312 “Parvis de rebus,” says he, “sed fortasse necessariis consulimur,
Patres conscripti. De Appiâ viâ et de monetâ Consul—De Lupercis
tribunus plebis refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio
videtur, tamen animus aberrat a sententiâ, suspensus curis
majoribus.”—C. I.
_ 313 Orator_, c. 30.
_ 314 Orator_, c. 30. spe et expectatione laudati.
_ 315 De Officiis_, Lib. II. c. 14.
_ 316 Brutus_, c. 91.
317 Cæcilius was _a Jew_, who had been domiciled in Sicily; whence
Cicero, playing on the name of Verres, asks, “Quid Judæo cum
_Verre_?” (a boar.)
318 He ultimately, however, met with a well-merited and appropriate
fate. Having refused to give up his Corinthian vases to Marc Antony,
he was proscribed for their sake, and put to death by the rapacious
Triumvir.
319 Livy, Lib. XXV. c. 40.
320 Gillies, _History of Greece_, Part II. T. IV. c. 27.
_ 321 Lectures on Rhetoric_, &c. Vol. II. Lect. XXVIII.
322 Lib. II. Ep. 1.
323 Wolf, in the preface to his edition of the Oration for Marcellus,
mentions having seen a scholastic declamation, entitled, _Oratio
Catilinæ, in M. Ciceronem_. It concludes thus,—“Me consularem
patricium, civem et amicum reipublicæ a faucibus inimici consulis
eripite; supplicem atque insontem pristinæ claritudini, omnium
civium gratiæ, et benevolentiæ vestræ restitute. _Amen._”
324 Funccius, _De Viril. Ætat. Ling. Lat._ Pars II. c. 2.
325 Aonius Palearius wrote a declamation in answer to this speech,
entitled, _Contra Murænam_.
_ 326 Origin and Progress of Language_, Book IV.
_ 327 Correspondence_, p. 85.
328 Jenisch, _Parallel der beiden grösten Redner des Althertum_, p. 124,
ed. Berlin, 1821.
329 Plutarch, _In Cicero._
_ 330 Philip._ VI. c. 1.
331 Juvenal, _Satir._ X. v. 118.
332 Quintil. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. V.
_ 333 Orator_, c. 67, 70.
_ 334 Hist. Nat._ Lib. VII. c. 30.
335 Plutarch, _In Cicer._
336 Macrobius, _Saturnal._ Lib. III. c. 14.
_ 337 Noct. Attic._ Lib. I. c. 7.
_ 338 Dio Cassius_, XXXIX. c. 9.
_ 339 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. IV. Ep. 1.
_ 340 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. IV. Ep. 2.
341 See Nichol’s _Literary Anecdotes_. Harles, also, seems to suppose
that Bishop Ross was in earnest:—“Orationem pro Sulla spuriam esse
audacter pronunciavit vir quidam doctus in—A Dissertation, in which
the defence of P. Sulla, &c. is proved to be spurious.”—HARLES,
_Introduct. in Notitiam Literat. Rom._ Tom. II. p. 153.
_ 342 Bib. Lat._ Lib. I. c. 8.
343 Lib. IV. Ep. 2.
344 “Cum Appendice De Oratione, quæ vulgo fertur, M. T. Ciceronis pro Q.
Ligario,” in which the author attempts to abjudicate from Cicero the
beautiful oration for Ligarius, which shook even the soul of Cæsar,
while he has translated into his own language the two wretched
orations, _Post Reditum_, and _Ad Quirites_, insisting on the
legitimacy of both, and enlarging on their truly classical beauties!
In his Preface, he has pleasantly enough parodied the arguments of
Wolf against the oration for Marcellus, ironically showing that they
came not from that great scholar, but from a _pseudo_ Wolf, who had
assumed his name.
_ 345 Paral. der Beyden Grösten Redner des Altherthums_.
_ 346 Brutus_, c. 12, &c.
_ 347 Epist. Famil._ Lib. I. Ep. 9.
_ 348 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 5, &c.
