narrative of this combat, is given with remarkable spirit and
precision, and holds the reader in breathless excitement to the end.
The story closes as happily as could be expected from the nature of
its incidents. The fall of Mexico, and the humiliation of its heroic
emperor, excite a profound sympathy; and the death of Monjonaza, who
dies broken hearted upon discovering that Juan, of whom she is
passionately enamored, is her brother, throws a melancholy shade over
the brightening fortunes of the hero.
Some of the minor characters are drawn with a vigorous hand. The dog
Befo, is a powerful delineation of heroic fidelity, seldom equalled by
his superiors of the human race. Gaspar Olea, the Barba-Roxa, or red
haired, is a fine specimen of the bold, blunt, honest soldier; and
Bernal Diaz, (the historian of the Conquest,) though little
distinguished in the story, adds to its interest. The Lord of Death,
is a fine picture of the lofty race of barbarians, who spurned the
slavery of their foreign foe, and died in resisting it. Najara, the
hunchback and the cynic, is also a well drawn character.
The Infidel will, we doubt not, enjoy a popularity equal to that of
Calavar. It confirms public opinion as to the abilities of the author,
who has suddenly taken a proud station in the van of American writers
of romance. He possesses a fertility of imagination rarely possessed
by his compeers. In many of their works, there is a paucity of events;
and incidents of small intrinsic importance, are wrought up by the
skill of the writer so as to give a factitious interest to a very
threadbare collection of facts. Great ability may be displayed in this
manner; but our author seems to find no such exertion necessary. The
fertility of his imagination displays itself in the constant
recurrence of dramatic situations, striking incidents and stirring
adventures; so much so, that the interest of the reader, in following
his characters through the mazes of perils and enterprizes,
vicissitudes and escapes, which they encounter, is often painfully
excited. If this be a fault, it is one which is creditable to the
powers of the author, and indicates an exuberance of invention, which
will bear him through a long course of literary exertions, and insure
to him great favor with the votaries of romance.
Thera are some minor faults which might be noticed. As an instance,
the author habitually uses the word "_working_" in describing the
convulsions of the countenance, under the influence of strong
passions: as, "his _working_ and agonized visage"--"his face _worked_
convulsively," &c. Although Sir Walter Scott is authority for the use
of the word in this manner, we have always considered it a decided
inelegance. But such blemishes cannot seriously detract from the
enduring excellence of the work.
* * * * *
AN ADDRESS, delivered at his inauguration as President of Washington
College, Lexington, Virginia, Feb. 21, 1835, by Henry Vethake.
We have read this address with unmingled pleasure. It is replete with
strong _common sense_, and that quality is rarely much exercised in
discussions of the subject of education. The opinions of President
Vethake seem to us sound and practical: he has a full sense of the
errors in the systems of instruction, which have prevailed too long in
many of our institutions; and suggests {586} alterations in the modes
of teaching, which seem to us both practicable, and promising great
benefits. We are constrained by the pressure of other matters, to
confine ourselves to a brief notice of this address, and to curtail
our extracts from its pages. The following strictures upon the old
system of imparting information to students, will, we believe, be
recognized as just and sensible, by every one who has reflected on the
subject. Although these remarks are intended by the orator to refer to
college exercises only, they apply with equal force to the faulty
system of teaching pursued by nine-tenths of the conductors of our
primary and elementary schools, at which the pupils are, in most
cases, severely drilled in the study of mere _words_, while no
corresponding knowledge of the _things_ of which they are the symbols,
is imparted by the teacher, who makes no effort to awaken the mental
energies of the pupil; but is fully satisfied if he cultivate the
