ARRIVAL AND RETURN OF THE BRIDAL ESCORT
In the meantime Lucretia's trousseau was being prepared with an expense
worthy of a king's daughter. On December 13, 1501, the agent in Rome of
the Marchese Gonzaga wrote his master as follows: "The portion will
consist of three hundred thousand ducats, not counting the presents
which Madonna will receive from time to time. First a hundred thousand
ducats are to be paid in money in instalments in Ferrara. Then there
will be silverware to the value of three thousand ducats; jewels, fine
linen, costly trappings for horses and mules, together worth another
hundred thousand. In her wardrobe she has a trimmed dress worth more
than fifteen thousand ducats, and two hundred costly shifts, some of
which are worth a hundred ducats apiece; the sleeves alone of some of
them cost thirty ducats each, being trimmed with gold fringe." Another
person reported to the Marchesa Isabella that Lucretia had one dress
worth twenty thousand ducats, and a hat valued at ten thousand. "It is
said," so the Mantuan agent writes, "that more gold has been prepared
and sold here in Naples in six months than has been used heretofore in
two years. She brings her husband another hundred thousand ducats, the
value of the castles (Cento and Pieve), and will also secure the
remission of Ferrara's tribute. The number of horses and persons the
Pope will place at his daughter's disposal will amount to a thousand.
There will be two hundred carriages--among them some of French make, if
there is time--and with these will come the escort which is to take
her."[131]
The duke finally concluded to send the bridal escort, although the bulls
were not ready for him. As he was anxious to make the marriage of his
son with Lucretia an event of the greatest magnificence, he sent a
cavalcade of more than fifteen hundred persons for her. At their head
were Cardinal Ippolito and five other members of the ducal house; his
brothers, Don Ferrante and Don Sigismondo; also Niccolò Maria d'Este,
Bishop of Adria; Meliaduse d'Este, Bishop of Comacchio; and Don Ercole,
a nephew of the duke. In the escort were numerous prominent friends and
kinsmen or vassals of the house of Ferrara, lords of Correggio and
Mirandola; the Counts Rangone of Modena; one of the Pio of Carpi; the
Counts Bevilacqua, Roverella, Sagrato, Strozzi of Ferrara, Annibale
Bentivoglio of Bologna, and many others.
These gentlemen, magnificently clad, and with heavy gold chains about
their necks, mounted on beautiful horses, left Ferrara December 9th,
with thirteen trumpeters and eight fifes at their head; and thus this
wedding cavalcade, led by a worldly cardinal, rode noisily forth upon
their journey. In our time such an aggregation might easily be mistaken
for a troop of trick riders. Nowhere did this brave company of knights
pay their reckoning; in the domain of Ferrara they lived on the duke; in
other words, at the expense of his subjects. In the lands of other lords
they did the same, and in the territory of the Church the cities they
visited were required to provide for them.
In spite of the luxury of the Renaissance, traveling was at that time
very disagreeable; everywhere in Europe it was as difficult then as it
is now in the Orient. Great lords and ladies, who to-day flit across the
country in comfortable railway carriages, traveled in the sixteenth
century, even in the most civilized states of Europe, mounted on horses
or mules, or slowly in sedan-chairs, exposed to all the inclemencies of
wind and weather, and unpaved roads. The cavalcade was thirteen days on
the way from Ferrara to Rome--a journey which can now be made in a few
hours.
Finally, on December 22d, it reached Monterosi, a wretched castle
fifteen miles from Rome. All were in a deplorable condition, wet to the
skin by winter rains, and covered with mud; and men and horses
completely tired out. From this place the cardinal sent a messenger with
a herald to Rome to receive the Pope's commands. Answer was brought that
they were to enter by the Porta del Popolo.
The entrance of the Ferrarese into Rome was the most theatrical event
that occurred during the reign of Alexander VI. Processions were the
favorite spectacles of the Middle Ages; State, Church, and society
displayed their wealth and power in magnificent cavalcades. The horse
was symbolic of the world's strength and magnificence, but with the
disappearance of knighthood it lost its place in the history of
civilization. How the love of form and color of the people of Italy--the
home of processions--has changed was shown in Rome, July 2, 1871, when
Victor Emmanuel entered his new capital. Had this episode--one of the
weightiest in the whole history of Italy--occurred during the
Renaissance, it would have been made the occasion of a magnificent
triumph. The entrance into Rome of the first king of united Italy was
made, however, in a few dust-covered carriages, which conveyed the
monarch and his court from the railway station to their lodgings; yet
in this bourgeois simplicity there was really more moral greatness than
in any of the triumphs of the Cæsars. That the love of parades which
existed in the Renaissance has died out is, perhaps, to be regretted,
for occasions still arise when they are necessary.
Alexander's prestige would certainly have suffered if, on the occasion
of a family function of such importance, he had failed to offer the
people as evidence of his power a brilliant spectacle of some sort. The
very fact that Adrian VI did not understand and appreciate this
requirement of the Renaissance made him the butt of the Romans.
At ten o'clock on the morning of December 23d the Ferrarese reached the
Ponte Molle, where breakfast was served in a nearby villa. The
appearance of this neighborhood must at that time have been different
from what it is to-day. There were casinos and wine houses on the slopes
of Monte Mario--whose summit was occupied even at that time by a villa
belonging to the Mellini--and on the hills beyond the Flaminian Way.
Nicholas V had restored the bridge over the Tiber, and also begun a
tower nearby, which Calixtus III completed. Between the Ponte Molle and
the Porta del Popolo there was then,--just as there is now,--a wretched
suburb.
[Illustration: CASTLE OF S. ANGELO, ROME.]
At the bridge crossing the Tiber they found a wedding escort composed of
the senators of Rome, the governor of the city, and the captain of
police, accompanied by two thousand men, some on foot and some mounted.
Half a bowshot from the gate the cavalcade met Cæsar's suite. First came
six pages, then a hundred mounted noblemen, followed by two hundred
Swiss clothed in black and yellow velvet with the arms of the Pope,
birettas on their heads, and bearing halberds. Behind them rode the Duke
of Romagna with the ambassador of France at his side, who wore a
French costume and a golden sash. After greeting each other mid the
blare of trumpets, the gentlemen dismounted from their horses. Cæsar
embraced Cardinal Ippolito and rode at his side as far as the city gate.
If Valentino's following numbered four thousand and the city officials
two thousand more, it is difficult to conceive, taking the spectators
also into account, how so large a number of people could congregate
before the Porta del Popolo. The rows of houses which now extend from
this gate could not have been in existence then, and the space occupied
by the Villa Borghese must have been vacant. At the gate the cavalcade
was met by nineteen cardinals, each accompanied by two hundred persons.
The reception here, owing to the oration, required over two hours,
consequently it was evening when it was over.
Finally, to the din of trumpets, fifes, and horns, the cavalcade set out
over the Corso, across the Campo di Fiore, for the Vatican, where it was
saluted from Castle S. Angelo. Alexander stood at a window of the palace
to see the procession which marked the fulfilment of the dearest wish of
his house. His chamberlain met the Ferrarese at the steps of the palace
and conducted them to his Holiness, who, accompanied by twelve
cardinals, advanced to meet them. They kissed his feet, and he raised
them up and embraced them. A few moments were spent in animated
conversation, after which Cæsar led the princes to his sister. Leaning
on the arm of an elderly cavalier dressed in black velvet, with a golden
chain about his neck, Lucretia went as far as the entrance of her palace
to greet them. According to the prearranged ceremonial she did not kiss
her brothers-in-law, but merely bowed to them, following the French
custom. She wore a dress of some white material embroidered in gold,
over which there was a garment of dark brown velvet trimmed with sable.
The sleeves were of white and gold brocade, tight, and barred in the
Spanish fashion. Her head-dress was of a green gauze, with a fine gold
band and two rows of pearls. About her neck was a heavy chain of pearls
with a ruby pendant. Refreshments were served, and Lucretia distributed
small gifts--the work of Roman jewelers--among those present. The
princes departed highly pleased with their reception. "This much I
know," wrote El Prete, "that the eyes of Cardinal Ippolito sparkled, as
much as to say, She is an enchanting and exceedingly gracious lady."
The cardinal likewise wrote the same evening to his sister Isabella of
Mantua to satisfy her curiosity regarding Lucretia's costume. Dress was
then an important matter in the eyes of a court; in fact there never was
a time when women's costumes were richer and more carefully studied than
they were during the Renaissance. The Marchioness had sent an agent to
Rome apparently for the sole purpose of giving her an account of the
bridal festivities, and she had directed him to pay special attention to
the dresses. El Prete carried out his instructions as conscientiously as
a reporter for a daily paper would now do.[132] From his description an
artist could paint a good portrait of the bride.
The same evening the Ferrarese ambassadors paid their official visit to
Donna Lucretia, and they promptly wrote the duke regarding the
impression his daughter-in-law had made upon them.
ILLUSTRIOUS MASTER: To-day after supper Don Gerardo
Saraceni and I betook ourselves to the illustrious Madonna
Lucretia, to pay our respects in the name of your Excellency and
his Majesty Don Alfonso. We had a long conversation regarding
various matters. She is a most intelligent and lovely, and also
exceedingly gracious lady. Your Excellency and the illustrious Don
Alfonso--so we were led to conclude--will be highly pleased with
her. Besides being extremely graceful in every way, she is modest,
lovable, and decorous. Moreover, she is a devout and God-fearing
Christian. To-morrow she is going to confession, and during
Christmas week she will receive the communion. She is very
beautiful, but her charm of manner is still more striking. In
short, her character is such that it is impossible to suspect
anything "sinister" of her; but, on the contrary, we look for only
the best. It seems to be our duty to tell you the exact truth in
this letter. I commend myself to your Highness's merciful
benevolence. Rome, December 23, 1501, the sixth hour of the night.
Your Excellency's servant,
JOHANNES LUCAS.
Pozzi's letter shows how anxious were the duke and his son, even up to
the last. It must have been a humiliation for both of them to have to
confide their suspicions to their ambassador in Rome, and to ask him to
find out what he could regarding the character of a lady who was to be
the future Duchess of Ferrara. The very phrase in Pozzi's letter that
there was nothing "sinister" to be suspected of Lucretia shows how black
were the rumors that circulated regarding her. His testimony, therefore,
is all the more valuable, and it is one of the most important documents
for forming a judgment of Lucretia's character. Had she been afforded a
chance to read it, her mortification would, no doubt, have outweighed
her satisfaction.[133]
The Ferrarese princes took up their abode in the Vatican; other
gentlemen occupied the Belvedere, while the majority were provided for
by the citizens, who were compelled to entertain them. At that time the
popes handled their private matters just as if they were affairs of
state, and met expenses by taxing the court officials, who, in spite of
this, made a good living, and even grew rich by the Pope's mercy. The
merchants likewise were required to bear a part of the expense of these
ecclesiastical functions. Many of the officials grumbled over
entertaining the Ferrarese, and provided for them so badly that the Pope
was compelled to interfere.[134]
During the Christmas festivities the Pope read mass in S. Peter's. The
princes were present, and the duke's ambassador described Alexander's
magnificent and also "saintly" bearing in terms more fitting to depict
the appearance of an accomplished actor.[135]
The Pope now gave orders for the carnival to begin, and there were daily
banquets and festivities in the Vatican.
El Prete has left a naive account of an evening's entertainment in
Lucretia's palace, in which he gives us a vivid picture of the customs
of the day. "The illustrious Madonna," so wrote the reporter, "appears
in public but little, because she is busy preparing for her departure.
Sunday evening, S. Stephen's Day, December 26th, I went unexpectedly to
her residence. Her Majesty was in her chamber, seated by the bed. In a
corner of the room were about twenty Roman women dressed _a la
romanesca_, 'wearing certain cloths on their heads'; the ladies of her
court, to the number of ten, were also present. A nobleman from Valencia
and a lady of the court, Niccola, led the dance. They were followed by
Don Ferrante and Madonna, who danced with extreme grace and animation.