_ 349 Epist. Famil._ Lib. VI. Ep. 18.
_ 350 Ibid._ Lib. VII. Ep. 19.
_ 351 Inst. Orat._ Lib. XII. c. 10.
_ 352 Brutus_, c. 91. Is dedit operam (si modo id consequi potuit) ut
nimis redundantes nos juvenili quâdam dicendi impunitate et licentiâ
reprimeret; et quasi extra ripas diffluentes coerceret.
_ 353 Observat. Critic. in Sophoc. et Ciceron._ Lips. 1802.
354 Fuhrmann, _Handbuch der Classisch. Literat._
_ 355 De Nat. et Const. Rhetor._ c. 13.
_ 356 Dissert. Utrum ars Rhetorica ad Herennium Ciceroni falsò
inscribitur_.
_ 357 De Re Poet._ Lib. III. c. 31. and 34.
358 See P. Burmanni Secund. _In __Præf.__ ad Rhetoric. ad Herennium._
Also Fabricius, _Bib. Lat._ Lib. I. c. 8.
_ 359 Paradise Regained_.
_ 360 De Orat._ Lib. I. c. 10. Ab illo fonte et capite Socrate.
_ 361 Academ._ Lib. II. c. 5.
_ 362 De Natur. Deor._ Lib. I. c. 43.
363 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXV. c. 11.
_ 364 Mem. de l’Instit. Royale_, Tom. XXX.
365 Cicero styles him Princeps Stoicorum, (_De Divin._ Lib. II. c. 47,)
and eruditissimum hominem, et pæne divinum (_Pro Muræna_, c. 31.)
366 Censuerunt ut M. Pomponius Prætor animadverteret uti e republicâ
fideque suâ videretur Romæ ne essent. (Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._
Lib. XV. c. 11.)
367 Ælian, _Histor. Var._ Lib. III. c. 17.
368 Plutarch, _In Catone_.
369 Au. Gellius, _Noct. Attic._ Lib. VII. c. 14.
_ 370 De Oratore_, Lib. III. c. 18.
_ 371 Ibid._ Lib. II. c. 38.
372 Hæc in philosophiâ ratio contra omnia disserendi, nullamque rem
aperte judicandi, profecta a Socrate, repetita ab Arcesilao,
confirmata a Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit ætatem. _De Nat.
Deor._ Lib. I. c. 5.
_ 373 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 48.
374 Valer. Max. Lib. VIII. c. 7.
_ 375 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 31.
376 Quintil. _Inst. Orat._ Lib. XII. c. 1. Lactant. _Instit._ Lib. V. c.
14.
377 Plutarch, _In Catone_. Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. VII. c. 30.
_ 378 Divin. Institut._ Lib. V. c. 16.
379 Plutarch, _De Fortitud. Alexandri_.
380 Diog. Laert. _In Clitomacho_.
381 Cicero, _Academic. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 32.
_ 382 Academic. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 32.
383 Mater, _Ecole d’Alexandrie_, Tom. II. p. 131.
384 Dans la Grèce, aprés ces épreuves, commençoit enfin la vie champêtre
dans les jardins du Lycée ou de l’Academie, où l’on entreprenoit un
cours de philosophie, que les véritables amateurs avoient l’art
singulier de ne jamais finir. Ils restoient toute leur vie attachés
à quelque chef de secte comme Metrodore à Epicure, moudroient dans
les écoles, et étoient ensuite enterrés à l’ombre de ces mêmes
arbustes, sous lesquels ils avoient tant médité. (De Pauw,
_Recherches Philosophiques sur les Grecs_, T. II.)
385 Cicero, _Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 4.
_ 386 Epist. Familiares_.
387 Garve, _Anmerk. zu Büchern von den Pflichten_. Breslau, 1819.
Schoell, _Hist. Abregée de la Litterat. Romaine_.
388 P. XII.
_ 389 Ciceron. Opera_, Tom. XIII. p. 15.
_ 390 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 52.
_ 391 Epist._ Lib. XIII. Ep. 21.
_ 392 Dialog. Hipparchus_.