_memory_, though the _mind_ remain waste and uninformed. But to our
extract:
"The error is an egregious one, which leads a student to suppose that
his proper business is to store his mind as industriously as he can
with the facts previously observed, and the opinions previously held,
by others who lived before him. Its natural effect will be to deaden
all originality of thought, and to degrade the individual, thus led
astray, to a low rank in the scale of intelligence, when compared with
that to which he would have entitled himself, with more correct ideas
of the nature of education. The memory may have been cultivated to a
considerable extent; imagination, and the reasoning power, will have
remained nearly dormant. But this is not all. The individual in
question will not even have acquired the ability to communicate what
he has learned to others. To do so with clearness and order, is by no
means always an easy matter; and it is one to which he has directed no
portion of his attention, his mind having been exclusively occupied in
passively receiving knowledge. And it may be added, that, although it
should be conceded, that by pursuing the method of education against
which my remarks are at present pointed, a greater amount of mere
extraneous information can be acquired, yet this will generally be
found to be true only for a comparatively short period. Those facts
and opinions of which we read, that do not become the subjects of
subsequent comparison and reflection, have, as it were, only a loose
connection with our understandings, and, sooner or later, and
sometimes very speedily, pass into oblivion. Hence it will be found
that, if we have regard rather to the usefulness of manhood than to
the display to be made by the youth of a college at an examination, as
this is ordinarily conducted, the most effectual method even of
storing the mind with what other men have observed and thought, is to
regard the communication of knowledge to the student as altogether
accessary to the great object of disciplining his mind, and of
properly developing his various intellectual faculties. And not only
will that individual, whose faculties have been most advantageously
excited, be ultimately possessed of the greatest amount and range of
information, but he will far surpass his competitors in the race of
life, in the art of communicating, and, at proper times and places,
displaying that information. He will also come to possess a capacity
for attaining a still further measure of knowledge, whenever he may
desire to do so, upon any subject that excites a particular interest
in him, to which the man of mere memory is a total stranger.
"It is sufficiently to be lamented, that the student should
occasionally fall of his own accord into the error I have been
considering: but it is lamentable in a far greater degree, when his
propensity to do so is encouraged by the faulty system of instruction
pursued by his teacher. The young men in our colleges, have been, and
still are, too frequently taught in a manner to operate thus
injuriously. I refer, more particularly, to the practice of hearing
them recite, on almost every subject, the contents, and the precise
contents, of certain text books, with little or no accompanying
comment, excepting what may be absolutely necessary for enabling them
to comprehend the meaning of the work recited. In this manner of
instruction, it is not geometry, or the spirit of geometry, that is
acquired by the student, but what it is that Euclid, or Legendre, has
delivered concerning geometry. It is not the philosophy of the human
mind with which he is made acquainted; it is only the system of some
distinguished author--be it that of Locke, or Reid, or Brown. It is
true that we may easily conceive the reciting of a text book to be
accompanied by an enlightened commentary on the part of the
instructor, calculated to liberate the mind of the student from all
undue subjection to the opinions, and to the peculiar classifications
and modes of expression, of the author. We may, indeed, conceive the
instructor to superadd every possible contrivance which is fitted to
awaken in the mind of his pupils a spirit of independent inquiry.
Still the _tendency_ of the system is to degenerate into the mere
recitation of the contents of the text book."