She wore a camorra of black velvet with gold borders and black sleeves;
the cuffs were tight; the sleeves were slashed at the shoulders; her
breast was covered up to the neck with a veil made of gold thread. About
her neck she wore a string of pearls, and on her head a green net and a
chain of rubies. She had an overskirt of black velvet trimmed with fur,
colored, and very beautiful. The trousseaux of her ladies-in-waiting are
not yet ready. Two or three of the women are pretty; one, Catalina, a
native of Valencia, dances well, and another, Angela, is charming.
Without telling her, I picked her out as my favorite. Yesterday evening
(28th) the cardinal, the duke, and Don Ferrante walked about the city
masked, and afterwards we went to the duchess's house, where there was
dancing. Everywhere in Rome, from morning till night, one sees nothing
but courtesans wearing masks, for after the clock strikes the
twenty-fourth hour they are not permitted to show themselves abroad."
Although the marriage had been performed in Ferrara by proxy, Alexander
wished the service to be said again in Rome. To prevent repetition, the
ceremony in Ferrara had been performed only _vis volo_, the exchange of
rings having been deferred.
On the evening of December 30th, the Ferrarese escorted Madonna Lucretia
to the Vatican. When Alfonso's bride left her palace she was accompanied
by her entire court and fifty maids of honor. She was dressed in gold
brocade and crimson velvet trimmed with ermine; the sleeves of her gown
reached to the floor; her train was borne by some of her ladies; her
golden hair was confined by a black ribbon, and about her neck she wore
a string of pearls with a pendant consisting of an emerald, a ruby, and
a large pearl.
Don Ferrante and Sigismondo led her by the hands; when the train set
forth a body of musicians stationed on the steps of S. Peter's began to
play. The Pope, on the throne in the Sala Paolina, surrounded by
thirteen cardinals and his son Cæsar, awaited her. Among the foreign
representatives present were the ambassadors of France, Spain, and
Venice; the German envoy was absent. The ceremony began with the reading
of the mandate of the Duke of Ferrara, after which the Bishop of Adria
delivered the wedding sermon, which the Pope, however, commanded to be
cut short.[136] A table was placed before him, and by it stood Don
Ferrante--as his brother's representative--and Donna Lucretia. Ferrante
addressed the formal question to her, and on her answering in the
affirmative, he placed the ring on her finger with the following words:
"This ring, illustrious Donna Lucretia, the noble Don Alfonso sends thee
of his own free will, and in his name I give it thee"; whereupon she
replied, "And I, of my own free will, thus accept it."
The performance of the ceremony was attested by a notary. Then followed
the presentation of the jewels to Lucretia by Cardinal Ippolito. The
duke, who sent her a costly present worth no less than seventy thousand
ducats, attached special weight to the manner in which it was to be
given her. On December 21st he wrote his son that in presenting the
jewels he should use certain words which his ambassador Pozzi would
give him, and he was told that this was done as a precautionary measure,
so that, in case Donna Lucretia should prove untrue to Alfonso, the
jewels would not be lost.[137] Until the very last, the duke handled the
Borgias with the misgivings of a man who feared he might be cheated. On
December 30th Pozzi wrote him: "There is a document regarding this
marriage which simply states that Donna Lucretia will be given, for a
present, the bridal ring, but nothing is said of any other gift. Your
Excellency's intention, therefore, was carried out exactly. There was no
mention of any present, and your Excellency need have no anxiety."
Ippolito performed his part so gracefully that the Pope told him he had
heightened the beauty of the present. The jewels were in a small box
which the cardinal first placed before the Pope and then opened. One of
the keepers of the jewels from Ferrara helped him to display the gems to
the best advantage. The Pope took the box in his own hand and showed it
to his daughter. There were chains, rings, earrings, and precious stones
beautifully set. Especially magnificent was a string of
pearls--Lucretia's favorite gem. Ippolito also presented his
sister-in-law with his gifts, among which were four beautifully chased
crosses. The cardinals sent similar presents.
After this the guests went to the windows of the salon to watch the
games in the Piazza of S. Peter; these consisted of races and a mimic
battle for a ship. Eight noblemen defended the vessel against an equal
number of opponents. They fought with sharp weapons, and five people
were wounded.
This over, the company repaired to the Chamber of the Parrots, where the
Pope took his position upon the throne, with the cardinals on his left,
and Ippolito, Donna Lucretia, and Cæsar on his right. El Prete says:
"Alexander asked Cæsar to lead the dance with Donna Lucretia, which he
did very gracefully. His Holiness was in continual laughter. The ladies
of the court danced in couples, and extremely well. The dance, which
lasted more than an hour, was followed by the comedies. The first was
not finished, as it was too long; the second, which was in Latin verse,
and in which a shepherd and several children appeared, was very
beautiful, but I have forgotten what it represented. When the comedies
were finished all departed except his Holiness, the bride, and her
brother-in-law. In the evening the Pope gave the wedding banquet, but of
this I am unable to send any account, as it was a family affair."
The festivities continued for days, and all Rome resounded with the
noise of the carnival. During the closing days of the year Cardinal
Sanseverino and Cæsar presented some plays. The one given by Cæsar was
an eclogue, with rustic scenery, in which the shepherd sang the praises
of the young pair, and of Duke Ercole, and the Pope as Ferrara's
protector.[138]
The first day of the new year (1502) was celebrated with great pomp. The
various quarters of Rome organized a parade in which were thirteen
floats led by the gonfalonier of the city and the magistrates, which
passed from the Piazza Navona to the Vatican, accompanied by the strains
of music. The first car represented the triumph of Hercules, another
Julius Cæsar, and others various Roman heroes. They stopped before the
Vatican to enable the Pope and his guests to admire the spectacle from
the windows. Poems in honor of the young couple were declaimed, and four
hours were thus passed.
Then followed comedies in the Chamber of the Parrots. Subsequently a
_moresca_ or ballet was performed in the "sala of the Pope," whose walls
were decorated with beautiful tapestries which had been executed by
order of Innocent VIII. Here was erected a low stage decorated with
foliage and illuminated by torches. The lookers-on took their places on
benches and on the floor, as they preferred. After a short eclogue, a
_jongleur_ dressed as a woman danced the _moresca_ to the accompaniment
of tamborines, and Cæsar also took part in it, and was recognized in
spite of his disguise. Trumpets announced a second performance. A tree
appeared upon whose top was a Genius who recited verses; these over, he
dropped down the ends of nine silk ribbons which were taken by nine
maskers who danced a ballet about the tree. This _moresca_ was loudly
applauded. In conclusion the Pope asked his daughter to dance, which she
did with one of her women, a native of Valencia, and they were followed
by all the men and women who had taken part in the ballet.[139]
Comedies and _moresche_ were in great favor on festal occasions. The
poets of Rome, the Porcaro, the Mellini, Inghirami, and Evangelista
Maddaleni, probably composed these pieces, and they may also have taken
part in them, for it was many years since Rome had been given such a
brilliant opportunity to show her progress in histrionics. Lucretia was
showered with sonnets and epithalamia. It is strange that not one of
these has been preserved, and also that not a single Roman poet of the
day is mentioned as the author of any of these comedies. On January 2d a
bull fight was given in the Piazza of S. Peter's. The Spanish bull fight
was introduced into Italy in the fourteenth century, but not until the
fifteenth had it become general. The Aragonese brought it to Naples, and
the Borgias to Rome. Hitherto the only thing of the sort which had been
seen was the bull-baiting in the Piazza Navona or on the Testaccio.
Cæsar was fond of displaying his agility and strength in this barbarous
sport. During the jubilee year he excited the wonder of all Rome by
decapitating a bull with a single stroke in one of these contests. On
January 2d he and nine other Spaniards, who probably were professional
matadors, entered the enclosure with two loose bulls, where he mounted
his horse and with his lance attacked the more ferocious one
single-handed; then he dismounted, and with the other Spaniards
continued to goad the animals. After this heroic performance the duke
left the arena to the matadors. Ten bulls and one buffalo were
slaughtered.
In the evening the _Menæchmi_ of Plautus and other pieces were
produced in which was celebrated the majesty of Cæsar and Ercole. The
Ferrarese ambassador sent his master an account of these performances
which is a valuable picture of the day.
This evening the _Menæchmi_ was recited in the Pope's room, and
the Slave, the Parasite, the Pandor, and the wife of Menæchmus
performed their parts well. The Menæchmi themselves, however,
played badly. They had no masks, and there was no scenery, for the
room was too small. In the scene where Menæchmus, seized by command
of his father-in-law, who thinks he is mad, exclaims that he is
being subjected to force, he added: "This passes understanding; for
Cæsar is mighty, Zeus merciful, and Hercules kind."
Before the performance of this comedy the following play was given:
first appeared a boy in woman's clothes who represented Virtue, and
another in the character of Fortune. They began to banter each
other as to which was the mightier, whereupon Fame suddenly
appeared, standing on a globe which rested on a float, upon which
were the words, "Gloria Domus Borgiæ." Fame, who also called
himself Light, awarded Virtue the prize over Fortune, saying that
Cæsar and Ercole by Virtue had overcome Fortune; thereupon he
described a number of the heroic deeds performed by the illustrious
Duke of Romagna. Hercules with the lion's skin and club appeared,
and Juno sent Fortune to attack him. Hercules, however, overcame
Fortune, seized her and chained her; whereupon Juno begged him to
free her, and he, gracious and generous, consented to grant Juno's
request on the condition that she would never do anything which
might injure the house of Ercole or that of Cæsar Borgia. To this
she agreed, and, in addition, she promised to bless the union of
the two houses.
Then Roma entered upon another float. She complained that
Alexander, who occupied Jupiter's place, had been unjust to her in
permitting the illustrious Donna Lucretia to go away; she praised
the duchess highly, and said that she was the refuge of all Rome.
Then came a personification of Ferrara--but not on a float--and
said that Lucretia was not going to take up her abode in an
unworthy city, and that Rome would not lose her. Mercury followed,
having been sent by the gods to reconcile Rome and Ferrara, as it
was in accordance with their wish that Donna Lucretia was going to
the latter city. Then he invited Ferrara to take a seat by his side
in the place of honor on the float.
All this was accompanied by descriptions in polished hexameters,
which celebrated the alliance of Cæsar and Ercole, and predicted
that together they would overthrow all the latter's enemies. If
this prophecy is realized, the marriage will result greatly to our
advantage. So we commend ourselves to your Excellency's mercy.
Your Highness's servants,
JOHANN LUCAS and GERARDUS SARACENUS.
JANUARY 2, 1502.
Finally the date set for Lucretia to leave--January 6th--arrived. The
Pope was determined that her departure should be attended by a
magnificent display; she should traverse Italy like a queen. A cardinal
was to accompany her as legate, Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza,
having been chosen for this purpose. To Lucretia he owed his
cardinalate, and he was a most devoted retainer; "an elderly man, a
worthy person of the house of Borgia," so Pozzi wrote to Ferrara.
Madonna was also accompanied by the bishops of Carniola, Venosa, and
Orte.
Alexander endeavored to persuade many of the nobles of Rome, men and
women, to accompany Lucretia, and he succeeded in inducing a large
number to do so. The city of Rome appointed four special envoys, who
were to remain in Ferrara as long as the festivities lasted--Stefano del
Bufalo, Antonio Paoluzzo, Giacomo Frangipane, and Domenico Massimi. The
Roman nobility selected for the same purpose Francesco Colonna of
Palestrina and Giuliano, Count of Anguillara. There were also Ranuccio
Farnese of Matelica and Don Giulio Raimondo Borgia, the Pope's nephew,
and captain of the papal watch, together with eight other gentlemen
belonging to the lesser nobility of Rome.
