HIS VISIT TO ATHENS.

Paul, thus obeying the command given by Jesus in his first charge to

the original twelve, went on under the guidance of his Beroean brethren,

according to his own request, by sea, to Athens, where he parted from

them, giving them charge to tell Silas and Timothy to come on after

him, as soon as their commission in Macedonia would allow. He then

went about Athens, occupying the interval while he waited for them,

in observations upon that most glorious of all earthly seats of art

and taste. As he wandered on, an unheeded stranger, among the still

splendid and beautiful, though then half-decaying works, which the

combined devotion, pride and patriotism of the ancient Athenians

had raised to their gods, their country, and its heroes,――in the

beautifully picturesque yet simple expression of the apostolic

historian, “Paul saw the city wholly given to idolatry.” How many

splendid associations does it call up before the mental eye of the

classical scholar who reads it? As the apostle wandered along among

these thousand works of art, still so hallowed in the fond regard

of the scholar, the antiquarian, the man of taste, the poet, and the

patriot, his spirit was moved within him, when he every where saw how

the whole city was given to idolatry. Not a spot but had its altar;

every grove was consecrated to its peculiar nymphs, its Dryads and

its Fauns; every stream and fountain had the votive marble for its

own bright Naiad;――along the plain rose the splendid colonnades of the

yet mighty temples of Jupiter, and all the Olympian gods; and above

all, on the high Acropolis, the noble PARTHENON rose over the glorious

city, proclaiming to the eye of the distant traveler, the honors of

the virgin goddess of wisdom, of taste and philosophic virtue, whose

name crowned the city, of which she, was throughout all the reign of

Polytheism, the guardian deity.

These splendid but mournful testimonies of the misplaced energies of

that inborn spirit of devotion, which, all over the world in all times,

moves the heart of man to the worship of that Eternal power of whose

existence he is ever conscious, touched the spirit of Paul with other

emotions than those of delight and admiration. The eye of the citizen

of classical and splendid Tarsus, was not indeed blind to the beauties

of these works of art, whose fame was spread throughout the civilized

world, and with whose historic and poetic glories his eye and ear

had long been made familiar; but over them all was cast a moral and

spiritual gloom which darkened all these high and rich remembrances,

otherwise so bright. Under the impulse of such feelings, he immediately

sought occasion to make an attack on this dominant spirit of idolatry.

He accordingly, in his usual theater of exertion,――the Jewish

synagogue,――freely made known the new revelation of the truth in Jesus,

both to the Jews, and to those Gentiles who reverenced the God of

Israel, and listened to religious instruction in the Jewish house of

worship. With such effect did he proclaim the truth, and with such

fervid, striking oratory, that the Athenians, always admirers and

cultivators of eloquence, soon had their attention very generally drawn

to the foreign teacher, who was publishing these very extraordinary

doctrines, in a style of eloquence so peculiar and irregular. The

consequence was, that his audiences were soon extended beyond the

regular attendants on the Jewish synagogue worship, and many of the

philosophic sages of the Athenian schools sat listening to the apostle

of Jesus. They soon undertook to encounter him in argument; and Paul

now resorting to that most classic ground, the Athenian forum, or

_Agora_, was not slow to meet them. On the spot where Socrates once

led the minds of his admiring hearers to the noble conceptions of moral

truth, Paul now stood uttering to unaccustomed ears, the far more noble

conceptions of a divine truth, that as far outwent the moral philosophy

of “Athena’s wisest son,” as did the life, and death, and triumphs of

the crucified Son of Man, the course and fate of the hemlock-drinker.