* * * * *
"Another reason why young men in our colleges are tempted to neglect
the general cultivation of their minds, and to devote their whole
study to the storing of their memories with the contents of the text
books put into their hands, is that their comparative scholarship is
very apt to be estimated by their instructors, not so much by the
nature of the questions which they are able to answer correctly, and
by the amount of thinking and originality displayed, as by the
promptitude and fluency with which they can repeat what they have
servilely learned. I have been told by more individuals than one, and
by graduates of more institutions than one, that on discovering, while
at college, the fact to be as I have just stated, and being anxious
that the best account of them should go to their friends, from their
professors, they at once resolved to subject themselves to the
drudgery of committing the author they were appointed to study
verbatim to memory, and that, by so doing, they did not fail to secure
the object they had in view. The persons of whom I speak, were young
men of talent, as well as ambitious of immediate distinction. Had
their minds at the time been sufficiently matured to have adequately
appreciated the uselessness and the folly of this method of study,
without at the same time being matured enough to adopt, of their own
suggestion, a more efficient and rational method, and had they been
less influenced by present rewards, without as yet aspiring to the
more substantial rewards of a future reputation among men, or without
the loftier stimulant of duty, they might have become, like others
among their fellow students, altogether negligent of their
improvement, and perhaps have contracted the most ruinous habits. It
is to the system of education, upon which I am animadverting, together
with the mistakes made by the members of a college faculty, in
deciding on the comparative scholarship of the students--which
mistakes the latter are competent to judge of, with a good deal of
accuracy--that the anomaly, so often remarked, of a young man's
relative _standing_ while in college, being so often but little
indicative of his future standing in the world, is to be ascribed; and
the explanation is likewise manifest why some individuals of peculiar
energy of character, after wasting their time in almost complete
idleness while at college, astonish their friends nevertheless, by the
intellectual exertions of which they shew themselves to be capable,
when an adequate motive is presented for exerting their energies. This
solves the mystery too, why so many _self-taught_ men, have, in
despite of the disadvantages under which they labored, surpassed the
graduates of colleges in usefulness and reputation; every acquisition
made by a self-taught man, in consequence of the very difficulty of
making it, being accompanied by a contemporary {587} sharpening of his
intellect, which the passive recipient of another's knowledge never
experiences."
Of his suggestions for the remedy of this evil, we have room only for
the following passage:
"The practical question now presents itself--what is the proper remedy
for the evils that have been described? Are we to rest satisfied with
the efficiency of our colleges and universities being rendered wholly
dependent on the accident, as it may be called, of the instructors
proving themselves, upon trial, to be possessed of intellectual powers
of the highest, or at least of a very high order, that is, of powers
which will exert themselves, and produce their proper fruit, under
almost any circumstances whatever, of disadvantage? Or shall we
abandon our institutions of learning, where these disadvantageous
circumstances have hitherto been permitted to exist, and have afforded
an opportunity to unskilful and indolent teachers to nip the evolving
faculties of youth in the bud? We are, fortunately, not limited to a
selection of either of these modes of proceeding. As a remedy for the
evils described, the professors, in every department of instruction
admitting of it, should, in my opinion, be obliged to prepare courses
of _lectures_ to the students. This would necessarily compel them to
digest a system of knowledge for themselves, possessing more or less
of originality in respect to thought or arrangement, of matter or of
manner, according to the ability of the writer or speaker. Even if the
lectures were only compilations from the writings of others, or should
possess far inferior merit to various works on the same subject, that
might be put into the hands of the student, the fitness of the
professor to teach, will be greatly augmented, both because his
information on the branch of instruction confided to him, will, in the
preparation of his lectures, have become much more extensive, and
because what he knows will be much more methodically arranged, than
before. Those works, besides, which are supposed to be of greater
value than the professor's lectures, are still as accessible as ever
to the students; and the improvement of their instructor can surely in
no wise interfere with the benefit to be derived by them from the
perusal of the works of others."
* * * * *
A HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, from the Discovery of the American
Continent to the present time; by George Bancroft. Vol. 1. pp. 508.
Boston: Charles Bowen. London: R. J. Kennett.
The interest we have felt in this work, is the true cause of our
seeming neglect of it. This may appear paradoxical, but is easily
explained.
In taking up the book, we naturally turned to that part of which we
knew most, and in which we took the greatest interest. There was
always something in the early history of Virginia on which we
delighted to dwell, and we promised ourselves great pleasure from the
contemplation of the character of our forefathers, as we expected to
find it portrayed by a diligent historian, who had already acquired
the character of a fine writer.
We did indeed find what was intended to be a favorable account of our
ancestors. Yet we were disappointed. We found much of direct praise.
Yet we were disappointed. We ought perhaps to feel obliged, by Mr. B's
disposition to speak kindly of our forefathers, even while his
applauses grate upon our feelings. But we are unfortunately
constituted. What Mr. Bancroft gives as praise, we cannot accept as
praise; and, what is worse, we cannot help suspecting, in all such
cases, that a sneer, or something more mischievous, is intended.
