IV

It has been my rule, aim and effort in my newspaper career to print nothing

of a man which I would not say to his face; to print nothing of a man in

malice; to look well and think twice before consigning a suspect to the

ruin of printer's ink; to respect the old and defend the weak; and, lastly,

at work and at play, daytime and nighttime, to be good to the girls and

square with the boys, for hath it not been written of such is the kingdom

of Heaven?

There will always be in a democracy two or more sets of rival leaders to

two or more differing groups of followers. Hitherto history has classified

these as conservatives and radicals. But as society has become more and

more complex the groups have had their subdivisions. As a consequence

speculative doctrinaries and adventurous politicians are enabled to get in

their work of confusing the issues and exploiting themselves.

"'What are these fireworks for?' asks the rustic in the parable. 'To blind

the eyes of the people,' answers the cynic."

I would not say aught in a spirit of hostility to the President of the

United States. Woodrow Wilson is a clever speaker and writer. Yet the usual

trend and phrase of his observations seem to be those of a special pleader,

rather than those of a statesman. Every man, each of the nations, is for

peace as an abstract proposition. That much goes without saying. But Mr.

Wilson proposes to bind the hands of a giant and take lottery chances on

the future. This, I think, the country will contest.

He is obsessed by the idea of a League of Nations. If not his own discovery

he has yet made himself its leader. He talks flippantly about "American

ideals" that have won the war against Germany, as if there were no English

ideals and French ideals.

"In all that he does we can descry the school-master who arrived at the

front rather late in life. One needs only to go over the record and

mark how often he has reversed himself to detect a certain mental and

temperamental instability clearly indicating a lack of fixed or resolute

intellectual purpose. This is characteristic of an excess in education; of

the half baked mind overtrained. The overeducated mind fancies himself a

doctrinaire when he is in point of fact only a disciple."

Woodrow Wilson was born to the rather sophisticated culture of the too, too

solid South. Had he grown up in England a hundred years ago he would have

been a follower of the Della Cruscans. He has what is called a facile pen,

though it sometimes runs away with him. It seems to have done so in the

matter of the League of Nations. Inevitably such a scheme would catch the

fancy of one ever on the alert for the fanciful.

I cannot too often repeat that the world we inhabit is a world of sin,

disease and death. Men will fight whenever they want to fight, and no

artificial scheme or process is likely to restrain them. It is mainly the

costliness of war that makes most against it. But, as we have seen the last

four years, it will not quell the passions of men or dull national and

racial ambitions.

All that Mr. Wilson and his proposed League of Nations can do will be to

revamp, and maybe for a while to reimpress the minds of the rank and file,

until the bellowing followers of Bellona are ready to spring.

Eternal peace, universal peace, was not the purpose of the Deity in the

creation of the universe.

Nevertheless, it would seem to be the duty of men in great place, as of

us all, to proclaim the gospel of good will and cultivate the arts of

fraternity. I have no quarrel with the President on this score. What I

contest is the self-exploitation to which he is prone, so lacking in

dignity and open to animadversion.

V

Thus it was that instant upon the appearance of the proposed League of

Nations I made bold to challenge it, as but a pretty conceit having no real

value, a serious assault upon our national sovereignty.

Its argument seemed to me full of copybook maxims, easier recited than

applied. As what I wrote preceded the debates and events of the last six

months, I may not improperly make the following quotation from a screed of

mine appearing in The Courier-Journal of the 5th of March, 1919:

"The League of Nations is a fad. Politics, like society and letters, has

its fads. In society they call them fashion and in literature originality.

Politics gives the name of 'issues' to its fads. A taking issue is as a

stunning gown, or 'a best seller.' The President's mind wears a coat of

many colors, and he can change it at will, his mood being the objective

point, not always too far ahead, or clear of vision. Carl Schurz was wont

to speak of Gratz Brown as 'a man of thoughts rather than of ideas.' I

wonder if that can be justly said of the President? 'Gentlemen will please

not shoot at the pianiste,' adjured the superscription over the music stand

in the Dakota dive; 'she is doing the best that she knows how.'

"Already it is being proclaimed that Woodrow Wilson can have a third

nomination for the presidency if he wants it, and nobody seems shocked by

it, which proves that the people grow degenerate and foreshadows that one

of these nights some fool with a spyglass will break into Mars and let

loose the myriads of warlike gyascutes who inhabit that freak luminary,

thence to slide down the willing moonbeam and swallow us every one!

"In a sense the Monroe Doctrine was a fad. Oblivious to Canada, and British

Columbia and the Spanish provinces, it warned the despots of Europe off the

grass in America. We actually went to war with Mexico, having enjoyed two

wars with England, and again and again we threatened to annex the Dominion.

Everything betwixt hell and Halifax was Yankee preëmpted.

"Truth to say, your Uncle Samuel was ever a jingo. But your Cousin Woodrow,

enlarging on the original plan, would stretch our spiritual boundaries to

the ends of the earth and make of us the moral custodian of the universe.

This much, no less, he got of the school of sweetness and light in which he

grew up.

"I am a jingo myself. But a wicked material jingo, who wants facts, not

theories. If I thought it possible and that it would pay, I would annex the

North Pole and colonize the Equator. It is, after the manner of the lady in

the play, that the President 'doth protest too much,' which displeases me

and where, in point of fact, I 'get off the reservation.'

"That, being a politician and maybe a candidate, he is keenly alive to

votes goes without saying. On the surface this League of Nations having the

word 'peace' in big letters emblazoned both upon its forehead and the

seat of its trousers--or, should I say, woven into the hem of its

petticoat?--seems an appeal for votes. I do not believe it will bear

discussion. In a way, it tickles the ear without convincing the sense.

There is nothing sentimental about the actualities of Government, much

as public men seek to profit by arousing the passions of the people.

Government is a hard and fast and dry reality. At best statesmanship can

only half do the things it would. Its aims are most assured when tending a

little landward; its footing safest on its native heath. We have plenty

to do on our own continent without seeking to right things on

other continents. Too many of us--the President among the rest, I

fear--miscalculate the distance between contingency and desire.

"'We figure to ourselves

The thing we like: and then we build it up:

As chance will have it on the rock or sand--

When thought grows tired of wandering o'er the world,

And homebound Fancy runs her bark ashore.'"

I am sorry to see the New York World fly off at a tangent about this latest

of the Wilsonian hobbies. Frank Irving Cobb, the editor of the World, is,

as I have often said, the strongest writer on the New York press since

Horace Greeley. But he can hardly be called a sentimentalist, as Greeley

was, and there is nothing but sentiment--gush and gammon--in the proposed

League of Nations.

It may be all right for England. There are certainly no flies on it for

France. But we don't need it. Its effects can only be to tie our hands, not

keep the dogs away, and even at the worst, in stress of weather, we are

strong enough to keep the dogs away ourselves.

We should say to Europe: "Shinny on your own side of the water and we will

shinny on our side." It may be that Napoleon's opinion will come true that

ultimately Europe will be "all Cossack or all republican." Part of it has

come true already. Meanwhile it looks as though the United States, having

exhausted the reasonable possibilities of democracy, is beginning to turn

crank. Look at woman suffrage by Federal edict; look at prohibition by

act of Congress and constitutional amendment; tobacco next to walk on the

plank; and then!--Lord, how glad I feel that I am nearly a hundred years

old and shall not live to see it!

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