Greatly surprised were his philosophical hearers, at these very

remarkable doctrines, before unheard of in Greece, and various were

the opinions and comments of the puzzled sages. Some of those of

the Epicurean and Stoic schools, more particularly, had their pride

and scorn quite moved at the seeming presumption of this fluent

speaker, who without diffidence or doubt uttered his strange doctrines,

though characterized by a style full of irregularities, and a dialect

remarkably distinguished by barbarous provincialisms, and scornfully

asked, “What does this rattling fellow mean?” Others, observing that

he claimed such divine honors for Jesus, the founder of his faith,

remarked, that “he seemed to be a preacher of foreign deities.” At last,

determined to have their difficulties resolved by the very highest

authority, they took him before the very ancient and venerable court

of the Areopagus, which was the supreme council in all matters that

concerned religion. Here they invited him to make a full communication

of the distinctive articles of his new faith, because they felt

an honest desire to have the particulars of a subject never before

introduced to their notice; and a vast concourse stood by to hear that

grand object of life to the news-hunting Athenians,――“A NEW THING.”

“With regard to the application of _babbler_, Eustathius

gives two senses of the word σπερμολόγος. 1. The Attics called

those σπερμολόγοι who conversed in the market, and places of

merchandise. (In Odys. B. ad finem.) And Paul was disputing with

those he met in the market-place. 2. It is used of those who,

from some false opinions, boasted unreasonably of their learning.

(Idem.) Œcumenius says, a little bird that gathered up the seeds

scattered in the market-place, was called σπερμολόγος; in this

etymology, Suidas, Phavorinus, the scholiast upon Aristophanes

de Avibus, p. 569, and almost all grammarians agree. (Cave’s

Lives of the Apostles.) (Whitby’s Annotations.)

“18. σπερμολόγος. This word is properly used of those little

insignificant birds which support a precarious existence

by picking up seeds scattered by the sower, or left above

ground after the soil has been harrowed. See Maximus of Tyre,

Dissertations, 13, p. 133., Harpocrates, Aristophanes Av. 232.,

and the Scholiast, and Plutarch, T. 5, 50, edited by _Reiske_.

It was metaphorically applied also to paupers who prowled about

the market place, and lived by picking up any thing which might

be dropped by buyers and sellers; and likewise to persons who

gleaned in the corn fields. See Eustathius on Homer’s Odyssey

ε 241. Hence it was at length applied to all persons of mean

condition, who, as we say, “live on their wits.” Thus it is

explained by Harpocrates εὐτελὴς, _mean_ and _contemptible_.

And so Philo 1021 c. χρησάμενος――δούλῳ σπερμολόγῳ περιτρίμματι.”

(Bloomfield’s Annotations, Acts xvii. 18.)

“The _Areopagus_ was a place in Athens, where the senate usually

assembled and took its name (as some think) from Ἄρης which is

the same as Mars, the god of war, who was the first person tried

here, for having killed Apollo’s son. Others think that, because

ἄρης sometimes signifies _fighting_, murder, or violence of any

kind, and that παγὸς is properly a _rock_, or rising hill, it

therefore seems to denote a court situated upon an eminence,

(as the Areopagus was,) where causes of murder, &c. were tried.