Sterne, in his Sentimental Journey, tells us, that when on his way
from Calais to Paris, he accidentally disclosed to his Landlord and
Valet de Chambre, the astounding fact, that he had blundered into the
heart of France without a passport, the former fell back from him
three paces. At the same moment, his affectionate and grateful
servant, by a like instinctive impulse, advanced three paces towards
him.
The fall of Charles I, presented to his adherents a case somewhat
analogous. History tells us that they were variously affected by it.
Some fell back in dismay, while others found themselves drawn more
closely toward his exiled son. The former soon found that the
successful party had rewards in store for timely submission and
zealous service. The latter, driven from their last rallying point, by
the fatal battle of Worcester, did but _submit_, and that with
undisguised reluctance, to what was inevitable.
Mr. Bancroft seems to think he does honor to our ancestors, by
assigning them a place among the former. Now we had always supposed
that their true place was among the latter, and we had moreover a sort
of pride in so supposing. There are those who will say that there is
great arrogance in thus claiming for them a place among the generous
and brave and faithful. Others will call it folly to insist, _at this
day_, on their fidelity to a _king_, and especially to one who had
lost all means of rewarding, or even of using their zeal. We beg leave
to set off these imputations against each other. We beg to be allowed
to speak of our fathers as they were; and trust that one half of those
who shall cavil at the character we impute to them, will acquit us of
any very high presumption, when they see that we only claim for them
such qualities, as the other half say we ought to be ashamed of. If
the same individual is sometimes found assailing us, alternately on
both grounds, his consistency in so doing is his affair, not ours.
If we know anything (and we think we do) of the character of the early
settlers of Virginia, they were a chivalrous and generous race, ever
ready to resist the strong, to help the weak, to comfort the
afflicted, and to lift up the fallen. In this spirit they had
withstood the usurpation of Cromwell while resistance was practicable,
and, when driven from their native country, they had bent their steps
toward Virginia, as that part of the foreign dominions of England,
where the spirit of loyalty was strongest. We learn from Holmes, vol.
i. p. 315, that the population of Virginia increased about fifty per
cent. during the troubles. The newcomers were loyalists, who were
added to a population already loyal. Could _they_, without dishonor,
have been hearty in favor of the new order of things? _They_ whose
principles had driven them into exile? _They_ who, had they remained,
would have fought and fallen with Montrose?
The historical compends with which our youth was familiar, had taught
us to form this estimate of the early settlers of Virginia; and we had
the more faith in it, because it accords with the hereditary
prejudices and prepossessions of the present day. It accounts too, for
those peculiarities which, at this moment, form the distinctive
features of the Virginian character. It is unique. Whether for better
or worse, it differs essentially from that of every other people under
the sun. How long it shall be before the "_march of mind_," as it is
called, in its Juggernaut car, shall pass over us, and {588} crush and
obliterate every trace of what our ancestors were, and what we
ourselves have been, is hard to say. It may postpone that evil day, to
resist any attempt to impress us with false notions of our early
history, and the character of our ancestors.
We had never looked narrowly into the contemporary authority for the
traditions and histories that have come down to us. Mr. Bancroft's
account of the matter has led us to do so. Hence our delay to notice
his work. Our research has been rewarded by the pleasure of finding
full confirmation of all our preconceived notions.
The point in contest between Mr. Bancroft and the received histories
is this:
The histories represent Virginia as having been loyal to the last; as
having stood in support of the title of Charles II, after every other
part of the British dominions had submitted to Cromwell, and as having
been the first to renounce the authority of the protector, _and return
to their allegiance_. All this Mr. Bancroft denies; and all this,
except the last proposition, (that in italics) we affirm. In proof, we
appeal to the very authorities on which Mr. Bancroft relies.
Indeed, we are at a loss to know how he himself escaped the conclusion
against which he protests so strongly. It may not be true that Charles
II was proclaimed in Virginia, as Robertson says, before he had been
recognized in England. Mr. Hening (1 Sts. at Large, p. 529, quoted by
Bancroft) may be right, when he says, that, if such were the fact, the
public records should show it. But his book is full of proof that the
records are incomplete. Is there not such proof in this instance? Let
us examine.