393 Black’s _Life of Tasso_, Vol. II.
394 Hulsemann, _Uber die Principien und den Geist der Gesetze_. Leipsic,
1802.
395 Quæque de optimâ republicâ sentiremus, in sex libris ante diximus;
accommodabimus hoc tempore leges ad illum, quem probamus civitatûs
statum. _De Legib._ Lib. III. c. 2.
_ 396 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. Ep. 14. Lib. III. Ep. 5 and 6.
_ 397 De Legib._ Lib. II. c. 17.
_ 398 Ibid._ Lib. I. c. 20.
399 Hominis Amicissimi, Cn. Pompeii, laudes illustrabit. Lib. I. c. 3.
_ 400 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 1.
_ 401 Ibid._ Lib. I. c. 5.
_ 402 Excursion from Rome to Arpino_, p. 89. Ed. Geneva, 1820.
403 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 2.
404 “Cæruleus nos Liris amat.”—_Martial_, Lib. XIII. Ep. 83. See also
Lucan, Lib. II.
_ 405 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 2.
406 Kelsall, _Excursion_, p. 116.
_ 407 De Legibus_, Lib. II. c. 1.
_ 408 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 12.
_ 409 Classic Tour through Italy_, by Sir R. C. Hoare, Vol. I. p. 293.
_ 410 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 9.
_ 411 Classical Excursion from Rome to Arpino_, p. 99. Cicero always
considered the citizens of Arpinum as under his particular
protection and patronage; and it is pleasant to find, that its
modern inhabitants still testify, in various ways, due veneration
for their illustrious townsman. Their theatre is called the _Teatro
Tulliano_, of which the drop-scene is painted with a bust of the
orator; and even now, workmen are employed in building a new
town-hall, with niches, destined to receive statues of Marius and
Cicero.
412 Macrob. _Saturnal._ Lib. VI. c. 4.
_ 413 Saturnal._ Lib. VI. c. 4.
_ 414 Diogenes Laertius_, Lib. VII.
_ 415 Diog. Laert._ Lib. VII.
416 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 3.
_ 417 Academ. Prior._ Lib. II. c. 33.
_ 418 Epist. Famil._ Lib. IX. Ep. 8.
419 Et ut nos nunc sedemus ad Lucrinum, pisciculosque exsultantes
videmus. _De propriet. Serm._ c. 1. 335. voc. _exsultare_.
_ 420 Epist. Dedicat. ad Prælect. in Cic. Acad._
_ 421 Introduct. in Academic._ Ed. Lips. 1810.
422 Nec esse, nec dici posse novum opus, ac penitus mutatum; sed
tantummodo correctum, magis politum, et quoad formam et dictionem,
hîc et illic, splendidius mutatum. _De Lib. Cic. Academ. Comment._
_ 423 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 8.
_ 424 Rome in the Nineteenth Century_, Vol. III. Let. 93.
_ 425 De Finibus_, Lib. III. and IV. Kelsall, _Excursion from Rome to
Arpino_, p. 193.
_ 426 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. I. Ep. 1.
427 Middleton’s _Life of Cicero_, Vol. I. p. 142.
428 Blainville’s _Travels_, Vol. II.
429 Eustace, _Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 8. Grotta Ferrata was long
considered both by travellers (Addison, _Letters on Italy_,
Blainville, _Travels_, &c.) and antiquarians (Calmet, _Hist.
Univers._ Cluverius, _Italic. Antiq._) as the site of Cicero’s
Tusculan villa. The opinion thus generally received, was first
deliberately called in question by Zuzzeri, in a dissertation
published in 1746, entitled _Sopra un’ antica Villa scoperta sopra
Frescati nell appartenenze della nuova villa dell collegio Romano_.
This writer places the site close to the villa and convent of
Ruffinella, which is higher up the hill than Grotta Ferrata, lying
between Frescati and the town of Tusculum. He was answered by
Cardoni, a monk of the Basilian order of Grotta Ferrata, in his
_Disceptatio Apologetica de Tusculano Ciceronis_, Romæ, 1757.