Cæsar equipped at his own expense an escort of two hundred cavaliers,
with musicians and buffoons to entertain his sister on the way. This
cavalcade, which was composed of Spaniards, Frenchmen, Romans, and
Italians from various provinces, was joined later by two famous men--Ivo
d'Allegre and Don Ugo Moncada. Among the Romans were the Chevaliers
Orsini; Piero Santa Croce; Giangiorgio Cesarini, a brother of Cardinal
Giuliano; and other gentlemen, members of the Alberini, Sanguigni,
Crescenzi, and Mancini families.
Lucretia herself had a retinue of a hundred and eighty people. In the
list--which is still preserved--are the names of many of her maids of
honor; her first lady-in-waiting was Angela Borgia, _una damigella
elegantisima_, as one of the chroniclers of Ferrara describes her, who
is said to have been a very beautiful woman, and who was the subject of
some verses by the Roman poet Diomede Guidalotto. She was also
accompanied by her sister Donna Girolama, consort of the youthful Don
Fabio Orsini. Madonna Adriana Orsini, another woman named Adriana, the
wife of Don Francesco Colonna, and another lady of the house of Orsini,
whose name is not given, also accompanied Lucretia. It is not likely,
however, that the last was Giulia Farnese.
A number of vehicles which the Pope had ordered built in Rome and a
hundred and fifty mules bore Lucretia's trousseau. Some of this baggage
was sent on ahead. The duchess took everything that the Pope permitted
her to remove. He refused to have an inventory made, as Beneimbene the
notary had advised. "I desire," so he stated to the Ferrarese
ambassadors, "that the duchess shall do with her property as she
wishes." He had also given her nine thousand ducats to clothe herself
and her servants, and also a beautiful sedan-chair of French make, in
which the Duchess of Urbino was to have a seat by her side when she
joined the cavalcade.[140]
While Alexander was praising his daughter's graciousness and modesty, he
expressed the wish that her father-in-law would provide her with no
courtiers and ladies-in-waiting but those whose character was above
question. She had told him--so the ambassadors wrote their master--that
she would never give his Holiness cause to be ashamed of her, and
"according to our view he certainly never will have occasion, for the
longer we are with her, and the closer we examine her life, the higher
is our opinion of her goodness, her decorum, and modesty. We see that
life in her palace is not only Christian, but also religious."[141]
Even Cardinal Ferrante Ferrari ventured to write Ercole--whose servant
he had been--a letter in which he spoke of the duke's daughter-in-law in
unctuous terms and praised her character to the skies.[142]
January 5th the balance of the wedding portion was paid to the Ferrarese
ambassadors in cash, whereupon they reported to the duke that everything
had been arranged, that his daughter-in-law would bring the bull with
her, and that the cavalcade was ready to start.[143]
Alexander had decided at what towns they should stop on their long
journey. They were as follows: Castelnovo, Civitacastellana, Narni,
Terni, Spoleto, and Foligno; it was expected the Duke Guidobaldo or his
wife would meet Lucretia at the last-named place and accompany her to
Urbino. Thence they were to pass through Cæsar's estates, going by way
of Pesaro, Rimini, Cesena, Forli, Faenza, and Imola to Bologna, and from
that city to Ferrara by way of the Po.
As the places through which they passed would be subjected to very great
expense if the entire cavalcade stopped, the retinue was sometimes
divided, each part taking a different route. The Pope's brief to the
Priors of Nepi shows to what imposition the people were subjected.
DEAR SONS: Greeting and the Apostolic Blessing. As our
dearly beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady and Duchess
Lucretia de Borgia, who is to leave here next Monday to join her
husband Alfonso, the beloved son and first born of the Duke of
Ferrara, with a large escort of nobles, two hundred horsemen will
pass through your district; therefore we wish and command you, if
you value our favor and desire to avoid our displeasure, to provide
for the company mentioned above for a day and two nights, the time
they will spend with you. By so doing you will receive from us all
due approbation. Given in Rome, under the Apostolic seal, December
28, 1501, in the tenth year of our Pontificate.[144]
Numerous other places had similar experiences. In every city in which
the cavalcade stopped, and in some of those where they merely rested for
a short time, Lucretia, in accordance with the Pope's commands, was
honored with triumphal arches, illuminations, and processions--all the
expense of which was borne by the commune.
January 6th Lucretia, leaving her child Rodrigo, her brother Cæsar, and
her parents, departed from Rome. Probably only two persons were present
when she took leave of Vannozza. None of those who describe the
festivities in the Vatican mention this woman by name.
The Chamber of the Parrots was the scene of her leave-taking with her
father. She remained with the Pope some time, departing on Cæsar's
entrance. As she was leaving, Alexander called after her in a loud
voice, telling her to be of good cheer, and to write him whenever she
wanted anything, adding that he would do more for her now that she had
gone from him than he had ever done for her while she was in Rome. Then
he went from place to place and watched her until she and her retinue
were lost to sight.[145]
Lucretia set forth from Rome at three o'clock in the afternoon. All the
cardinals, ambassadors, and magistrates of the city accompanied her as
far as the Porta del Popolo. She was mounted on a white jennet
caparisoned with gold, and she wore a riding habit of red silk and
ermine, and a hat trimmed with feathers. She was surrounded by more than
a thousand persons. By her side were the princes of Ferrara and the
Cardinal of Cosenza. Her brother Cæsar accompanied her a short distance,
and then returned to the Vatican with Cardinal Ippolito.
Thus Lucretia Borgia departed, leaving Rome and a terrible past behind
her forever.
FOOTNOTES:
[131] Despatch of Giovanni Lucido, in the archives of Mantua.
[132] The report of this agent, who signs himself El Prete, is preserved
in the archives of Mantua.
[133] The Farrarese agent, Bartolomeo Bresciani, who had been sent to
Rome on matters connected with the Church, is no less complimentary. He
says, la Excell. V. remagnera molto ben satisfacto da questa Illma
Madona per essere dotada de tanti costumi et buntade. (To the duke,
October 30, 1501.) He informed him also that Lucretia often conversed
with a saintly person who had been secluded in the Vatican for eight
years.
[134] Despatch of Gianluca Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 25, 1501.
[135] Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 25, 1501.
[136] Fu necessario che la abreviasse, Gianluca and Gerardo to Ercole,
Rome, December 30, 1501.
[137] E ciò nello scopo, che se mancasse essa Duchessa verso lo Illmo
Don Alfonso non fosse più obbligato di quanto voleva esserlo circa dette
gioje. Ercole to Cardinal Ippolito, December 21, 1501. There is a letter
of the same date regarding the subject, written by Ercole to Gianluca
Pozzi.
[138] Pozzi to Ercole, January 1, 1502. Archives of Modena.
[139] El Prete to Isabella, Rome, January 2, 1502.
[140] Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 28, 1501.
[141] Pozzi and Saraceni, Rome, December 28, 1501.
[142] Rome, January 9, 1502.
[143] La Illma Madama Lucrezia porta tutte le bolle piene et in optima
forma. Pozzi and Gerardo to Ercole, Rome, January 6, 1502.
[144] In the archives of the municipality of Nepi, where I copied the
brief from the records. There is a similar letter in the same form and
of the same date, addressed to the commune of Trevi, in the city
archives of that place. The latter is printed in Tullio Dandolo's Arte
christiána--Passeggiate nell' Umbria, 1866, p. 358.
[145] Beltrando Costabili to Ercole, Rome, January 6, 1502.
BOOK THE SECOND
LUCRETIA IN FERRARA
CHAPTER I
LUCRETIA'S JOURNEY TO FERRARA
Although the escort which was taking the Duchess Lucretia to Ferrara
traveled by easy stages, the journey was fatiguing; for the roads,
especially in winter, were bad, and the weather, even in the vicinity of
Rome, was frequently wet and cold.
Not until the seventh day did they reach Foligno. As the report which
the Ferrarese ambassadors sent their lord from that place contains a
vivid description of the journey, we quote it at length:
ILLUSTRIOUS AND HONORED MASTER: Although we wrote your
Excellency from Narni that we would travel from Terni to Spoleto,
and from Spoleto to this place without stopping, the illustrious
Duchess and her ladies were so fatigued that she decided to rest a
day in Spoleto and another in Foligno. We, therefore, shall not
leave here until to-morrow morning, and shall not arrive at Urbino
before next Tuesday, that is the eighteenth of the current month,
for to-morrow we shall reach Nocera, Saturday Gualdo, Sunday
Gubbio, Monday Cagli, and Tuesday Urbino, where we shall rest
another day, that is Wednesday. On the twentieth we shall set out
for Pesaro, and so on from city to city, as we have already written
your Excellency.
We feel certain, however, that the duchess will stop frequently to
rest, consequently we shall not reach Ferrara before the last of
the present or the first of next month, and perhaps not until the
second or third. We therefore thought it well to write your
Excellency from here, letting you know where we were and where we
expected to be, so that you might arrange matters as you thought
best. If you wish us not to arrive in Ferrara until the second or
third, it would not be difficult so to arrange it; but if you think
it would be better for us to reach the city the last of this month
or the first of February, write us to that effect, and we will
endeavor, as we have hitherto done, to shorten the periods of rest.
I mention this because the illustrious Donna Lucretia is of a
delicate constitution and, like her ladies, is unaccustomed to the
saddle, and because we notice that she does not wish to be worn out
when she reaches Ferrara.
In all the cities through which her Majesty passes she is received
with every show of affection and with great honors, and presented
with numerous gifts by the women. Everything is done for her
comfort. She was welcomed everywhere and, as she was formerly ruler
of Spoleto, she was well known to the people. Her reception here in
Foligno was more cordial and accompanied by greater manifestations
of joy than anywhere else outside of Rome, for not only did the
signors of the city, as the officials of the commune are called,
clad in red silk, come on foot to meet her and accompany her to her
inn on the Piazza, but at the gate she was confronted by a float
upon which was a person representing the Roman Lucretia with a
dagger in her hand, who recited some verses to the effect that her
Majesty excelled herself in graciousness, modesty, intelligence,
and understanding, and that therefore she would yield her own place
to her.
There was also a float upon which was a cupid, and on the summit,
with the golden apple in his hand, stood Paris, who repeated some
stanzas, the gist of which was as follows: he had promised the
apple to Venus, the only one who excelled both Juno and Pallas in
beauty; but he now reversed his decision, and presented it to her
Majesty as she, of all women, was the only one who surpassed all
the goddesses, possessing greater beauty, wisdom, riches, and power
than all three united.
Finally, on the Piazza we discovered an armed Turkish galley coming
toward us, and one of the Turks, who was standing on the bulwarks,
repeated some stanzas of the following import: the sultan well knew
how powerful was Lucretia in Italy, and he had sent him to greet
her, and to say that his master would surrender everything he had
taken from the Christians. We made no special effort to remember
these verses, for they were not exactly Petrarchian, and, moreover,
the ship did not appear to us to be a very happy idea; it was
rather out of place.
We must not forget to tell you that all the reigning Baglione came
from Perugia and their castles, and were waiting for Lucretia about
four miles from Foligno, and that they invited her to go to
Perugia.
Her Majesty, as we wrote your Excellency from Narni, persists in
her wish to journey from Bologna to Ferrara by water to escape the
discomfort of riding and traveling by land.
His Holiness, our Lord, is so concerned for her Majesty that he
demands daily and even hourly reports of her journey, and she is
required to write him with her own hand from every city regarding
her health. This confirms the statement which has frequently been
made to your Excellency--that his Holiness loves her more than any
other person of his blood.
We shall not neglect to make a report to your Excellency regarding
the journey whenever an opportunity offers.