The first act of the session of March 1660, assumes the supreme power.
The second appoints Sir William Berkeley governor, and prescribes that
he shall govern according to the "_auncient lawes_ of England, and the
established lawes" of Virginia. The third repeals all laws
inconsistent with "the power now established;" and the fourth makes it
penal to "say or act anything in derogation" of the government thus
established.
Here is evidence enough of a _new order_ of things, and yet it is not
so very clear what that new order was. Hening says (_ubi supra_) that
Berkeley was elected _just as Mathews had been_. Wherein then was the
innovation? The recital in the preamble of the act last quoted, (1
Hen. Sts. p. 531) may give a clue to this.
It is there set forth that "it hath been thought necessary and
convenient by the present Burgesses of this Assembly, the
representatives of the people, _during the time of these
distractions_, to take the government into their own power, with the
conduct of the _auncient lawes_ of England, till such _lawfull_
commission or commissions appear to us, _as wee may_ DUTIFULLY _submit
to, according as by_ DECLARATION SET FORTH BY US _doth_ MORE AMPLY
_appeare_."
Now where is this MORE AMPLE DECLARATION, concerning their idea of
such a commission as they might DUTIFULLY submit to? Is not here an
_hiatus valde deflendus_? Yet such are the tattered manuscripts from
which Mr. Hening's compilation is made, that the loss of the whole or
a part of any document is quite common.
Enough appears, however, to show that this declaration did not amount
to a recognition of Charles as king _de facto_; because the above
mentioned Act I, directs that all writs shall issue in the name of the
assembly. But it is equally clear that he was, _at least tacitly_,
acknowledged as king _de jure_; that the government was established
provisionally, and subject to his pleasure; and that the power assumed
was held FOR HIM.
Now when we consider these things; when we find Robertson, on the
authority of _Beverley_ and _Chalmers_, saying that "as Sir William
Berkeley refused to act under an usurped authority, they (the
assembly) boldly erected the royal standard, and acknowledging Charles
II to be their lawful sovereign, proclaimed him with all his titles;"
we may doubt the accuracy of the statement, _in extenso_, but we
cannot agree that even _that_ statement shall be stigmatized as a
fiction.
Mr. Hening tells us (1 Sts. p. 513) that Beverley was near the scene
of action, and wonders that he should have _misunderstood_ or
_misrepresented_. Wonderful indeed it _would_ have been; for in March
1662, we find him clerk to the House of Burgesses. See 2 Hen. Sts. p.
162. We find too, in the same volume, p. 544, that Berkeley refused to
act without the advice of the council; that on receiving this he
agreed to act, and that "HIS _declaration_ TO BE governor (not the act
electing him) were PROCLAIMED by order of the assembly." Berkeley (be
it remembered) was the last royal governor, and his commission had
never been revoked, his election is not for any specific term, and the
act is accompanied with a condition that he shall call an assembly at
least once in _every two years_. How is this, if he was only elected
to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mathews, who, just one
year before, had been elected _to serve two years_. Is not Berkeley in
of his old commission?
But of the loyalty of Virginia there can be no doubt. That this was in
no wise abated by the fall of Charles I, and the exile of his son, is
equally certain. The act, passed immediately after, making it high
treason to justify the murder of the one, or to deny the title of the
other, puts that out of dispute. They certainly did not stand out,
when the battle of Dunbar and the fall of Montrose had left the loyal
party without hope either in England or Scotland. But look at the very
act of surrender. Study its terms, and see the temper displayed there.