Cardoni chiefly rests his argument on a passage of Strabo, where
that geographer says, that the _Tusculan hill_ is fertile, well
watered, and surrounded with beautiful villas. Now Cardoni,
referring this passage (which applies to the Tusculan hill in
general) solely to the Tusculan villa, argues somewhat unfairly,
that Strabo’s description answers to Grotta Ferrata, but not to
Ruffinella. (p. 8, &c.) Nibby in his _Viaggio Antiquario_, supports
the claims of Ruffinella, on the authority of a passage in
Frontinus, which he interprets with no greater candour or success.
(T. II. p. 41.) With exception of Eustace, however, all modern
travellers, whose works I have consulted, declare in favour of
Ruffinella. “At the convent of Ruffinella, says Forsyth, farther up
the hill than Grotta Ferrata, his (Cicero’s) name was found stamped
on some ancient tiles, which should ascertain the situation of a
villa in preference to any moveable.”—_Remarks on Italy_, p. 281.
See also _Rome in the Nineteenth Century_, Vol. III. Letter 92, and
Kelsall’s _Classical Excursion_, p. 192.
430 Alex. ab Alexandro, _Dies Geniales_, Lib. I. c. 23. Rossmini, _Vita
di Filelfo_, T. III. p. 59. Ed. Milan, 1808, 3 Tom. 8vo.
_ 431 Tusc. Disp._ Lib. II. c. 3. Lib. III. c. 3.
432 Juvenal, I think, had probably this passage of the Tusculan
Disputations in view, in the noble and pathetic lines of his tenth
Satire—
“Provida Pompeio dederat Campania febres,” &c.
433 Some of the advantages and disadvantages of the method of writing in
dialogue, are stated by Mr. Hume, in the introduction to his
_Dialogues concerning Natural Religion_, (London, 1779, 8vo,) a work
apparently modelled on Cicero’s Nature of the Gods.
434 In the English extracts from Cicero _De Nat. Deor._ I have availed
myself of a very good but anonymous translation, printed Lond. 1741,
8vo.
435 In the Herculanensia, (p. 22,) Sir William Drummond contends, at
considerable length, that a work _On Piety according to Epicurus_,
(Περι Ευσεβεῖας κατ’ Επικουρον,) of which a fragment has been
discovered at Herculaneum, was the prototype of a considerable part
of the discourse of Velleius. The reader will find a version of the
passages in which a resemblance appears, in the Quarterly Review,
(No. V.) where it is also remarked, “that Sir William seems to us to
have failed altogether in rendering it probable that Cicero had ever
seen this important fragment, the passages in which there is any
resemblance, relating, without exception, to what each author is
reporting of the doctrines of certain older philosophers, as
expressed in their works; and the reports are not by any means so
precisely similar as to induce us to suppose that Cicero had even
taken the very justifiable liberty of saving himself some little
trouble, by making use of another author’s abstract, from
Chrysippus, and from Diogenes the Babylonian.” Schütz, the German
editor of Cicero, enumerates some works, which he thinks Cicero had
read, and others, which he seems to have known merely from summaries
and abridgments. The following is his conjecture with regard to the
writings of Epicurus:—“Epicuri denique κυριας δοξας, ejus κανονα seu
libros, de Judicio, item περι φυσεως et περι ὁσιοτητος, non ex
aliorum tantum testimoniis, sed ex suâ ipsius lectione ei notos
fuisse, facile, tot locis ubi de eo agitur inter se collatis,
intelligitur.” (Cicer. _Opera_, Tom. XV. p. 27.) Perhaps the
treatise, περι Ὁσιοτητος, was a similar work to that, Περι
Ευσεβεῖας.