Between Terni and Spoleto, in the valley of the Strettura, one of
the hostlers of the illustrious Don Sigismondo engaged in a violent
altercation about some turtle doves with one of his fellows in the
service of the Roman Stefano dei Fabii, who is a member of the
duchess's escort. Both grasped their arms, whereupon one
Pizaguerra, also in the service of the illustrious Don Sigismondo,
happening to ride by on his horse, wounded Stefano's hostler on the
head. Thereupon Stefano, who is naturally quarrelsome and
vindictive, became so angry that he declared he would accompany the
cavalcade no farther. About this time we reached the castle of
Spoleto, and he passed the illustrious Don Sigismondo and Don
Ferrante without speaking to them or even looking at them. The
whole affair was due to a misunderstanding which we all regretted
very much, and as Pizaguerra and Don Sigismondo's hostler had fled,
there was nothing more to be done; the Cardinal of Cosenza, the
illustrious Madonna, and all the others agreed that Stefano was in
the wrong. He, therefore, was mollified, and continued on the
journey. We commend ourselves to your Excellency's mercy. From
Foligno, January 13, 1502.
Your Majesty's servants,
JOHANNES LUCAS and GIRARDUS SARACENUS.
POSTSCRIPT: The worthy Cardinal of Cosenza, we understand,
is unwilling to pass through the territory of the illustrious Duke
of Urbino.
From Foligno the journey was continued by way of Nocera and Gualdo to
Gubbio, one of the most important cities in the duchy of Urbino. About
two miles from that place the Duchess Elisabetta met Lucretia and
accompanied her to the city palace. After this the two remained
constantly in each other's company, for Elisabetta kept her promise and
accompanied Lucretia to Ferrara.
Cardinal Borgia returned to Rome from Gubbio, and the two ladies
occupied the comfortable sedan-chair which Alexander had presented his
daughter. January 18th, when the cavalcade was near Urbino, Lucretia was
greeted by Duke Guidobaldo, who had come with his entire court to meet
her. He accompanied Lucretia to the residence set apart for
her--Federico's beautiful palace--where she and the princes of Este were
lodged, the duke and duchess having vacated it for them. The artful
Guidobaldo had set up the Borgia arms and those of the King of France in
conspicuous places in Urbino and throughout the various cities of his
domain.
Although Lucretia's wedding was regarded by the Montrefeltre with great
displeasure, they now, on account of Ferrara and because of their fear
of the Pope, hastened to show her every honor. They had been acquainted
with Lucretia in Rome when Guidobaldo, Alexander's condottiere,
conducted the unsuccessful war against the Orsini, and they had also
known her in Pesaro. Perhaps they now hoped that Urbino's safety would
be assured by Lucretia's influence and friendship. However, only a few
months were to pass before Guidobaldo and his consort were to be undone
by the fiendishness of their guest's brother and driven from their
domain.
After resting a day, Lucretia and the duchess, accompanied for a short
distance by Guidobaldo, set out from Urbino, January 20th, for Pesaro,
which they reached late in the evening. The road connecting these cities
is now a comfortable highway, traversing a beautiful, undulating
country, but at that time it was little more than a bridlepath;
consequently the travelers were thoroughly fatigued when they reached
their destination.
When Lucretia entered the latter city she must have been overcome by
painful emotions, for she could not fail to have been reminded of
Sforza, her discarded husband, who was now an exile in Mantua, brooding
on revenge, and who might appear at any moment in Ferrara to mar the
wedding festivities. Pesaro now belonged to her brother Cæsar, and he
had given orders that his sister should be royally received in all the
cities she visited in his domain. A hundred children clad in his
colors--yellow and red--with olive branches in their hands, greeted her
at the gates of Pesaro with the cry, "Duca! Duca! Lucretia! Lucretia!"
and the city officials accompanied her to her former residence.[146]
Lucretia was received with every evidence of joy by her former subjects,
and the most prominent of the noble women of the city, among whom was
the matron Lucretia Lopez, once her lady-in-waiting, and now wife of
Gianfrancesco Ardizi.[147]
Lucretia remained a day in Pesaro without allowing herself to be seen.
In the evening she permitted the ladies of her suite to dance with those
of the city, but she herself took no part in the festivities. Pozzi
wrote the duke that she spent the entire time in her chamber "for the
purpose of washing her head, and because she was naturally inclined to
solitude." Her seclusion while in Pesaro may be explained as more likely
due to the gloomy thoughts which filled her mind.[148]
In every town belonging to the Duke of Romagna there was a similar
reception; everywhere the magistrates presented Lucretia with the keys
of the city. She was now accompanied by her brother's lieutenant in
Cesena, Don Ramiro d'Orco,--a monster who was quartered by Cæsar's
orders a few months later.
Passing Rimini and Cesena she reached Forli, January 25th. The salon of
the palace was hung with costly tapestries, and even the ceiling was
covered with many-colored cloth; a tribune was erected for the ladies.
Presents of food, sweetmeats, and wax tapers were offered the duchess.
In spite of the stringent laws which Cæsar's rectors, especially Ramiro,
had passed, bands of robbers made the roads unsafe. Fearing that the
bold bandit Giambattista Carraro might overtake the bridal train after
it had left the boundaries of Cervia, a guard of a thousand men on foot
and a hundred and fifty troopers was furnished by the people, apparently
as an escort of honor.[149]
In Faenza Lucretia announced that she would be obliged to spend Friday
in Imola to wash her head, as she would not have an opportunity to do
this again until the end of the carnival. This washing of the head,
which we have already had occasion to notice as an important part of the
toilet in those days, must, therefore, have been in some manner
connected with dressing the hair.[150] The Ferrarese ambassador spoke of
this practice of Lucretia's as a repeated obstacle which might delay the
entrance of her Majesty into Ferrara until February 2d. Don Ferrante
likewise wrote from Imola that she would rest there a day to put her
clothes in order and wash her head, which, said she, had not been done
for eight days, and she, therefore, was suffering with headache.[151]
On the way from Faenza to Imola the cavalcade stopped at Castle
Bolognese, which had been abandoned by Giovanni Bentivoglio when he was
threatened by Cæsar. They found the walls of the town razed, the moat
filled up, and even its name changed to Cesarina.
After resting a day in Imola the cavalcade set out January 28th for
Bologna. When they reached the borders of the territory belonging to the
city they were met by Bentivoglio's sons and his consort Ginevra, with a
brilliant retinue, and two miles from the city gate Giovanni himself was
waiting to greet them.
The tyrant of Bologna, who owed his escape from Cæsar wholly to the
protection of the French, spared nothing to honor his enemy's sister.
Accompanied by several hundred riders, he led her in triumph through the
city, where the arms of the Borgias, of Cæsar, the Pope, and Lucretia,
and those of France, and of the Este met her eye on every side. The
proud matron Ginevra, surrounded by a large number of noble ladies,
received Lucretia at the portals of her magnificent palace. How this
famous woman, the aunt of Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, must in her soul
have hated this Borgia! However, it was neither Alexander nor Cæsar, but
Giuliano della Rovere, subsequently Julius II, who was destined, only
four years later, to drive her and all her race from Bologna forever.
January 30th was devoted to gorgeous festivities, and in the evening the
Bentivoglio gave a ball and a banquet.
The following day they accompanied Lucretia for a part of the way, as it
was her purpose to continue her journey to Ferrara, which now was not
far distant, by boat on the canal, which at that time ran from Bologna
to the Po.
The same day--January 31st--towards evening, Lucretia reached Castle
Bentivoglio, which was but twenty miles from Ferrara. She had no sooner
arrived at that place than her consort Alfonso suddenly appeared. She
was greatly overcome, but promptly recovered herself and received him
"with many professions of esteem and most graciously," to all of which
he responded with great gallantry.[152] Hitherto the hereditary Prince
of Ferrara had sullenly held aloof from the wife that had been forced
upon him. Men of that age had not a trace of the tenderness or
sentimentality of those of to-day, but, even admitting this, it is
certainly strange that there is no evidence of any correspondence
between Lucretia and Alfonso during the time the marriage was being
arranged, although a great many letters then passed between the duchess
and Ercole. Either owing to a desire to please his father or to his own
curiosity or cunning, the rough and reticent Alfonso now threw off his
reserve. He came in disguise, remained two hours, and then suddenly left
for Ferrara.
During this short interview he was greatly impressed by his wife.
Lucretia in those two hours had certainly brought Alfonso under the
spell of her personality, even if she had not completely disarmed him.
Not wholly without reason had the gallant burghers of Foligno awarded
the apple of Paris to Lucretia. Speaking of this meeting, one of the
chroniclers of Ferrara says, "The entire people rejoiced greatly, as did
also the bride and her own followers, because his Majesty had shown a
desire to see her and had received her so well--an indication that she
would be accepted and treated still better."[153]
Probably no one was more pleased than the Pope. His daughter immediately
informed him of her reception, for she sent him daily letters giving an
account of her journey; and he also received numerous despatches from
other persons in her train. Up to this time he had felt some misgivings
as to her reception by the Este, but now he was relieved. After she had
left Rome he frequently asked Cardinal Ferrari to warn the duke to treat
his daughter-in-law kindly, remarking, at the same time, that he had
done a great deal for her, and would do still more. He declared that the
remission of Ferrara's tribute would, if paid for in money, require not
less than two hundred thousand ducats, and that the officials of the
chancellery had demanded between five and six thousand ducats merely for
preparing the bulls. The kings of France and Spain had been compelled to
pay the Duke of Romagna a yearly tribute of twenty thousand ducats for
the remission of the taxes of Naples, which consisted only in the
payment of a single white horse. Ferrara, on the other hand, had been
granted everything.[154]
The duke replied to the cardinal January 22d, assuring him that his
daughter-in-law would meet with a most affectionate reception.[155]
FOOTNOTES:
[146] Lucretia's colors were yellow and dark brown (morrelo aperto),
while Alexander's were yellow and black.
[147] Spogli di Giambattista Almerici. i, 284. Ms. in the Oliveriana in
Pesaro.
[148] Si per attendere a lavarse il capo, como anche per essere assai
solitaria et remota di soa natura. Despatch from Rimini, January 22,
1502.
[149] Ferrante to Ercole, Rimini, January 23, 1502.
[150] The expression is lavarsi il capo.
[151] Ferrante to Ercole, Imola, January 27, 1502.
[152] Gianluca to Ercole, January 31, 1502.
[153] Bernardino Zambotto. See Monsignor Giuseppe Antonelli's work,
Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, sposa a Don Alfonso d'Este, Memorie
storiche.... Ferrara, 1867.
[154] The ambassador Beltrando Costabili to Duke Ercole, Rome, January
7, 1502.
[155] The duke to his ambassador in Rome, Ferrara, January 22, 1502, in
the Minute Ducali a Costabili Beltrando Oratore a Roma.
CHAPTER II
FORMAL ENTRY INTO FERRARA
February 1st Lucretia continued her journey to Ferrara by the canal.
Near Malalbergo she found Isabella Gonzaga waiting to meet her. At the
urgent request of her father, the marchioness, much against her will,
had come to do the honors during the festivities in his palace. "In
violent anger," so she wrote her husband, who remained at home, she
greeted and embraced her sister-in-law. She accompanied her by boat to
Torre della Fossa, where the canal empties into a branch of the Po. This
river, a majestic stream, flows four miles from Ferrara, and only a
branch--Po di Ferrara--now known as the Canale di Cento, reaches the
city, where it divides into two arms, the Volano and Primaro, both of
which empty into the Adriatic. They are very small canals, and,
therefore, it could have been no pleasure to travel on them, nor was it
an imposing spectacle.
The duke, with Don Alfonso and his court, awaited Lucretia at Torre
della Fossa. When she left the boat the duke saluted her on the cheek,
she having first respectfully kissed his hand. Thereupon, all mounted a
magnificently decorated float, to which the foreign ambassadors and
numerous cavaliers came to kiss the bride's hand. To the strains of
music and the thunder of cannon the cavalcade proceeded to the Borgo S.