Do they acknowledge the _authority_ of parliament or protector? No:
they do but _submit_ to power. There is no profession of allegiance,
nor was any oath of allegiance ever administered during the
commonwealth. They engage indeed so to administer their power as not
to contravene "the government of the commonwealth of England, and the
lawes there established." But this was a proceeding which a respect
for _private rights_ required. They stipulate moreover, that Virginia
shall enjoy as free a trade as England herself, and put an end to all
the authority of commissions from England. It was by such commissions
that the king had governed. That "government by commissions and
instructions" is declared to be for the future "null and void." The
usurper had clutched the sceptre of the king of _England_. That of the
king of _Virginia_ he was not allowed to touch. Accordingly no more
commissions came from England. We hear no more of them until the
election of Berkeley. We are then told that the government is
provisional, and only to endure until a _lawful commission_ shall
appear. What {589} commission? Whose? The protector's? The
parliament's? No. The act of surrender (1 Hen. St. p. 363) had
abolished them. But it had not abolished the rights of the king; and
the power of the assembly and governor is thus made to wait on them.
Strange as it may seem, the act of surrender contains no word
recognizing the rightful authority of the parliament, nor impeaching
that of the king. On the contrary, as if to exclude any such idea,
this remarkable clause is inserted:
"That there be one sent _home_, at the present governor's choice, to
give an accompt to HIS MA'TIE, of the surrender of HIS _countrey_."
_Home!_ There is a simple pathos in the use of this word here, which
speaks volumes to the heart. None can feel more deeply than we do, how
utterly unworthy of this steady and passionate loyalty, was the wretch
who was its object. But they knew not his faults. They only knew him
in his lineage and his misfortunes; and though he had no place to lay
his head, yet wherever their messenger might find the outcast, there
was the home of their hearts. We mean nothing profane. God forbid! But
we cannot help being reminded of the weak warm-hearted boy, who stood
by his master's cross, and gazed with looks of love upon his dying
face, when the stronger and bolder of his followers had "forsaken him
and fled." We are more proud to be descended from the men who stood
forward in the business of that day, than we should be to trace
ourselves to Adam, through all the most politic and prudent
self-seekers that the world has ever seen.
But to return to Mr. Bancroft. Affairs being thus settled, things went
on quite peaceably; and he hence infers that the Virginians were
entirely reconciled to Cromwell and his parliament. Moreover, he finds
them claiming the supreme power, as residing in the colonial
legislature; and from this he most strangely infers a loyalty to the
parliament, the model of which he represents them as so eager to copy.
Now Mr. Bancroft himself tells us (p. 170) that as early as 1619,
Virginia first set _the world_ the example of equal representation.
From that time they held that the supreme power was in the hands of
the colonial parliament, then established, and the king as king of
Virginia. Now the authority of the king being at an end, and no
successor being acknowledged, it followed as _a corollary from their
principles_ that no power remained but that of the assembly; _and so
they say_. Does this look like a recognition of Cromwell and his
parliament, or the reverse?
But Mr. Bancroft seems to think that Virginia could not have failed to
be weaned from her attachment to the king, and won over to Cromwell
and his parliament, by the magnanimity and justice of their
proceedings. He adverts to the article in the treaty of surrender, by
which Virginia had stipulated for a trade as free as that of England,
and assures us that "its terms _were faithfully observed till the
restoration_." (p. 241.) He adds at p. 246, that "the navigation act
of Cromwell was not designed for the oppression of Virginia, and _was
not enforced within her borders_." Hence he says (p. 241) that the
pictures drawn by Beverley, Chalmers, Robertson, Marshall, and Holmes,
of the discontent produced by commercial oppression, are all "pure
fiction."
Now what says the reader to the following extract from a memorial on
behalf of the trade of Virginia, laid before Cromwell in 1656?
"What encouragement the poor planter has had to sweeten his labor,
since the Dutch were excluded trade, appears by the _general
complaint_ of them all, that they are the merchant's slaves, who will
allow them scarce a half-penny a pound for their tobacco. Beside that,
since the Dutch trade was prohibited, till this year there has been a
great deal of their tobacco left behind for want of fraught, and
spoiled, to the almost undoing of divers of them." ... "This is an
inconveniency which has attended _that act for navigation_," "but
unless it be _a little_ dispensed withal, it will undoubtedly ruin
part of the trade it was intended to advance. 'Tis true the people of
themselves, some of them at least, have this year endeavored their own
relief by _secret trade with the Dutch_," &c. &c.