436 In his Dialogues on Natural Religion, Mr. Hume puts two very good
remarks into the mouth of one of his characters. Speaking of
Cicero’s argument for a Deity, deduced from the grandeur and
magnificence of nature, he observes, “If this argument, I say, had
any force in former ages, how much greater must it have at present,
when the bounds of nature are so infinitely enlarged, and such a
magnificent scene is opened to us!” P. 103.—Again, in mentioning
that the infidelity of Galen was cured by the study of anatomy,
(which was much more extended by him than it had been in the days of
Cicero,) he says, “And if the infidelity of Galen, even when these
natural sciences were still imperfect, could not withstand such
striking appearances, to what pitch of pertinacious obstinacy must a
philosopher in this age have attained, who can now doubt of a
Supreme Intelligence!” P. 23.—See also Lactantius, _De Opificio
Dei_.
437 There was published, _Bononiæ_, 1811, _M. T. Ciceronis de Naturâ
Deorum Liber Quartus: e pervetusto Codice MS. Membranaceo nunc
primum edidit P. Seraphinus Ord. Fr. Min._—This tract was
republished, (Oxonii, 1813,) by Mr. Lunn, who says in a prefatory
note, that “he entertains no doubt, from the opinion of several of
his friends, of this production being a literary forgery.” Of this,
indeed, there can be no doubt, as appears among various other
proofs, from the minute account of the Jews.—“Sed etiam plures
adhibere deos vel divos, a quibus ipsi regantur, quos nomine Elohim
designare soleant, secundi ordinis,” &c. (p. 12.)—There is some
humour in the manner in which the Italian editor, in a preface
written in the rude style of a simple friar, obtests that the work
is not a forgery.—“Sed ne quis existimet, me ipsum fecisse hunc
librum, testor, detestor, obtestor, et contestor, per S. Franciscum
Assissium, me talem facere non posse, qui sacris incumbere cogor,
nec profanis possum,” &c.
438 C. 29.
439 C. 7.
440 Multis etiam sensi mirabile videri, eam nobis potissimum probatam
esse philosophiam, quæ lucem eriperet, et quasi noctem quandam rebus
offunderet, desertæque disciplinæ et jampridem relictæ patrocinium
nec opinatum a nobis esse susceptum.—(_De Nat. Deor._ Lib. I. c. 3.)
441 Warburton, _Divine Legation_, Vol. II. p. 168. Ed. 1755. Warburton
here alludes to Bentley—_Remarks on a late Discourse of
Free-thinking_, Part II. Rem. 53.
_ 442 Bolingbroke’s Works_, Vol. VIII. p. 81. ed. 8vo.
443 Ibid. p. 266, 278.
444 Fuerint qui judicarent oportere statui per Senatum ut aboleantur hæc
scripta, quibus religio Christiana comprobetur, et vetustatis
opprimatur auctoritas.—Arnobius, _Adversus Gentes_, Lib. III.
445 In the preface to the second book of this treatise, _De
Divinatione_, Cicero, enumerating his late philosophical
compositions, says, “Quibus libris editis, tres libri perfecti sunt
_De Naturâ Deorum_ * * quæ ut plene essent cumulateque perfecta, _De
Divinatione_ ingressi sumus his libris scribere.”—(_De Div._ Lib.
II. c. 1.)
446 Hoc sum contentus; quod, etiamsi, quomodo quidque fiat, ignorem,
quid fiat, intelligo.
447 C. 38.
448 C. 3.
449 Cowley.
450 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. XXXI. c. 2.
451 At least so says Middleton, (Vol. III. p. 297,) and he quotes as his
authority Spartian’s Life of Hadrian, (c. 25.) Spartian, however,
only tells, that he was _buried_ at Cicero’s villa of Puteoli—“Apud
ipsas Bajas periit, invisusque omnibus sepultus est in villâ
Ciceronianâ Puteolis.”
_ 452 Classical Tour_, Vol. II. c. 11.
_ 453 Philosophische Anmerkungen zu Cicero’s Büchern von den Pflichten_,
Breslau, 1819.
454 Lib. I. c. 39.
455 Rogers, _Human Life_.
456 “Fuit enim hoc in amicitiâ quasi quoddam jus inter illos, ut
militiæ, propter eximiam belli gloriam, Africanum ut deum coleret
Lælius; domi vicissim Lælium, quòd ætate antecedebat, observaret in
parentis loco Scipio.”