Luca, where they all descended. Lucretia took up her residence in the
palace of Alberto d'Este, Ercole's illegitimate brother. Here she was
received by Lucretia Bentivigolio, natural daughter of Ercole, and
numerous ladies of her court. The duke's seneschal brought to her Madonna
Teodora and twelve young women who were to serve her as
ladies-in-waiting. Five beautiful carriages, each drawn by four horses,
a present from her father-in-law, were placed at her disposal. In this
villa, which is no longer in existence, Lucretia spent the night. The
suburb of S. Luca is still there, but the entire locality is so changed
that it would be impossible to recognize it.
The seat of the Este was thronged with thousands of sightseers, some of
whom had been invited by the duke and others drawn thither by curiosity.
All the vassals of the State, but not the reigning princes, were
present. The lords of Urbino and Mantua were represented by the ladies
of their families, and the house of Bentivoglio by Annibale. Rome,
Venice, Florence, Lucca, Siena, and the King of France had sent
ambassadors, who were lodged in the palaces of the nobles. The Duke of
Romagna had remained in Rome and sent a representative. It had been
Alexander's wish that Cæsar's wife, Charlotte d'Albret, should come from
France to attend the wedding festivities in Ferrara and remain a month,
but she did not appear.
With royal extravagance Ercole had prepared for the festivities; the
magazines of the court and the warehouses of the city had been filled
with supplies for weeks past. Whatever the Renaissance had to offer,
that she provided in Ferrara; for the city was the seat of a cultivated
court and the home of a hospitable bourgeoisie, and also a town where
science, art, and industry thrived.
Lucretia's entrance, February 2d, was, therefore, one of the most
brilliant spectacles of the age, and, as far as she herself was
concerned, it was the greatest moment of her life; for she was entering
into the enjoyment of the highest and best of which her nature was
capable.
At two o'clock in the afternoon, the duke and all the ambassadors betook
themselves to Alberto's villa to fetch his daughter-in-law to the city.
The cavalcade set out over the bridge, crossing the branch of the Po, to
pass through the gate of Castle Tedaldo, a fortress no longer in
existence.
At its head were seventy-five mounted archers in the livery of the house
of Este--white and red--who were accompanied by eighty trumpeters and a
number of fifes. Then came the nobility of Ferrara without regard to
rank, followed by the members of the courts of the Marchioness of
Mantua, who remained behind in the palace, and of the Duchess of Urbino.
Behind them rode Alfonso, with his brother-in-law, Annibale Bentivoglio,
at his side, and accompanied by eight pages. He was dressed in red
velvet in the French fashion, and on his head he wore a black velvet
biretta, upon which was an ornament of wrought gold. He wore small red
boots and French gaiters of black velvet. His bay horse was caparisoned
in crimson and gold.
On the way to Ferrara, Don Alfonso did not ride by the side of his
consort as this would have been contrary to the etiquette of the day.
The bridegroom led the procession, near the middle of which was the
bride, while the father-in-law came last. This arrangement was intended
to indicate that Lucretia was the chief personage in the parade. Just
behind Alfonso came her escort, pages, and court officials, among whom
were several Spanish cavaliers; then five bishops, followed by the
ambassadors according to rank; the four deputies of Rome, mounted upon
beautiful horses and wearing long brocade cloaks and black birettas
coming next. These were followed by six tambourines and two of
Lucretia's favorite clowns.
Then came the bride herself, radiantly beautiful and happy, mounted upon
a white jennet with scarlet trappings, and followed by her master of
horse. Lucretia was dressed in a loose-sleeved camorra of black velvet
with a narrow gold border, and a cape of gold brocade trimmed with
ermine. On her head she wore a sort of net glittering with diamonds and
gold--a present from her father-in-law. She did not wear a diadem. About
her neck she had a chain of pearls and rubies which had once belonged to
the Duchess of Ferrara--as Isabella noticed with tears in her eyes. Her
beautiful hair fell down unconfined on her shoulders. She rode beneath a
purple baldachin, which the doctors of Ferrara--that is, the members of
the faculties of law, medicine, and mathematics--supported in turn.
For the purpose of honoring the King of France, the protector of Ferrara
and of the Borgias, Lucretia had summoned the French ambassador, Philipp
della Rocca Berti, to ride at her left, near her, but not under the
baldachin. This was intended to show that it was owing to this powerful
monarch that the bride was entering the palace of the Este.
Behind Lucretia came the duke, in black velvet, on a dark horse with
trappings of the same material. On his right was the Duchess of Urbino
clad in a dark velvet gown.[156]
Then followed nobles, pages, and other personages of the house of Este,
each of whom was accompanied by one of Lucretia's ladies. The only
important member of the family not present was Cardinal Ippolito, who
had remained in Rome, and who, from that city, wrote Lucretia, January
16th, saying he had called on her son Rodrigo and found him asleep.
February 9th he wrote that the Pope had invited Cæsar and himself
together with Cardinal Borgia and the Signora Principessa--this was
Sancia--to supper.[157] Of the women who accompanied Lucretia, only
three were mounted--Girolama Borgia, wife of Fabio Orsini; another
Orsini, who is not described more explicitly; and Madonna Adriana, "a
widowed noblewoman, a kinswoman of the Pope."[158]
Behind them came fourteen floats upon which were seated a number of the
noble women of Ferrara, beautifully dressed, including the twelve young
ladies who had been allotted to Lucretia as maids of honor. Then
followed two white mules and two white horses decked with velvet and
silk and costly gold trappings. Eighty-six mules accompanied the train
bearing the bride's trousseau and jewels. When the good people of
Ferrara saw them slowly wending their way through the streets, they must
have thought that Alfonso had chosen a rich bride. It never occurred to
them that these chests, boxes, and bales which were being carried
through the streets with such ostentation were filled with the plunder
of various cities of Christendom.
At the gate near Castle Tedaldo, Lucretia's horse was frightened by the
discharge of a cannon, and the chief actor was thrown. The bride rose
without assistance, and the duke placed her upon another horse,
whereupon the cortege started again. In honor of Lucretia there were
triumphal arches, tribunes, orations, and mythological scenes. Among the
last was a procession of nymphs, with their queen at their head, riding
upon a bull, with satyrs disporting themselves about her. Sannazzaro may
have thought that the epigram in which he had referred to Giulia Farnese
as Europa on the bull suggested this representation of the Borgia arms.
When the cavalcade reached the Piazza before the church, two
rope-walkers descended from the towers and addressed compliments to the
bride; thus was the ludicrous introduced into public festivities at that
time.
It was now night, and the procession had reached the palace of the duke,
and at the moment it did so all prisoners were given their liberty. At
this point all the trumpeters and fifes were massed.
It is impossible to tell exactly where the palace was situated to which
Lucretia was conducted. The Este had built a number of residences in the
city, which they occupied in turn. Among them were Schifanoja, Diamanti,
Paradiso, Belvedere, Belfiore, and Castle Vecchio. A local chronicler in
the year 1494 mentions, in enumerating the palaces of the lords of the
house of Este, the Palazzo del Cortile and Castle Vecchio as belonging
to the duke; Castle Vecchio to Alfonso and the palace of the Certosa to
Cardinal Ippolito.[159] Ercole, therefore, in the year 1502, was
residing in one of the two palaces mentioned above, which were connected
with each other by a row of structures extending from the old castle to
the Piazza before the church, which ended in the Palazzo della Ragione.
They are still connected, although the locality has greatly changed.
The duke's palace was opposite the church. It had a large court with a
marble stairway, and was therefore called the Palazzo del Cortile. This
court is doubtless the one now known as the Cortile Ducale. It was
entered from the Piazza through a high archway, at the sides of which
were columns which formerly supported statues of Niccolò III and Borso.
The writers who describe Lucretia's entrance into the city say that she
dismounted from her horse at the steps of the marble court (a le scale
del Cortile di Marmo).
Here she was received by the Marchioness Gonzaga and numerous other
prominent ladies. Alfonso's young wife must have smiled--if in the
excitement of the moment she noticed it--when she found that the noble
house of Este had selected such a large number of their bastard
daughters to welcome her. She was greeted at the stairway by Lucretia,
Ercole's natural daughter, wife of Annibale Bentivoglio, and three
illegitimate daughters of Sigismondo d'Este--Lucretia, Countess of
Carrara; the beautiful Diana, Countess of Uguzoni; and Bianca
Sanseverino.[160]
It was night, and lights and torches illuminated the palace. To the
sound of music the young couple was conducted to the reception hall,
where they took their places on a throne. Here followed the formal
introduction of the court officials, and an orator delivered a speech
apparently based upon the information which the duke had instructed his
ambassadors to secure regarding the house of Borgia. It is not known who
was the fortunate orator, but we are familiar with the names of some of
the poets who addressed epithalamia to the beautiful princess. Nicolaus
Marius Paniciatus composed a number of spirituelle Latin poems and
epigrams in honor of Lucretia, Alfonso, and Ercole, which were collected
under the title of "Borgias." Among them are some ardent wishes for the
prosperity of the young couple. Lucretia's beauty is described as
excelling that of Helen because it was accompanied by incomparable
modesty.[161]
Apparently this youthful poet did not have his stanzas printed, for they
exist only in a manuscript in the library of Ferrara. Before Lucretia's
entry the printer Laurentius published an epithalamium by a young
Latinist, the celebrated Celio Calcagnini, who subsequently became
famous as a mathematician. He was a favorite of Cardinal Ippolito, and a
friend of the great Erasmus. The subject matter of the poem is very
simple. Venus leaves Rome and accompanies Lucretia. Mnemosyne admonishes
her daughters, the Muses, to celebrate the noble princess, which they
accordingly do. The princes of the house are not forgotten, for Euterpe
sings the praises of Ercole, Terpsicore lauds Alfonso, and Caliope
recites Cæsar's victories in the Romagna.[162]
Another Ferrarese poet makes his appearance on this occasion, a man of
whom much was expected, Ariosto, who was then twenty-seven years old,
and already known at the court of the Este and in the cultivated circles
of Italy as a Latinist and a writer of comedies. He also wrote an
epithalamium addressed to Lucretia. It is graceful, and not burdened
with mythological pedantry, but it lacks invention. The poet
congratulates Ferrara,--which will henceforth be the envy of all other
cities,--for having won an incomparable jewel. He sympathizes with Rome
for the loss of Lucretia, saying that it has again fallen into
ruins.[163] He describes the young princess as "pulcherrima virgo," and
refers to Lucretia of ancient times.
On the conclusion of the festivities which greeted her on her arrival,
the duke accompanied Lucretia to the apartments which had been prepared
for her. She must have been pleased with her reception by the house of
Este, and the impression made by her own personality was most favorable.
The chronicler Bernardino Zambotto speaks of her as follows: "The bride
is twenty-four years of age (this is incorrect); she has a beautiful
countenance, sparkling and animated eyes; a slender figure; she is keen
and intellectual, joyous and human, and possesses good reasoning powers.
She pleased the people so greatly that they are perfectly satisfied with
her, and they look to her Majesty for protection and good government.
They are truly delighted, for they think that the city will greatly
profit through her, especially as the Pope will refuse her nothing, as
is shown by the portion he gave her, and by presenting Don Alfonso with
certain cities."
Lucretia's face, judging by the medal, must have been fascinating.