This court at present is out of the city, but in former times

it stood almost in the middle of it. Its foundations, which are

still standing, are built with square stones of prodigious size,

in the form of a semi-circle, and support a terrace or platform,

of about a hundred and forty paces, which was the court where

this senate was held. In the midst of it, there was a tribunal

cut in a rock, and all about were seats also of stone, where the

senate heard causes in the open air, without any covering, and

(as some say) in the night time, that they might not be moved to

compassion at the sight of any criminal that was brought before

them. This judicature was held in such high esteem for its

uprightness, that when the Roman proconsuls ruled there, it was

a very common thing for them to refer difficult causes to the

judgment of the Areopagites. After the loss of their liberty,

however, the authority of the senate declined, so that in

the apostles’ times, the Areopagus was not so much a court

of judicature as a common rendezvous, where all curious and

inquisitive persons, who spent their time in nothing else, but

either in hearing or telling some new thing, were accustomed

to meet, Acts xvii. 21. Notwithstanding, they appeared still

to have retained the privilege of canonizing all gods that

were allowed public worship; and therefore St. Paul was brought

before them as an assertor and preacher of a Deity, whom they

had not yet admitted among them. It does not appear that he was

brought before them as a criminal, but merely as a man who had

a new worship to propose to a people religious above all others,

but who took care that no strange worship should be received on

a footing of a _tolerated religion_, till it had the approbation

of a court appointed to judge such matters. The address of the

court to St. Paul, ‘May we know what this doctrine is whereof

thou speakest?’ implies rather a request to a teacher, than an

interrogatory to a criminal; and accordingly his reply has not

the least air of _an apology_, suiting a person accused, but is

one continued information of important truths, such as it became

a teacher or benefactor, rather than a person arraigned for

crime, to give. He was therefore neither acquitted nor condemned,

and dismissed as a man _coram non judice_. We are indeed told,

that when they heard of ‘the resurrection of the dead,’ some

mocked, and others said, ‘We will hear thee again of this

matter,’ putting off the audience to an indefinite time; so

that nothing was left him but to depart.” (Calmet’s Commentary.

Beausobre’s and Hammond’s Annotations, and Warburton’s Divine

Legation.)

Illustration: THE AREOPAGUS, OR MARS HILL;

WITH THE TEMPLE OF THESEUS, ATHENS.

Acts xvii. 22.

“That Athens _was_ wholly enslaved to idolatry, has been

abundantly proved by our philological illustrators, especially

the indefatigable Wetstein, from Pausanias Attic. 1, 24: Strabo

10. p. 472, c: Lucian, t. 1. Prometheus p. 180: Livy 45, 27.

So also Pausanias in Attic. c. 18, 24. (cited by Pearce and

Doddridge,) who tells us, that Athens had more images than

all the rest of Greece; and Petronius Satyricon c. 17, who

humorously says, ‘It was easier to find a god than a man

there.’” (Bloomfield Annotations.)

“καὶ ἐν τῆ ἀγορᾶ. Of the _market-places_ at Athens, of which

there were many, the most celebrated were the Old and the New

Forum. The former was in the Ceramicus, a very ample space, part

within, and part without the city. See Meursius, dissertatione

de Ceramico Gemino, § 46. and Potter’s Archaeology 1, 8. p. 30.

The latter was outside of the Ceramicus, in a place called

Eretria. See Meursius, Ath. Attic. l. 1. c. 6. And this seems

to be the one here meant. For no forum, except the Ceramicus and

the Eretriacum, was called, absolutely, ἄγορα, but had a name

to denote _which_ was meant, as Areopagiticum, Hippodamium,

Piraeum, &c. In process of time, and at the period when Paul

was at Athens, the forum was transferred from the Ceramicus into

the Eretria; a change which, indeed, had been introduced in the

time of Augustus; and that this was the most frequented part of

the city, we learn from Strabo 10. p. 447. Besides, the Eretriac

forum was situated before the στοὰ, or portico, in which the

Stoics, of whom mention is just after made, used to hold their

public discourses. It was moreover called κύκλος, from its round

form.”

“Ἄρειον πάγον, _Mars’ Hill_. Πάγος signifies properly a _high

situation_. _This_ was a hill opposite to that of the citadel

on the west; as we learn from Herodias 8, 52. [See the passages

produced supra, to which I add Livy 26, 44. Tumulum quem

Mercurii vocant. Editor.] It was so called, either because it

had been consecrated to Mars (as the Campus Martius at Rome,)

or because (as ♦Pausanias relates, Att. C. 28,) Mars, when he

had slain Halyrrothius, son of Neptune, was the first who there

pleaded a capital cause, which took place before the twelve gods.

The judges used to sit by night, and _sub dio_; and whatever

was done was kept _very secret_. [whence the proverb Ἀρεοπαγίτου

σιωπηλότερος, to which may be compared ours, ‘_as grave as a

Judge_.’ Editor.] They gave their judgment, not _viva voce_, but

in writing. Nor were any admitted into the number of Areopagists

but persons of noble birth, of unspotted morality, and eminent

for justice and equity. See more in Meursius de Areopago.”

(Kuinoel.) (Bloomfield Annotations.)