Is not this decisive? If it does not prove the fact, it at least
proves the complaint. Mr. Bancroft denies both. Perhaps this paper is
a forgery. Perhaps Mr. Bancroft never saw it. YES HE DID. It is the
same paper to which he refers at p. 247, note 2, in the very paragraph
in which he says that Cromwell's navigation act was not designed for,
nor enforced in Virginia. Mr. B. indeed says "the war between England
and Holland necessarily interrupted the intercourse of the Dutch with
the English colonies." But this memorial is of the year 1656, and
peace had been concluded April 15, 1654.
Robertson speaks of the colonial governors during the interregnum, as
having been _named_ (that is his word) by Cromwell. This is roundly
denied. On what authority? None. The election proves nothing
certainly. It might have been a mere form, though it was probably
something more. But what was easier than a recommendation which it
would be perhaps best to conform to? How often was the speaker of the
house of commons so chosen in England?
Mr. Bancroft's view of this matter stands thus: Virginia elected her
own governors. Bennett, Digges, and Mathews, were commonwealth's men.
She freely chose them as governors. Ergo. She had gone over to the
commonwealth.
Now there is no proof of either of these propositions. We doubt both.
For if it were established that these gentlemen were, as we suspect,
forced on the colony, it would not be clear that they were therefore
commonwealth's men. We doubt very much whether any such were to be
found. They might have been the least violent among the royalists, and
therefore preferred.
Of Col. Bennett we know something traditionally. The idea that he was
a parliamentarian is new to us. We should require some better proof
than the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He was
indeed, one of the parliamentary commissioners at the time of the
surrender. So was Claiborne, a warm friend and favorite of Sir William
Berkeley, continued in his office of secretary of state, by the
legislature, at Berkeley's request, after his restoration. 1 Hen. Sts.
p. 547. Bennett himself retained his place at the council board, where
he still found himself, as before the restoration, in the company of
cavaliers, such as Morrison, Yardly, Ludlow, &c. &c.[1]
[Footnote 1: The characters and principles of these gentlemen may
throw some light on the subject. If we can ascertain those of the
members of the council, elected by the assembly, we shall have a clue
to the temper of the assembly itself. We may know the tree by its
fruit. If we find that body electing to a place in the council men of
very decided political character, we shall have a right to believe
that those associated with them by the vote of the same body were, at
least, not zealous members of the opposite party. In this case the
maxim "_noscitur a socio_," will surely apply. Let us see what lights
we can bring to bear on this subject.
In Churchill's voyages (vol. vi. p. 171) is "A Voyage to Virginia, by
Col. Norwood." He was a cavalier, and came over in company with
Francis Morrison, also a cavalier. Norwood was also a kinsman of
Berkeley. Arriving here, they found Sir Henry Chichely, Col. Yardly,
Wormely, and Ludlow, whom they recognized as old friends and
cavaliers.
Now in the council elected along with Bennett, immediately after the
surrender, we find two of these gentlemen, Yardly and Ludlow. The
latter had been a member of Berkeley's council that had concurred
(October 1649) in declaring it to be high treason to defend the
proceedings of parliament against Charles I, or to deny the title of
his son. West, the first named member of Bennett's council, had
occupied the same place in that of Berkeley. Pettus and Bernard were
also members of both. We might conjecture that they had dissented from
the act referred to, if we did not find them associated with Yardly
and Ludlow. We find too that Harwood, who had been speaker of the
assembly of October 1649, was also one of Bennett's council. The whole
number was thirteen, and here are six notorious royalists. Of what
complexion could the other seven have been? Two of them, Taylor and
Freeman, were members of the assembly of 1647, from two most loyal
counties.
In July, 1653, Col. Walter Chiles, who had been a member in October
1649, was speaker.
In November, 1654, Col. Edward Hill, another of them, was speaker. He
was in high favor after the restoration. He was transferred to the
council in 1655.
We find the name of Charles Norwood, as clerk of the assembly, from
that time.