Cagnolo of Parma describes her as follows: "She is of medium height and
slender figure. Her face is long, the nose well defined and beautiful;
her hair a bright gold, and her eyes blue; her mouth is somewhat large,
the teeth dazzlingly white; her neck white and slender, but at the same
time well rounded. She is always cheerful and good-humored."[164]
To indicate the color of the eyes, Cagnolo uses the word "bianco," which
in the language of the people still means blue. In the folk songs of
Tuscany collected by Tigri, there is frequent mention of _occhi
bianchi_,--that is, "blue eyes." The Florentine Firenzuola, in his work
on "the perfect beauty of woman," says she must have blond hair and blue
eyes, with the pupil not quite black, although the Greeks and Italians
preferred it so. The most beautiful color for the eyes, according to
this writer, is tané.[165] The poets of Ferrara, who immediately began
to sing the dazzling power of the eyes of their beautiful duchess, did
not mention their color.
This remarkable woman charmed all beholders with her indescribable
grace, to which there was added something of mystery, and not by any
classic beauty or dignity. Vivacity, gentleness, and amiability are the
qualities which all Lucretia's contemporaries discovered in her.[166]
This animated and delicate face, with large blue eyes, and surrounded
with golden hair, suggests the ethereal beauty of Shakespeare's Imogene.
[Illustration: ARIOSTO.
From a painting by Titian.]
FOOTNOTES:
[156] Isabella Gonzaga, who watched the parade from a window of the
palace, describes this scene to the duke. Letter to her husband,
Ferrara, February 2d, in the Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii, 305. Her
report excels in some particulars the picture given by Marino Sanuo
(Diar. vol. iv, fol. 104, sq.). Ordine di le pompe e spectaculi di le
noze de mad. Lucretia Borgia. Reprinted in Rawdon Brown's Ragguaglio
sulla vita e le opere di M. Sanudo, ii, 197, sq.
[157] Letters in the archives of Modena.
[158] This is according to Isabella Gonzaga; Cagnolo's report mentioned,
instead of this woman, another Adriana, the wife of Francesco Colonna of
Palestrina.
[159] Ms. chronicle of Mario Equicola in the library of Ferrara, in the
University, formerly the Paradiso.
[160] Paolo Zerbinati, Memorie, Ms. in the library of Ferrara, p. 3.
[161] The Ms. is in the library of Ferrara: Nicolai Marii Paniciati
ferrariensis, Borgias. Ad. Excell. D. Lucretiam Borgiarm III. Alphonsi
Estensis Sponsam celeber MDII. One epigram is as follows:
Tyndaridem jactant Heroica secula cujus
Armavit varies forma superba Duces,
Haec collata tibi, merito Luoretia cedit,
Nam tuus omne Helenes lumen obumbrat honor:
Illa neces populis, diuturnaque bella paravit:
Tu bona tranquillae pacis opima refers.
Moribus illa suis speciem temeravit honestam:
Innumeris speciem dotibus ipsa colis:
Ore deam præstas: virtute venustior alma:
Foeda Helenæ facies æquiparata tuæ.
[162] Cælii Calcagnini Ferrariensis. In Illustriss. Divi Alphonsi
Primogeniti Herculis Ducis Ferr. ac Divæ Lucretiæ Borgiæ Nuptias
Epithalamium. Laurentius de Valentia Imprimebat Ferrariæ Deo Opt. Max.
Favente. Calend. Febr. MDII.
[163]
Est levis hæc jactura tamen, ruat hoc quoque quicquid
Est reliquum, juvet et nudis habitare sub antris,
Vivere dura liceat tecum pulcherrima virgo.
Ludovici Areosti Ferrariensis Epithalamion, in vol. i of Carmina
Illustrium Poetarum Italorum, p. 342-346.
[164] Di mediocre statura, gracile in aspetto, di faccia alquanto lunga,
il naso profilato e bello, li capelli aurei, gli occhi bianchi, la bocca
alquanto grande con li denti candidissimi; la gola schietta e bianca
ornata con decente valore, ed in essere continuamente allegra e ridente.
See Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara. Ferrara, 1867.
[165] Agnolo Firenzuola, vol. i. Della perfetto bellezza di una donna.
[166] Fu essa Lucrezia di venusto e mansueto aspetto, prudente, di
gratissime maniere negli atti, e nel parlare di molta grazia e
allegrezza, says Alfonso's secretary, Bonaventura Pistofilo, in his Vita
di Alfonso I d'Este. The epithets venusta, gentile, graziosa, amabile,
are conferred upon her by all her contemporaries.
CHAPTER III
FÊTES GIVEN IN LUCRETIA'S HONOR
The wedding festivities in Ferrara continued for six days during the
carnival. At the period of the Renaissance, court functions and
festivities, so far as the intellectual part is concerned, were not
unlike those of the present day; but the magnificent costumes, the
highly developed sense of material beauty, and the more elaborate
etiquette of the age which gave birth to Castiglione's _Cortegiano_ lent
these festivities a higher character.
The sixteenth century was far behind our own in many of its
productions--theatrical performances, displays of fireworks, and concert
music. There were illuminations, and mounted torchlight processions; and
rockets were frequently used; but an illuminated garden fête such as the
Emperor of Austria gave for the Shah of Persia at Schönbrunn would at
that time have been impossible. The same might be said of certain forms
of musical entertainment; for example, concerts. Society in that age
would have shuddered at the orchestral music of to-day, and the
ear-splitting drums would have appeared barbarous to the Italians of the
Renaissance, just as would the military parades, which are still among
the favorite spectacles with which distinguished guests are either
honored or intimidated at the great courts of Europe. Even then tourneys
were rare, although there were occasional combats of gladiators, whose
costumes were greatly admired.
The duke and his master of ceremonies had spent weeks in preparing the
program for the wedding festivities, although these did not admit of any
great variety, being limited as they are now to banquets, balls, and
theatrical productions. It was from the last-named form of entertainment
that Ercole promised himself the most, and which, he expected, would win
for him the applause of the cultivated world.
He was one of the most active patrons of the theater during the
Renaissance. Several years before he had commissioned the poets at his
court to translate some of the plays of Plautus and Terence into _terza
rima_, and had produced them. Guarino, Berardo, Collenuccio, and even
Bojordo had been employed in this work by him. As early as 1486 an
Italian version of the _Menæchmi_, the favorite play of Plautus, had
been produced in Ferrara. In February, 1491, when Ercole, with most
brilliant festivities, celebrated the betrothal of his son Alfonso and
Anna Sforza, the _Menæchmi_ and one of the comedies of Terence were
given. The _Amphitryon_, which Cagnolo had prepared for the stage, was
also played.
There was no permanent theater in Ferrara, but a temporary one had been
erected which served for the production of plays which were given only
during the carnival and on other important occasions. Ercole had
arranged a salon in the palace of the Podestà--a Gothic building
opposite the church--which is still standing and is known as the Palazzo
della Ragione. The salon was connected with the palace itself by a
passage way.
A raised stage called the tribune was erected. It was about one hundred
and twenty feet long and a hundred and fifty feet wide. It had houses of
painted wood, and whatever was necessary in the way of scenery, rocks,
trees, etc. It was separated from the audience by a wooden partition in
which was a sheet-metal curtain. On the forward part of the stage--the
orchestra--sat the princes and other important personages, and in the
amphitheater were thirteen rows of cushioned seats, those in the middle
being occupied by the women, and those at the sides by the men. This
space accommodated about three thousand people.
According to Strozzi, Ariosto, Calcagnini, and other humanists of
Ferrara, it was Ercole himself who constructed this theatre. They and
other academicians probably took part in the performances, but the duke
also brought actors from abroad, from Mantua, Siena, and Rome. They
numbered in all no less than a hundred and ten persons, and it was
necessary to build a new dressing-room for them. The theatrical
performances on this brilliant occasion must, therefore, have aroused
great expectations.
The festivities began February 3d, and it was soon apparent that the
chief attraction would be the beauty of three famous women--Lucretia,
Isabella, and the Duchess of Urbino. They were regarded as the three
handsomest women of the age, and it was difficult to decide which was
the fairer, Isabella or Lucretia. The Duchess of Mantua was six years
older than her sister-in-law, but a most beautiful woman, and with
feminine curiosity she studied Lucretia's appearance. In the letters
which she daily wrote to her husband in Mantua, she carefully described
the dress of her rival, but said not a word regarding her personal
charms. "Concerning Donna Lucretia's figure," so she wrote February 1st,
"I shall say nothing, for I am aware that your Majesty knows her by
sight." She was unable to conceal her vanity, and in another letter,
written February 3d, she gave her husband to understand that she hoped,
so far as her own personality and her retinue were concerned, to be able
to stand comparison with any of the others and even to bear away the
prize. One of the ladies of her suite, the Marchesana of Cotrone, wrote
the duke, saying, "The bride is not especially handsome, but she has an
animated face, and in spite of her having such a large number of ladies
with her, and notwithstanding the presence of the illustrious lady of
Urbino, who is very beautiful, and who clearly shows that she is your
Excellency's sister, my illustrious mistress Isabella, according to our
opinion and of those who came with the Duchess of Ferrara, is the most
beautiful of all. There is no doubt about this; compared with her
Majesty, all the others are as nothing. Therefore we shall bring the
prize home to the house of our mistress."[167]
The first evening of the festivities a ball was given in the great salon
of the palace at which the attendance was so large that many were unable
to gain admission. Lucretia was enthroned upon a tribune, and near her
were the princesses of Mantua and Urbino. Other prominent ladies and the
ambassadors also came and took up a position near her. The guests,
therefore, in spite of the crowd, had a chance to admire the beautiful
women, and their gowns and jewels. During the Renaissance, balls were
less formal than they are now. Pleasures then were more natural and
simple; frequently the ladies danced with each other, and sometimes even
alone. The dances were almost exclusively French, for even at that time
France had begun to impose her customs on all the rest of the world;
still there were some Spanish and Italian ones. Lucretia was a graceful
dancer, and she was always ready to display her skill. She frequently
descended from the tribune and executed Spanish and Roman dances to the
sound of the tambourine.[168]
The following day the eagerly expected dramatic performances were given.
First the duke had the actors appear in masks and costumes for the
purpose of reviewing them. The director of the troop then came forward
in the character of Plautus and read the program and the argument of
each piece which was to be rendered during the five evenings. The
selection of comedies by living dramatists in the year 1502 could not
have cost the duke much thought, for there were none of any special
importance. The _Calandra_ of Dovizi, which a few years later caused
such a sensation, was not yet written. It is true Ariosto had already
composed his _Cassaria_ and the _Suppositi_, but he had not yet won
sufficient renown for him to be honored by their presentation at the
wedding festivities.[169] Moreover, the duke would have none but classic
productions. He wanted to set all the world talking; and, in truth,
Italy had never seen any theatrical performances equal to these. We
possess careful descriptions of them which have not yet been
incorporated in the history of the stage. They show more clearly than do
the reports regarding the Vatican theater in the time of Leo X what was
the real nature of theatrical performances during the Renaissance;
consequently, they constitute a valuable picture of the times.
If one could follow the reports of Gagnolo, Zambotto, and Isabella, and
reproduce in imagination the brilliant wedding and the guests in their
rich costumes seated in rows, he would behold one of the fairest and
most illustrious gatherings of the Renaissance. This scene, rich in form
and color, taken in conjunction with the stage, and the performances of
the comedies of Plautus, and with the pantomimes and the _moresche_
which occupied the time between the acts, is so romantic that we might
imagine ourselves translated to Shakespeare's _Midsummer-Night's Dream_,
and that Duke Ercole had changed places with Theseus, Duke of Athens,
and that the comedies were being performed before him and the happy
bridal pair.
According to the program, from February 3d to February 8th--with the
exception of one evening--five of the plays of Plautus were to be given.