_ 457 Epist. Famil._ Lib. VII. ep. 18. In palimpsesto, laudo equidem
parsimoniam, sed miror, quid in illâ chartulâ fuerit, quod delere
malueris quam hæc non scribere; nisi forte tuas formulas: non enim
puto te meas epistolas delere, ut reponas tuas.
_ 458 Mem. de l’Academ. des Inscriptions, &c._ Tom. VI.
459 Mai published the _De Republicâ_ at Rome, with a preface, giving a
history of his discovery, notes, and an index of emendations. It was
reprinted from this edition at London, without change, 1823; also at
Paris, 1823, with the notes of Mai, and excerpts from his preface;
and _cura_ Steinacker at Leipsic, 1823. To this German edition there
is a prefatory epistle by Hermann, which I was disappointed to find
contained only some observations on a single passage of the _De
Republicâ_, with regard to the division of the citizens into classes
by Servius Tullius. In the same year an excellent French translation
was published by M. Villemain, accompanied with an introductory
review of the work he translates; as also notes and dissertations on
those topics of Education, Manners, and Religion, which he supposes
to have formed the subjects of the last three books which have not
yet been recovered.
_ 460 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. ep. 14.
_ 461 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. III. ep. 5 and 6.
462 Cælius ad Ciceronem, _Epist. Famil._ Lib. VIII. Ep. 1. Tui libri
politici omnibus vigent.
_ 463 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. VI.
_ 464 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. III. ep. 6.
465 The above quotation is from the XL. Number of the _North American
Review_, July 1823. It is highly creditable to the scholarship of
our Transatlantic brethren, that the work _De Republicâ_, should on
its first publication, have been the subject of an article in one of
their principal literary journals, while, as far as I know, the
reviews of this ancient land of colleges and universities, have
passed over, in absolute silence, the most important classical
discovery since the age of the Medici.
466 I do not know that this distinguishing feature of the character of
Cicero has been anywhere so well described as in the following
passage of M. Villemain, in which he has introduced in this respect
a beautiful comparison between Cicero and the most illustrious
writer of his own nation. Talking of the digression concerning the
Parhelion and Orrery, he admits it was little to the purpose, but he
adds, “Peut on se défendre d’un mouvement de respect, quand on songe
à ce beau caractère de curiosité philosophique, à ce goût universel
de la science dont fut animé Cicéron, et qui au milieu d’une vie
agitée par tant de travaux, et dans un état de civilisation encore
dénué de secours, lui fit rechercher avec un insatiable ardeur tous
les moyens de connoissances nouvelles et de lumières?
“Cet homme qui avait si laborieusement médité l’art de l’éloquence,
et le pratiquait chaque jour dans le Forum, dans le sénat, dans les
tribunaux; ce grand orateur, qui même pendant son consulat plaidait
encore des causes privées, au milieu d’une vie toute de gloire,
d’agitations, et de périls, dans ce mouvement d’inquiétudes et
d’affaires attesté par cette foule de lettres si admirables et si
rapidement écrites, étudiait encore tout ce que dans son siécle il
était possible de savoir. Il avait cultivé la poésie: il avait
approfondi et transporté chez les Romains toutes les philosophies de
la Grèce; il cherchait à récueillir les notions encore imparfaites
des sciences physiques. Nous voyons même par une de ses lettres
qu’il s’occupa de faire un traité technique de géographie, à peu
près comme VOLTAIRE compilait laborieusement un abrégé chronologique
de l’histoire d’Allemagne. Ces deux génies ont eu en effet ce
caractère distinctif de méler aux plus brillans trésors de
l’imagination et de goût, l’ardeur de toutes les connoissances, et
cette activité intellectuelle qui ne s’arrête, ni ne se lasse
jamais.