♦ “Pausanius” replaced with “Pausanias”

Paul taking his stand there, in that splendid scene, uttered in a bold

tone and in his noblest style, the great truths which he was divinely

consecrated to reveal. Never yet had Athens, in her most glorious state,

heard a discourse which, for solemn beauty and lofty eloquence, could

equal this brief declaration of the providence of God in the religion

of his creatures. Never did the world see an orator in a sublimer scene,

or in one that could awaken higher emotions in those who heard, or him

who spoke. He stood on the hill of Mars, with Athens beneath and around

him, and the mighty Acropolis rising with its “tiara of proud towers,”

walls and temples, on the west,――bounding and crowning the view in

that direction;――to the north-east lay the forum, the late scene

of his discussions, and beyond lay the philosophic Academia, around

and through which rolled the flowery Cephisus. Before him sat the

most august and ancient court in the Grecian world, waiting for

the revelation of his solemn commission respecting the new deities

which he was expected to propose as an addition to their polytheistic

list;――around him were the sages of the Athenian schools, listening

in grave but curious attention, for the new things which the eastern

stranger had brought to their ears. The apostle raised his eyes to all

the monuments of Athenian devotion which met the view on every side.

Before him on the high Acropolis was the mighty temple of the Athenian

Minerva; on the plain beyond was the splendid shrine of the Olympian

Jove; on his right was the temple of Theseus, the deified ancient king

of Attica, who laid the first foundation of her glories; and near were

the new piles which the later Grecian adulation had consecrated to the

worship of her foreign conquerors――to the deified Caesars. Beginning

in that tone of dignified politeness, which always characterized his

address towards the great ones of earth, he won their hearts and their

attention by a courteously complimentary allusion to the devout though

misguided zeal, whose solid tokens everywhere surrounded him. “Ye men

of Athens! I see in all places that you are VERY RELIGIOUS. For passing

along and gazing at the shrines of your devotion, I found an altar on

which was written,――‘TO THE UNKNOWN GOD;’――Him therefore, whom, not

knowing, you worship, I preach to you.” The rest of this splendid,

though brief discourse, need not be repeated, because it is given with

tolerable fidelity in the common English translation; but it deserves

notice how readily and completely, on all occasions, Paul accommodated

himself to the circumstances of his hearers. His style on this occasion

is remarkably protracted and rounded in its periods, highly cumulative

in structure, and harmonious in its almost rhythmical flow;――the whole

bearing the character which was best suited to the fancy and fashion of

the Athenians,――though still very decidedly marked by the peculiarities

of his eastern origin. Here too, he gave them a favorable impression of

his knowledge of the Grecian classics, by his apt and happy quotation

from Aratus, the philosophical poet of his native province, Cilicia.

“For we also are his offspring.”

_Very religious._――This is unquestionably the just meaning of

xvii. 22. See Bloomfield and all the standard commentators. “Too

superstitions” is insulting.

“‘TO THE UNKNOWN GOD.’ (xvii. 23.)――It is very evident from the

testimony of Laertius, that the Athenians had altars in their

public places, inscribed to unknown gods or demons. He informs

us, that when Athens was visited with a great plague, the

inhabitants invited Epimenides the philosopher, to lustrate

their city. The method adopted by him was to carry several

sheep to the Areopagus; whence they were left to wander as

they pleased, under the observation of persons sent to attend

them. As each sheep lay down, it was sacrificed on the spot to

the _propitious god_; (In vita Epimenides lib. xi.) and as the

Athenians were ignorant of what god was propitious, they erected

an altar with this inscription, ♦ΘΕΟΙΣ ΑΣΙΑΣ, ΚΑΙ ΕΥΡΩΠΗΣ, ΚΑΙ

ΛΙΒΗΥΣ, ΘΕΩ ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΚΑΙ ΞΕΝΩ:――_To the gods of Asia, Europe, and

Africa, to the strange and unknown god_.