The intermissions were to be devoted to music and _moresche_. The
_moresca_ resembled the modern ballet; that is, a pantomime dance. It is
of very ancient origin, and traces of it appear in the Middle Ages. At
first it was a war dance in costume, which character it preserved for a
long time. The name is, I believe, derived from the fact that in all the
Latin countries which suffered from the invasions of the Saracens,
dances in which the participants were armed and which simulated the
battles of the Moor and Christian were executed. The Moors, for the sake
of contrast, were represented as black. Subsequently the meaning of the
term _moresca_ was extended to include the ballet in general, and all
sorts of scenes in which dances accompanied by flutes and violins were
introduced. The subjects were derived from mythology, the age of
chivalry, and everyday life.
There were also comic dances performed by fantastic monsters, peasants,
clowns, wild animals, and satyrs, during which blows were freely dealt
right and left. The classico-romantic ballet appears to have reached a
high development in Ferrara, which was the home of the romantic
epics--the _Mambriano_ and the _Orlando_. It is needless to say that the
ballet possessed great attraction for the public in those days, just as it
now does. The presentation of the comedies of Plautus would have no more
effect upon people of this age than would a puppet show. They lasted
from four to five hours--from six in the evening until midnight.
The first evening the duke conducted his guests into the theater, and
when they had taken their seats, Plautus appeared before the bridal
couple and addressed some complimentary verses to them. After this the
_Epidicus_ was presented. Each act was followed by a ballet, and five
beautiful _moresche_ were given during the interludes of the play. First
entered ten armed gladiators, who danced to the sound of tambourines;
then followed a mimic battle between twelve people in different
costumes; the third _moresca_ was led by a young woman upon a car which
was drawn by a unicorn, and upon it were several persons bound to the
trunk of a tree, while seated under the bushes were four lute players.
The young woman loosed the bonds of the captives, who immediately
descended and danced while the lute players sang beautiful canzone--at
least so says Gagnolo; the cultured Duchess of Mantua, however, wrote
that the music was so doleful that it was scarcely worth listening to.
Isabella, however, judging by her remarkable letters, was a severe
critic, not only of the plays but of all the festivities. The fourth
_moresca_ was danced by ten Moors holding burning tapers in their
mouths. In the fifth there were ten fantastically dressed men with
feathers on their heads, and bearing lances with small lighted torches
at their tips. On the conclusion of the _Epidicus_ there was a
performance by several jugglers.
Friday, February 4th, Lucretia did not appear until the afternoon. In
the morning the duke showed his guests about the city, and they went to
see a famous saint, Sister Lucia of Viterbo, whom the devout Ercole had
brought to Ferrara as a great attraction. Every Friday the five wounds
of Christ appeared on the body of this saint. She presented the
ambassador of France with a rag with which she had touched her scars,
and which Monseigneur Rocca Berti received with great respect. At the
castle the duke showed his guests the artillery, to the study of which
his son Alfonso was eagerly devoted. Here they waited for Lucretia, who,
accompanied by all the ambassadors, soon appeared in the great salon. A
dance was given which lasted until six in the evening. Then followed a
presentation of the _Bacchides_ which required five hours. Isabella
found these performances excessively long and tiresome. Ballets similar
to those which accompanied the _Epidicus_ were given; men dressed in
flesh-colored tights with torches in their hands, which diffused
agreeable odors, danced fantastic figures, and engaged in a battle with
a dragon.
The following day Lucretia did not appear, as she was engaged in writing
letters and in washing her hair, and the guests amused themselves by
wandering about the city. No entertainments were given for the populace.
The French ambassador, in the name of the King of France, sent presents
to the princes of the house. The duke received a golden shield with a
picture of S. Francis in enamel, the work of a Parisian artist, which
was highly valued; to the hereditary Prince Alfonso was given a similar
shield with a portrait of Mary of Magdala, the ambassador remarking that
his Majesty had chosen a wife who resembled the Magdalene in character:
_Quæ multum meruit, quia multum credidit._ Perhaps presenting Alfonso
with a gift suggestive of the Magdalene was an intentional bit of irony
on the part of the French king. In addition to this he received a
written description of a process for casting cannon. A golden shield was
likewise presented to Don Ferrante. Lucretia's gift was a string of gold
beads filled with musk, while her charming maid of honor, Angela, was
honored with a costly chain.
Everything was done to flatter the French ambassador. He was invited to
dinner in the evening by the Marchioness of Mantua, and was placed
between his hostess and the Duchess of Urbino. The evening was passed,
according to Gagnolo, in gallant and cultivated conversation. On leaving
the table the marchioness sang the most beautiful songs to the
accompaniment of the lute, for the entertainment of the French
ambassador. After this she conducted him to her chamber, where, in the
presence of two of her ladies-in-waiting, they held an animated
conversation for almost an hour, at the conclusion of which she drew off
her gloves and presented them to him, "and the ambassador received them
with assurances of his loyalty and his love, as they came from such a
charming source; he told her that he would preserve them until the end
of time, as a precious relic." We may believe Gagnolo, for doubtless the
fortunate ambassador regarded this memento of a beautiful woman as no
less precious than the rag poor Saint Lucia had given him.
Sunday, February 6th, there was a magnificent ceremony in the church;
one of the Pope's chamberlains in the name of his Holiness presented Don
Alfonso with a hat and also a sword which the Holy Father had blessed,
and which the archbishop girded on him at the altar. In the afternoon
the princes and the princesses of the house of Este went to Lucretia's
apartments to fetch her to the banquet hall. They danced for two hours;
Lucretia herself, with one of her ladies-in-waiting, taking part in some
French dances. In the evening the _Miles Gloriosus_ was presented; it
was followed by a _moresca_ in which ten shepherds with horns on their
heads fought with each other.
February 7th there was a tourney in the piazza before the church between
two mounted knights, one of whom was a native of Bologna and the other a
citizen of Imola. No blood was shed. In the evening the _Asinaria_ was
presented, together with a wonderful _moresca_ in which appeared
fourteen satyrs, one of which carried a silvered ass's head in his
hands, in which there was a music-box, to the strains of which the
clowns danced. This play of the satyrs was followed by an interlude
performed by sixteen vocalists,--men and women,--and a virtuoso from
Mantua who played on three lutes. In conclusion there was a _moresca_ in
which was simulated the agricultural work of the peasants. The fields
were prepared, the seed sown, the grain cut and threshed, and the
harvest feast followed. Finally a native dance to the accompaniment of
the bagpipe was executed.
The last day of the festivities, February 8th, also marked the end of
the carnival. The ambassadors, who were soon to depart, presented the
bride with costly gifts consisting of beautiful stuffs and silverware.
The most remarkable present was brought by the representatives of
Venice. The Republic at its own expense had sent two noblemen to the
festivities, Niccolò Dolfini and Andrea Foscolo, both of whom were
magnificently clothed. In those days dress was as costly as it was
beautiful, and the artists who made the clothes for the men and women of
the Renaissance would look with contempt upon those of the present time,
for in that æsthetic age their productions were works of art. The most
magnificent stuffs, velvet, silk, and gold embroidery were used, and
painters did not scorn to design the color schemes and the shapes and
folds of the garments. Dress, therefore, was a most weighty
consideration, and one to which great value was attached, as it
indicated the importance of the wearer. All who have left accounts of
the festivities in Ferrara describe in detail the costumes worn on each
occasion by Donna Lucretia and the other prominent women, and even those
of the men. The reports which the Venetians sent home and the
description in the diary of Marino Sanuto show how great was the
importance attached to these matters. The following is even more
striking evidence: before the two ambassadors of Venice set out for
Ferrara they were required to appear before the whole senate in their
robes of crimson velvet trimmed with fur, and wearing capes of similar
material. More than four thousand persons were present in the great
council hall, and the Piazza of S. Marco was crowded with people who
gazed with wonder on these strange creatures. One of these robes
contained thirty-two and the other twenty-eight yards of velvet.[170]
Following the instructions of the Seignory of Venice, the ambassadors
sent their robes to Duchess Lucretia as a bridal gift.[171] This
wonderful gift was presented in the most naive way imaginable. One of
the noble gentlemen delivered a Latin oration, and the other followed
with a long discourse in Italian; thereupon they retired to an adjoining
room, removed their magnificent robes, and sent them to the bride. This
present and the pedantry of the two Venetians excited the greatest mirth
at the Ferrarese court.[172]
In the evening they danced for the last time, and attended the final
theatrical performance, the _Casina_. Before the comedy began, music
composed by Rombonzino was rendered, and songs in honor of the young
couple were sung. Everywhere throughout the _Casina_, musical interludes
were introduced. During the intermission six violinists, among them Don
Alfonso, the hereditary prince, who was a magnificent amateur performer,
played. The violin seems to have been held in great esteem in Ferrara,
for when Cæsar Borgia was about to set out for France he asked Duke
Ercole for a violin player to accompany him, as they were much sought
after in that country.[173]
The ballet which followed was a dance of savages contending for the
possession of a beautiful woman. Suddenly the god of love appeared,
accompanied by musicians, and set her free. Hereupon the spectators
discovered a great globe which suddenly split in halves and began to
give forth beautiful strains. In conclusion twelve Swiss armed with
halberds and wearing their national colors entered, and executed an
artistic dance, fencing the while.
If this scene, as Cagnolo says, ended the dramatic performances we are
forced to conclude that they were exceedingly dull and spiritless. The
_moresca_ partook of the character of both the opera and ballet. It was
the only new form of spectacle offered during all the festivities.
Compared with those which were given in Rome on the occasion of
Lucretia's betrothal, they were much inferior. Among the former we
noticed several pastoral comedies with allegorical allusions to
Lucretia, Ferrara, Cæsar, and Alexander.
In spite of the outlay the duke had made, his entertainments lacked
novelty and variety, although they probably pleased most of those
present. Isabella, however, did not hesitate to mention the fact that
she was bored. "In truth," so she wrote her husband, "the wedding was a
very cold affair. It seems a thousand years before I shall be in Mantua
again, I am so anxious to see your Majesty and my son, and also to get
away from this place where I find absolutely no pleasure. Your
Excellency, therefore, need not envy me my presence at this wedding; it
is so stiff I have much more cause to envy those who remained in
Mantua." Apparently the noble lady's opinion was influenced by the
displeasure she still felt on account of her brother's marriage with
Lucretia, but it may also have been due partly to the character of the
festivities themselves, for the marchesa in all her letters complains of
their being tiresome.[174]
Soon after the conclusion of the festivities the marchioness returned to
Mantua; her last letter from Ferrara to her husband is dated February
9th. Her first letter from Mantua to her sister-in-law, which was
written February 18th, is as follows:
ILLUSTRIOUS LADY: The love which I feel for your Majesty,
and my hope that you continue in the same good health in which you
were at the time of my departure, cause me to believe that you have
the same feelings for me; therefore I inform you--hoping that it
will be pleasant news to you--that I returned to this city on
Monday in the best of health, and that I found my illustrious
consort also well. There is nothing more for me to write but to ask
your Majesty to tell me how you are, for I rejoice like an own
sister in your welfare. Although I regard it as superfluous to
offer you what belongs to you, I will remind you once for all, I
and mine are ever at your disposal. I am also much beholden to you,
and I ask you to remember me to your illustrious consort, my most
honored brother.
Lucretia replied to the marchioness's letter as follows:
MY ILLUSTRIOUS LADY, SISTER-IN-LAW, AND MOST HONORED
SISTER: Although it was my duty to anticipate your Excellency
in the proof of affection which you have given me, this neglect on
my part only makes me all the more beholden to you. I can never
tell you with what pleasure and relief I learned that you had
reached Mantua safely and had found your illustrious husband well.
May he and your Majesty, with God's help, continue to enjoy all
happiness, and the increase of all good things, according to your
desires. In obedience to your Majesty's commands I am compelled,
and I also desire, to let you know that I, by God's mercy, am well,
and shall ever be disposed to serve you.
Your devoted sister, who is anxious to serve you,
LUCREZIA ESTENSIS DE BORGIA.[175]
FERRARA, _February 22, 1502_.
