The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XXXV, 1640-1649
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXV
Preface 9
Documents of 1640-1644
The Dominican missions, 1635-39. Baltasar de Santa Cruz,
O.P. [From his Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario
(Zaragoza, 1693).] 25
The Recollect missions, 1625-40. [Extracts from the works
of Juan de la Concepción and Luis de Jesús.] 59
News from Filipinas, 1640-42. [Unsigned]; [Manila, 1641],
and July 25, 1642 114
Decree regarding the Indians. Felipe IV; Çaragoça, October
24, 1642 125
Formosa lost to Spain. Juan de los Angeles, O.P.; Macasar,
March, 1643 128
Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; Zaragoza, August 4, 1643 163
Documents of 1644-1649
Concessions to the Jesuits. Balthasar de Lagunilla, S.J.,
and others; 1640-44 169
Events in the Philippines, 1643-44. [Unsigned and undated.] 176
Fiscal's report on Sangley licenses. Sebastian Cavallero
[de Medina]; Manila, 1644 185
Decree ordering reënforcements for the islands. Felipe IV;
Zaragoza, September 18, 1645 196
Erection of the college of Santo Tomás into a university.
Felipe IV and Innocent X; 1644-45 199
Trade with English not desired. Council of State; Madrid,
January 30, 1647 209
Affairs in Filipinas, 1644-47. Fray Joseph Fayol (of the
Order of Mercy); Manila, 1647 212
Decree regarding missionaries. Felipe IV; Madrid, September
17, 1647 276
Early Franciscan missions. [Unsigned; written in 1649, and
published in 1895.] 278
Bibliographical Data 323
ILLUSTRATIONS
Title-page of Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario
de Filipinas, tomo segundo, by Baltasar de Santa Cruz,
O. P. (Zaragoça, 1693); photographic facsimile from copy in
library of Harvard University 23
Native women pounding rice in the province of Cagayán; from
photograph taken by Otto Fischer, 1888; procured in Madrid 49
Chart of part of the Philippines; photographic facsimile of
a map taken from a Dutch MS. of 1662; from Dalrymple's Charts
[London], 1778, ii, p. 74; from copy in the Library of
Congress 132, 133
Rough sketch of Manila and its environs, ca. 1641; photographic
facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla 171
PREFACE
In the present volume, which covers the period 1629-49, the principal
topics are the missions of the religious orders and the hostilities
between the Spaniards and the Dutch in the eastern seas. The final
chapters in this conflict are the capture of Formosa by the Dutch, and
the successive defeats of their armed squadrons in contests with the
Spanish ships sent against them from Manila. In the loss of Formosa
the Dominicans are deprived of their flourishing missions there;
but this is compensated by the suppression of Collado's faction in
their order. The Recollect missions in Mindanao sustain some losses;
but one of the laborers therein, "Father Captain," sheds glory on
them by his bravery, skill, and devotion. The Franciscan missions
are in satisfactory condition; to their strictly religious work
they add the care of the hospitals and the lepers. The prosperity
of the islands has been greatly injured by the losses of galleons,
insufficient crops, the oppressive taxes laid on the Chinese traders,
and the great earthquake of 1645.
For the leading events in the history of the Dominican order in the
islands at this period, we resort to the pages of Santa Cruz's Historia
de la provincia del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), a continuation
of Aduarte's Historia, already presented in this series. Beginning
with 1635, Santa Cruz gives an account, more detailed than Aduarte's,
of the coming of Collado and the "Barbones" friars; and he adds the
punishment and tragic death of Fray Collado. In 1637, Fray Carlos Gant
is chosen provincial. Santa Cruz describes the island of Formosa,
its people, and the Dominican mission established among them. He
enumerates some of the mistakes and faults of Governor Corcuera,
with their evil results to the islands; of these, the event most
deplored by the Dominicans is the loss of Formosa (1642). The lives
and achievements of various missionaries of the order are related. In
1639 occurs an insurrection among the Cagayán natives, caused by
ill-treatment from the Spaniards: the latter are unable to subdue
these people, who take refuge in their mountains. In the same year,
both the galleons from Acapulco are wrecked, which inflicts heavy
losses on the islands. Santa Cruz copies the royal decrees relating
to Collado and the suppression of the congregation of San Pablo.