♦ “AΙΒΗΥΣ” replaced with “ΛΙΒΗΥΣ” and

“KΛI” replaced with “ΚΑΙ”

“On the architrave of a Doric portico at Athens, which was

standing when that city was visited about sixty years since,

by Dr. Chandler and Mr. Stuart, is a Greek inscription to the

following purport:――‘The people’ [of Athens have erected this

fabric] ‘with the donations to Minerva Archegetia,’ [or the

conductress,] ‘by the god Caius Julius Caesar and his son the

god Augustus, when Nicias was Archon.’ Over the middle of the

pediment was a statue of Lucius Caesar, with this inscription:

――‘The people’ [honor] ‘Lucius Caesar, the son of the Emperor

Augustus Caesar, the son of the god.’ There was also a statue

to Julia, the daughter to Augustus, and the mother of Lucius,

thus inscribed:――‘The Senate of the Areopagus, and the Senate of

the Six Hundred’ [dedicate this statue to] ‘the goddess Julia,

Augusta, Provident.’ These public memorials supply an additional

proof of the correctness of Paul’s observations on the Athenians,

that they were too much addicted to the adoption of objects for

worship and devotion.” (Hammond’s Annotations of Cave’s Lives of

the Apostles, Horne’s Introduction.)

As he concluded however, with the solemn declaration of the great

foundation-truth of Christianity,――that God had raised Jesus from

the dead,――there was a very general burst of contempt from the more

scornful portion of his audience, at the idea of anything so utterly

against all human probability. Of the immortality of the soul, the

divinest of their own philosophers had reasoned,――and it was by most of

the Athenian sects, considered on the whole, tolerably well established;

but the notion of the actual revivification of the perished body,――the

recall of the scattered dust and ashes, to the same breathing, moving,

acting, thinking form, which for ages had ceased to be,――all amounted

to a degree of improbable absurdity,――that not the wildest Grecian

speculator had ever dreamed of. So the proud Epicureans and Stoics

turned sneeringly away from the barbarian stranger who had come so far

to try their credulity with such a tale; and thus they for ever lost

the opportunity to learn from this new-opened fountain of truth, a

wisdom that the long researches of all the Athenian schools had never

reached and could never reach, without the light of this truly divine

eastern source, which they now so thoughtlessly scorned. But there

were some, more considerate, among the hearers of the apostle, who

had learned that it is the most decided characteristic of a true

philosopher, to reject nothing at first sight or hearing, though it

may happen to be contrary to his own personal experience and learning;

and these, weighing the matter with respectful doubt, told Paul――“We

will hear thee again about this.” Without any further attempt to unfold

the truth at that time, Paul departed from the Areopagus, and no more

uplifted his voice on the high places of Athens, in testimony of that

solemn revelation of the Son of Man from the dead,――the conviction

of whose truth, in spite of all philosophic sneers, was destined

to oversweep the whole of that world which they knew, and a new one

beyond it, and to exalt the name of that despised wanderer to a fame

compared with which that of Socrates should be small. Paul was however

afterwards visited by several of those who heard him before the

Areopagus; and after a free, conversational discussion of the whole

subject, and a more familiar exhibition of the evidences of his

remarkable assertions, professed their satisfaction with the arguments,

and believed. Among these, even one of the judges of the august

Areopagus owned himself a disciple of Jesus. Besides him is mentioned

a woman named Damaris; and others not specified, are said to have

believed.

“‘_Dionysius the Areopagite._’ Acts xvii. 34.――Dionysius is

said to have been bred at Athens in all the arts and sciences:

at the age of twenty-five he went into Egypt to learn astronomy.

At the time of our Savior’s death he was at Heliopolis, where,

observing the darkness that attended the passion, he cried

out thus:――‘That certainly, at that time, either God himself

suffered, or was much concerned for somebody that did.’

Returning to Athens he became one of the senators of the

Areopagus; he was converted by St. Paul, and by him appointed

bishop of Athens. Having labored and suffered much for the holy

cause, he became a martyr to the faith, being burnt to death

at Athens, in the 93d year of Christ.” (Cave’s Lives of the

Apostles. Stanhope on Epistles and Gospels. Calmet’s Dictionary.)