These letters, written with diplomatic cunning, are the beginning of the
correspondence of these two famous women which was carried on for
seventeen years, and which shows that Isabella's displeasure gradually
passed away, and that she became a real friend of her sister-in-law.
The duke was heartily glad when his guests finally departed. Madonna
Adriana, Girolama, and the woman described simply as "an Orsini" seemed
in no haste to return to Rome. Alexander had instructed them to remain
until Cæsar's wife arrived. They were to wait for her in Lombardy, and
then accompany her to Rome. The Duchess of Romagna, however, in spite of
the urgent requests of the nuncio, refused to leave France. Her brother,
Cardinal d'Albret, reached Ferrara February 6th, and shortly afterwards
set out for Rome.
Adriana, as a near connection of the Pope and Lucretia, had been treated
with the highest respect at Ercole's court, where she had enjoyed a
close intimacy with the Marchioness Isabella, as is shown by a letter
which the latter addressed to Adriana, February 18th, the same day on
which she wrote Lucretia. It is regarding a certain person whom Adriana
while in Ferrara had recommended to her in her own name and also in that
of Donna Giulia. It, therefore, appears that the anonymous Orsini was
not Giulia Farnese.
Ercole was exceedingly anxious for the women to leave. In a letter,
dated February 14th, to his ambassador in Rome, Costabili, he complains
bitterly about their "useless" stay at his court. "I tell you," so he
wrote, "that these women by remaining here cause a large number of other
persons, men as well as women, to linger, for all wish to depart at the
same time, and it is a great burden and causes heavy expense. The
retinue of these ladies, taken into consideration with the other people,
numbers not far from four hundred and fifty persons and three hundred
and fifty horses." Ercole instructed his ambassador to inform the Pope
of this, also to tell him that the supplies were about exhausted, and
that the Duchess of Romagna would not arrive before Easter, and that he
could stand the expense no longer, as the wedding festivities had
already cost twenty-five thousand ducats. The Pope should therefore
direct the ladies to return. In a postscript to the same letter the duke
says: "After the noble ladies of the Duchess of Romagna had been here
twelve days, I sent them away because they were impertinent, and because
their presence would not do his Holiness or the duchess any good."[176]
The troublesome women finally departed. There is a despatch of the
orator Girardo Saraceni, dated Rome, May 4th, in which he informs the
duke that Monsignor Venosa and Donna Adriana had returned from Ferrara,
and had expressed to the Pope their gratitude for the affectionate
reception which had been accorded them.
February 14th Ercole wrote the Pope a letter whose meaning is perfectly
clear, if we eliminate one or two phrases.
HOLY FATHER AND MASTER: Before the illustrious Duchess,
our daughter, came here, it was my firm determination to receive
her, as was meet, with all friendliness and honor, and to show her
in every way how great was the affection I felt for her. Now that
her Majesty is here, I am so pleased with her on account of the
virtues and good qualities which I have discovered in her that I am
not only strengthened in that determination, but also am resolved
to do even more than I had intended, and all the more because your
Holiness has asked me to do so in the autographic letter which you
wrote me. Your Holiness need have no fears, for I shall treat the
Duchess in such a way that your Holiness will see that I regard her
as the most precious jewel I have in the world.
FOOTNOTES:
[167] Isabella's remarkable letters regarding the marriage festivities
in Ferrara are printed in the Notizie di Isabella Estense by Carlo
d'Arco. Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii. 223, sq. The letter of the
Marchesa of Cotrone of February 1st is in the library of Mantua, and
there are several other letters in the archives of that city written by
her to Gonzaga regarding the festivities.
[168] Qual Madama Sposa danzò molte danze al suono delli suoi Tamburini
alla Romanesca e Spagnuola: report of Niccolò Gagnolo of Parma, who had
accompanied the French ambassador to Ferrara. Zambotto used this
description of the wedding festivities in his chronicle, and it was
subsequently reprinted in Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, etc.
[169] The Cassaria was first produced in 1508, and the Suppositi in
1509. Giuseppe Campori, Notizie per la vita di Lod. Ariosto, 2d ed.
Modena, 1871, p. 67.
[170] Despatch of the Ferrarese orator, Bartolomeo Cartari, to Ercole,
Venice, January 25, 1502. Archives of Modena.
[171] Cartari says in the same despatch that the robes he had described
were intended for presents. Li Ambasciatori Veneziani le presentarono
due vesti grandi in forma di palii velluto Cremesino foderati di
ermelini, quali levatesi di sopra loro le presentarono. Cagnolo.
[172] Ano dato materia di ridere ad hogni homo cum suo presente. The
Marchesana of Cotrone to the Marquis of Mantua, Ferrara, February 8th.
[173] Violas arcu pulsantes. Cæsar Borgia to Ercole, Rome, September 3,
1498.
[174] See Isabella's letters of February 3d and 5th.
[175] Zuccheti reproduces the letter.
[176] P.S. Li gentilhomini de lo Illmo. Sig. Duca de Romagna poichè
sono stati qui XII giorni sono stati da me licentiate per essere
impertinente e senza fructo alcuno a la Santità de N.S. et allo Illmo.
Sig. Duca de Romagna. Minute Ducali a Costabili Beltrando, February 14,
1502.
CHAPTER IV
THE ESTE DYNASTY--DESCRIPTION OF FERRARA
On entering the castle of the Este, Lucretia found a new environment,
new interests--one might almost say a new world. She was a princess in
one of the most important Italian States, and in a strange city, which,
during the latter half of the century, had assumed a place of the first
importance, for the spirit of Italian culture had there developed new
forms. She had been received with the highest honors into a family
famous and princely; one of the oldest and most brilliant in the
peninsula. It was a piece of supreme good fortune that had brought her
to this house, and now she would endeavor to make herself worthy of it.
The family of Este, next to that of Savoy, was the oldest and most
illustrious in Italy, and it forced the latter into the background by
assuming the important position which the State of Ferrara, owing to its
geographical position, afforded it.
The history of the Este is briefly as follows:
These lords, whose name is derived from a small castle between Padua and
Ferrara, and who first appeared about the time of the Lombard invasion,
were descended from a family whose remote ancestor was one Albert. The
names Adalbert and Albert assume in Italian the form Oberto, from which
we have the diminutives Obizzo and Azzo. In the tenth century there
appears a Marquis Oberto who was first a retainer of King Berengar and
later of Otto the Great. It is not known from what domain he and his
immediate successors derived their title of marquis; they were, however,
powerful lords in Lombardy as well as in Tuscany. One of Oberto's
ancestors, Alberto Azzo II, who is originally mentioned as Marchio de
Longobardia, governed the territory from Mantua to the Adriatic and the
region about the Po, where he owned Este and Rovigo. He married
Kunigunde, sister of Count Guelf III of Swabia, and in this way the
famous German family of Guelf became connected with the Oberti and drawn
into Italian politics. When Alberto Azzo died in the year 1096--more
than a hundred years old--he left two sons, Guelf and Folco, who were
the founders of the house of Este in Italy and the Guelf house of
Braunschweig in Germany, for Guelf inherited the property of his
maternal grandfather, Guelf III, in whom the male line of the house
became extinct in the year 1055. He went to Germany, where he became
Duke of Bavaria and founded the Guelf line.
Folco inherited his father's Italian possessions, and in the great
struggle of the German emperor with the papacy, the Margraves of Este
were aggressive and determined soldiers. At first they were simply
members of the Guelf faction, but subsequently they became its leaders,
and thus were able to establish their power in Ferrara.
The origin of the city is lost in the mists of antiquity. By the gift of
Pipin and Charles it passed to the Church. It was also included in the
deed of Matilda. In the war between the Pope and the Emperor, occasioned
by this gift of Matilda, Ferrara succeeded in regaining its independence
as a republic.
The Este first appeared there about the end of the twelfth century.
Folco's grandson, Azzo V, married Marchesella Adelardi, who was the heir
of the leader of the Guelfs in that city, where Salinguerra was the head
of the Ghibellines. From that time the Margraves of Este possessed great
influence in Ferrara. They were likewise leaders of the Guelf party in
the north of Italy.
In the year 1208 Azzo VI succeeded in driving Salinguerra out of
Ferrara, and the city having wearied of the long feud made the victor
its hereditary Podestà. This is the first example of a free republic
voluntarily submitting to a lord. In this way the Este established the
first tyranny on the ruins of a commune. The brave Salinguerra, one of
the greatest captains of Italy in the time of the Hohenstaufen,
repeatedly drove Azzo VI and his successor, Azzo VII, from Ferrara, but
he himself was finally defeated in 1240 and cast into prison, where he
died. Thenceforth the Este ruled Ferrara.
About the time of the removal of the papacy to Avignon they were
expelled from the city by the Church, but they returned on the
invitation of the citizens who had risen against the papal legate. John
XXII issued a diploma of investiture by the terms of which they were to
hold Ferrara as a fief of the Church on payment of an annual tribute of
ten thousand gold ducats. The Este now set themselves up as tyrants in
Ferrara, and in spite of numerous wars maintained the dynasty for a
great many years. This dominion was not, like that in many other Italian
States, due to a lucky stroke on the part of an upstart, but it was
ancient, hereditary, and firmly established.
It was due to a succession of remarkable princes, beginning with
Aldobrandino, Lord of Ferrara, Modena, Rovigo, and Comacchio, that
Ferrara succeeded in winning the important position she held at the
beginning of the sixteenth century. Aldobrandino was followed by his
brothers, Niccolò, from 1361 to 1388, and Alberto until 1393. After that
his son Niccolò III, a powerful and bellicose man, ruled until the year
1441. As his legitimate children Ercole and Sigismondo were minors, he
was succeeded by his natural son Lionello. This prince not only
continued the work begun by his father, but also beautified Ferrara. In
the year 1444 the great Alfonso of Naples gave him his daughter Maria as
wife, and the Este thus entered into close relations with the royal
house of Aragon. Lionello was intelligent and liberal, a patron of all
the arts and sciences, a "prince of immortal name." In the year 1450 he
was succeeded by his brother Borso, illegitimate like himself, as an
effort was being made to displace the legitimate sons of Niccolò II.
Borso was one of the most magnificent princes of his age. Frederick II,
when he stopped in Ferrara on his return from his coronation in Rome,
made him Duke of Modena and Reggio, and Count of Rovigo and Comacchio,
all of which territories belonged to the empire. The Este thereupon
adopted for their arms, instead of the white eagle they had hitherto
borne, the black eagle of the empire, to which were added the lilies of
France, the use of which had been granted them by Charles VII. April 14,
1471, Paul VII in Rome created Borso Duke of Ferrara. Soon after
this--May 27th--this celebrated prince died unmarried and childless.
He was succeeded by Ercole, the legitimate son of Niccolò II, the direct
line of the Este thereby reacquiring the government of Ferrara, the
importance of the State having been greatly increased by the efforts of
the two illegitimate sons. In June, 1473, amid magnificent festivities,
Ercole married Eleonora of Aragon, daughter of Ferdinand of Naples.
Twenty-nine years--years of conflict--had passed when the second Duke of
Ferrara married his son to Lucretia with similar pomp. By putting an end
to the war with Venice and Pope Sixtus IV, in the year 1482, Ercole had
succeeded in saving his State from the great danger which threatened it,
although he had been forced to relinquish certain territory to the
Venetians. This danger, however, might arise again, for Venice and the
Pope continued to be Ferrara's bitterest enemies. Political
considerations, therefore, compelled her to form an alliance with
France, whose king already owned Milan and might permanently secure
possession of Naples. For the same reason he had married his son to
Lucretia on the best terms he was able to make. She, therefore, must
have been conscious of her great importance to the State of Ferrara, and
this it was which gave her a sense of security with regard to the noble
house to which she now belonged.