“Sans doute il y avait entre eux de grands dissemblances, surtout
dans cette vocation prédominante qui entrainait l’un vers
l’éloquence et l’autre vers la poésie; sans doute aussi la diversité
des temps et des situations mettait plus de difference encore entre
l’auteur Français de dix huitième siécle, et le Consul de la
republique Romaine: mais cette ardeur de tout savoir, ce mouvement
de la pensée qui s’appliquait également à tout, forme un trait
éminent qui les rapproche; et peutêtre le sentiment confus de cette
vérité agissait il sur Voltaire dans l’admiration si vivement
sentie, si sérieuse, que cet esprit contempteur de tant de renommées
antiques exprima toujours pour le génie de Cicéron.”—P. LXII.
467 This first book occupied in the palimpsest 211 pages. Of these, 72
are wanting; but two short fragments belonging to this book are to
be found in Lactantius and Nonius, so that about a third of the book
is still lost.
468 Mai cannot exactly state how much of the second book is wanting in
the palimpsest, but he thinks probably a third part; enough remains
of it to console the reader for the loss.
_ 469 Somnium Scipionis_.
_ 470 Epist. ad Attic._ Lib. XII. Ep. 14.
471 Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ Lib. III. c. 18. Luendorum scelerum causâ
nasci homines.
472 Plin. _Hist. Nat._ Lib. I. _Pref._
_ 473 De Divin._ Lib. II. c. 9.
_ 474 Tusc. Disput._ Lib. III. c. 28.
475 Scharfii, _Dissert. de vero auctore Consolationis. Miscell. Lips.
Observ._ 130.
476 Rogers’ _Lines, written at Pæstum_.
477 Petrarch, _Epist. Rer. Senil._ Lib. XV. Ep. 1.
478 Varillas, _Vie de Louis XI. Menagiana_, Tom. II.
_ 479 In Comment. Epist. Ad Attic._ XV. 27.
_ 480 Eulogia_.
481 Mencken, _Præf. P. Alcyonî de Exilio_, Lips. 1707.
482 Tiraboschi, _Stor. dell. Letter. Ital._ Part. III. Lib. III. c. 4. §
14.—Ginguené thinks that Tiraboschi has completely succeeded in
justifying Alcyonius. _Hist. Litter. d’Ital._ T. VII. p. 254.
_ 483 Confess._ III. 4, and _De Vit. Beata_. proœm.
484 Tunstall, _Observations on the Epistles between Cicero and Brutus_,
p. 20. Ed. London, 1744.
_ 485 Vit. Attici_, c. 16.
_ 486 Epist._ Lib. VII. Ep. 1.
487 Ibid. Ep. 26.
488 A few unimportant letters which had passed between these two great
men, during Cicero’s proconsulship in Cilicia, were included among
the _Epistolæ Familiares_, and are of undisputed authenticity. It
does not seem clear, whether they ever formed part of the great
collection of eight books, which contained the subsequent
correspondence between Cicero and Brutus.
489 Middleton’s _Pref. to the Epistles of Cicero and Brutus_, p. 4.
London, 1743.
490 Tunstall, _Observations_, &c. p. 27.
491 Pliny, _Hist. Nat._
_ 492 Epist. ad Quint. Frat._ Lib. II. Ep. 15.
_ 493 Epist. __Ad__ Attic._ Lib. XIII. _passim_, ed. Schütz.
494 Ibid. _Epist._ 25.
_ 495 De Pueritia Ling. Lat._ c. 1. § 10. Adamum scribendi atque
_signandi_ modum præmonstrasse primitus ratio ipsa persuadet.
496 Lennep, _De Tirone_, p. 77. Ed. Amsteld. 1804.
497 Kopp, _Palæographia Critica_. Ed. Manheim, 1817. 2 Tom. 4to.
498 Isidorus, _Originum_, Lib. I. c. 21.
499 Manilius, _Astronom._ Lib. IV. v. 197.
500 Lib. XIV. Epig. 202.
501 Epigr. 138.
502 Kopp, _Palæographia Critica_.
503 Quintil. _Inst. Orator._ Lib. I. c. 3.
504 Ibid.
505 Funccius, _De Virili Ætat. Ling. Lat._ Pars II. c. 8. § 9.