From the grave manner in which this story is told, the reader

would naturally suppose that these great writers had some

authority for these incidents; but in reality, everything that

concerns Dionysius the Areopagite, is utterly unknown; and not

one of these impudent inventions can be traced back further than

the sixth century.

After this tolerably hopeful beginning of the gospel in Athens, Paul

left that city, and went southwestward to Corinth, then the most

splendid and flourishing city of all Greece, and the capital of the

Roman province of Achaia. It was famous, beyond all the cities of the

world, for its luxury and refinement,――and the name of “Corinthian” had,

long before the time of Paul, gone forth as a proverbial expression for

what was splendid in art, brilliant in invention, and elegant in vice.

Here first arose that sumptuous order of architecture that still

perpetuates the proverbial elegance of the splendid city of its birth,

and the gorgeously beautiful style of the rich Corinthian column,

“waving its wanton wreath,”――may be taken as an aptly expressive emblem

of the general moral and internal, as well as external characteristics

of this last home of true Grecian art. Here longest tarried the taste,

art and refinement, which so eminently marked the first glories of

Greece, and when the triumphs of that ancient excellence were beginning

to grow dim in its brighter early seats in Attica and in Ionian Asia,

they flashed out with a most dazzling beauty in the splendid city of

the Isthmus,――but alas!――in a splendor that was indeed only a passing

flash,――a last brilliant gleam from this glorious spot, before the lamp

of Hellenic glory in art, went out forever. In the day of the apostle’s

visit however, it was in its most “high and palmy state,”――the queen of

the Grecian world. It was glorious too, in the dearest recollections of

the patriotic history of Greece; for here was the center of that last

brilliant Achaian confederacy, which was cherished by the noble spirits

of Aratus and Philopoemen; and here too was made the last stand against

the all-crushing advance of the legions of Rome: and when it fell at

last before that resistless conquering movement,――“great was the fall

of it.” The burning of Corinth by Mummius, (B. C. 144, the year of the

fall of Carthage,) is infamous above all the most barbarous acts of

Roman conquest, for its melancholy destruction of the works of ancient

art, with which it then abounded. But from the ashes of this mournful

ruin, it rose soon after, under the splendid patronage of Roman

dominion, to a new splendor, that equalled, or perhaps outwent the

glories of its former perfection, which had been ripening from the day

when, as recorded by old Homer, in the freshness of its early power, it

sent forth its noble armaments to the siege of Troy, or set afloat the

earliest warlike navy in the world, or was made, through a long course

of centuries, the center of the most brilliant of Grecian festivals,

in the celebration of the Isthmian games before its walls. The Roman

conquerors, as if anxious to make to this ancient seat of Grecian

splendor, a full atonement for the barbarous ruin with which they had

overwhelmed it, now showered on it all the honors and favors in their

power. It was rebuilt as a Roman colony,――endowed by the munificence

of senates, consuls, and emperors, and made the capital of the Roman

province of Achaia, until the dismemberment of the empire. Shining in

its gaudy fetters, it became what it has been described to be in the

apostolic age, and was then beyond all doubt the greatest Grecian city

in Europe, if not in the world. Athens was then mouldering in more than

incipient decay――“the ghost of its former self;” for even Cicero, long

before this, describes it as presenting everywhere spectacles of the

most lamentable ruin and decline; but Corinth was in the highth of

its glory,――its luxury,――its vice,――its heathen wickedness,――and may

therefore be justly esteemed the most important scene of labor into

which apostolic enterprise had ever yet made its way, and to have been

well worthy of the attention which it ever after received from him,

to the very last of his life, being made the occasion and object of a

larger and a more splendid portion of his epistolary labors, than all

with which he ever favored any other place in the world; nor can this

protracted notice of its condition and character be justly blamed for

its intrusion on this hurried narrative.

“_Corinth._――There is scarcely any one of the seats of ancient

magnificence and luxury, that calls up more vivid and powerful

associations, than are awakened by the name of this once opulent

and powerful city. Corinth, ‘the prow and stern of Greece,’

the emporium of its commerce, the key and bulwark of the

Peloponnesus, was proverbial for its wealth as early as the

time of Homer. Its situation was so advantageous for the

inexperienced navigation of early times, that it became of

necessity the center of trade. The first naval battle on record

was fought between Corinth and its colony Corcyra, about 657

B. C. ‘Syracuse, the ornament of Sicily, Corcyra, some time

sovran of the seas, Ambracia in Epirus, and several other cities

more or less flourishing, owe their origin to Corinth.’ (Travels

of ♦Anacharsis, vol. III. c. 37.) Thucydides states, that the

Corinthian ship-builders first produced galleys with three

benches of oars. The circumnavigation of the peninsula was

tedious and uncertain to a proverb; while at the Isthmus, not

only their cargoes, but, if requisite, the smaller vessels might

be transported from sea to sea. By its port of Cenchreae, it

received the rich merchandise of Asia, and by that of Lechaeum,

it maintained intercourse with Italy and Sicily. The Isthmian

Games, by the concourse of people which they attracted at their

celebration, contributed not a little to its immense opulence;

and the prodigality of its merchants rendered the place so

expensive, that it became a saying, ‘It is not for every one

to go to Corinth.’ Even after its barbarous destruction by

the Romans, it must have been an extremely magnificent city.

Pausanias mentions in and near the city, a theater, an odeum,

a stadium, and sixteen temples. That of Venus possessed above a

thousand female slaves. ‘The women of Corinth are distinguished

by their beauty; the men by their love of gain and pleasure.

They ruin their health by convivial debauches, and love with

them is only licentious passion. Venus is their principal

deity.... The Corinthians, who performed such illustrious acts

of valor in the Persian war, becoming enervated by pleasure,

sunk under the yoke of the Argives; were obliged alternately

to solicit the protection of the Lacedaemonians, the Athenians,

and the Thebans; and are at length reduced to be only the

wealthiest, the most effeminate, and the weakest state in

Greece.’” (Anacharsis.) (Modern Traveler, pp. 160, 161.)

♦ “Anarchasis” replaced with “Anacharsis”

The Hebrew stranger, entering without despondency, this new scene of

labor, passed on unnoticed, and looking about for those with whom he

might be bold to communicate, on the score of national and religious

sympathies, he found among those who like himself were strangers, a

Jew, by name Aquilas, who with his wife Priscilla had lately arrived

from Italy, whence they had just been driven by a vexatious decree of

Claudius Caesar, which, on some groundless accusation, ordered all the

Jews to depart from Rome. Aquilas, though lately a resident in Italy,

was originally from Pontus in the northern part of Asia Minor, not very

far from Paul’s native province; and this proximity of origin joined

to another circumstance arising out of it, drew the strangers together,

in this foreign city. In Pontus even at this day is carried on that

same famous manufacture of camlet articles for which Cilicia was also

distinguished and proverbial, and it is therefore perfectly reasonable

to suppose that in that age also, this business was common in the same

region, because the variety of goat which produces the material, has

always been confined within those limits. Being of the same trade, then,

and both of them friendless strangers, seeking employment and support,

Paul and Aquilas fell into one another’s company and acquaintance,

and getting work at the same time, they seem to have set up a kind of

partnership in their trade, living together, and working in the same

way, from day to day. This, of course, gave constant opportunity for

the freest communication on all subjects of conversation; and Aquila

would not be long in finding out the great object, which had led Paul

away from his country and friends, to a place where his necessities

drove him to the laborious exercise of an occupation, which a person

of his rank and character could not originally have acquired with

any intention of gaining his livelihood thereby. That this was the

sole motive of his present application to his tedious business, is

abundantly testified in the epistles, which he afterwards wrote to this

same place; for he expressly says, that he “was chargeable to no man,”

but “labored with his own hands.” Yet the diligent pursuit of this

laborious avocation, did not prevent him from appearing on the sabbath,

in the synagogue, as a teacher of divine things; nor would the noble

principles of Jewish education permit any man to despise the stranger

on account of his necessitous and apparently humble circumstances.

His weekly ministry was therefore pursued without hindrance, and with

success; for “he persuaded the Jews and the Greeks.” Among those who

received the most eminent advantage from his apostolic labors, was his

fellow-workman Aquilas, who with his wife Priscilla, here imbibed such

a portion of Christian knowledge, as ever after made both him and her,

highly useful as teachers of the new faith, to which they were at this

time converted. It would seem, however, that Paul did not, during the

first part of his ministrations, very openly and energetically proclaim

the grand doctrine of the faith; for it was not till after the arrival

of Silas and Timothy from Macedonia, that he “pressed on in the word,

and testified to the Jews that Jesus was the Messiah.” As had usually

been the case, whenever he had proclaimed this solemn truth to his own

countrymen, he was met by the Corinthian Jews, for the most part, with

a most determined and scornful opposition; so that renouncing their

fellowship in the expressive gesture of an Oriental,――shaking his

raiment,――he declared――“Your blood be on your own heads:――I am clean.

Henceforth, I will go to the Gentiles.” Leaving their company, he then

went into the house of a religious friend, close to the synagogue,

and there took up his abode. But not all the Jews were involved in

the condemnation of this rejection. On the contrary, one of the most

eminent men among them, Crispus, either then or formerly the ruling

elder of the synagogue, professed the faith of Jesus, notwithstanding

its unpopularity. Along with him his whole family were baptized,

and many other Corinthians received the word in the same manner. In

addition to these nobly encouraging results of his devoted labors, his

ardor in the cause of Jesus received a new impulse from a remarkable

dream, in which the Lord appeared to him, uttering these words of

high consolation,――“Fear not, but speak, and hold not thy peace; for

I am with thee, and no one shall hurt thee. I have many people in this

city.” Under the combined influence of both natural and supernatural

encouragements, he therefore remained zealously laboring in Corinth,

and made that city his residence, as Luke very particularly records,

for a year and six months.

“xviii. 5. συνείχετο τῳ λόγω, &c. The common reading is πνεύματι.

Now since συννέχεσθαι, among other significations, denotes

_angi_, _maerore corripi_, (see Luke ♦xii. 50, and the note on

Matthew ♦iv. 24,) many Commentators, as Hammond, Mill, and Wolf,

explain, “angebatur Paulus animo, dum docebat Judaeos, Jesum

esse Messiam;” viz. “since he could produce no effect among

them.” And they compare verse 6. But this interpretation is at

variance with the context.

♦ “12” replaced with “xii” and

“4” replaced with “iv” for consistency

“Now this verb also signifies to _incite_, _urge_; as in

2 Corinthians v. 14. Hence Beza, Pricaeus, and others,

explain: ‘intus et apud se aestuebat prae zeli ardore;’ which

interpretation I should admit, if there were not reason to

suppose, from the authority of MSS. and Versions, that the true

reading, (though the more difficult one,) is λύγῳ, of which the

best interpretation, and that most suitable to the context, is

the one found in the Vulgate ‘instabat verbo.’ For συνέχεσθαι

denotes also to be _held, occupied by_ anything; as in Sappho 17,

20. Herodotus 1, 17, 22. Aelian, Varia Historia, 14, 22. This

♦signification of the word being admitted, the sense will be:

‘When they had approached whom Paul (who knew that _combined_

strength is most efficacious) had expected as his assistants in

promulgating the Christian doctrine, and of whom, in so large

and populous a city there was need, _then_ he _applied himself

closely_ to the work of teaching.’ Kuinoel. (Bloomfield’s

Annotations, p. 593.)

♦ “significaiion” replaced with “signification”

Lives of the apostles of Jesus Christ · 第 148 / 177 题