An account of the Recollect missions for the period 1625-38 is
furnished by Luis de Jesús, in his Historia de los religiosos descalzos
de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681). In 1625, Recollect missionaries
extend their work in northern Mindanao, Fray Juan de San Nicolás and
a companion. In the following year, the Moros, instigated by the noted
Corralat, attack the village of Cagaiang; but it is fortified, and its
people trained in military exercises, by the "fighting parson" of those
missions, Fray Agustin de San Pedro, who defeats the enemy. In 1631
the Indians of Caraga, ill-treated by the Spanish commandant there,
rebel; they kill him and some of the soldiers, and several of the
Recollect missionaries in Caraga; some others are saved by friendly
Indians. The natives of Butuan remain faithful to the missionaries,
notwithstanding the efforts of the insurgents to seduce them. One
of the fathers sails to Cebu to procure relief for the endangered
garrison at Tandag; this is promptly sent, and soon quells the
insurrection. Much consolation is afforded to the fathers in this
distressful period by the conversion of an outlaw Indian chief and his
hundred followers. Some mention is made of the persecutions in Japan,
and of the Spanish occupation and subsequent loss of Formosa. In
1635 the Recollects enter Romblón and its dependent islands, where
they labor bravely, but exposed to continual danger by the piratical
raids of the Moros. Several of those who occupy Cuyo and Calamianes
Islands are captured by those enemies, and become martyrs for the
faith. This account is supplemented by that presented by Juan de la
Concepción in his Historia general de Philipinas (Manila, 1788). He
follows Luis de Jesús somewhat closely, but adds an interesting
account of the missions begun by the Recollects in northern Mindanao,
which they are afterward obliged to abandon. Their "Father Captain"
(Fray Agustín de San Pedro) aids the Spaniards in the invasion (1639)
of the Lake Lanao district, which is fully described. After the Moros
are conquered for the time by the Spaniards, the Jesuits claim the
Lanao district as being their field, and the Recollects are excluded
from it. Another expedition is sent thither to build a fort on Lake
Lanao; when this is but half done, the Moros--naturally treacherous,
and further instigated by Corralat--attack it. The Jesuit priest at
Lanao sends to the Recollect "Father Captain" an entreaty for aid to
the besieged Spaniards; he responds quickly, and soon liberates them,
also conducting the troops safely to the seashore. The district,
however, is not restored to the Recollects--a result due, according
to Concepción, to the machinations of the Jesuits.
The notable events in the year ending July, 1641, are narrated by a
Franciscan at Manila. The Portuguese of Macao have been expelled from
Japan, many being burned at the stake; and thus is closed the traffic
which Macao had with Japan, to which that city owed its existence. A
terrible noise in the air has been heard throughout the islands
(afterward known to be caused by volcanic eruptions), which occasions
much fear among the people--especially since the Dutch have seized
the city of Malacca. News is sent to Manila of increased strength
and hostile plans on the part of the Dutch, who talk of capturing
that city; and they are even lying in wait near the Embocadero for
the Acapulco galleons. The bloody persecutions in Japan have left few
missionaries alive there; rumors regarding some have reached Manila,
and the writer mentions the martyrdoms of several others. He also
cites a letter from the Spanish governor of Ternate, asking for more
religious to carry on the mission recently begun in Celebes.
A short unsigned letter, dated July 25, 1642, states that the islands
are suffering from extreme drouth. The ship from Acapulco has come
safely, but narrowly escaping the Dutch who lay in wait for it. The
Portuguese from Macao profess loyalty to Castilla. The islands have not
suffered from the usual Moro raids; negotiations for peace are being
carried on in Mindanao, and Jolo is nominally at peace. A royal decree
(October 24, 1642) orders Corcuera to thank the Filipino natives for
their loyalty and zeal in the Spanish service.
A Dominican missionary who has labored in Formosa writes (March, 1643)
a detailed account of the seizure of that island by the Dutch. After a
five days' siege, the Spaniards surrender with their forts there. The
prisoners are sent to Jacatra (now Batavia), and afterward to Manila;
and the Dutch make strong establishments in Formosa. They also
search, but unsuccessfully, for gold mines there; and they treat
the natives harshly, so that the latter long for the Spaniards to
return. The writer proceeds to describe the great increase of power
which the Dutch have attained in the East; he enumerates the armed
fleet with which they are scouring the seas and securing control of
the rich trade of that region. All these, as well as their forts,
are furnished with abundance of supplies, of all kinds; and their
soldiers and sailors are well trained and disciplined. The value
of their commerce is almost incredible, and supplies Holland with
wealth to carry on the war in Europe against the Spanish power. The
Dutch aim to be masters of the entire Eastern archipelago, and are
planning to expel the Spaniards from the Philippines. To this letter
are appended extracts from Ferrando's Historia de los PP. Dominicos
and Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, which present additional
information. The former blames Corcuera, and the latter the Jesuits
and their schemes, for the loss of Formosa.
A letter from the king to Corcuera (August 4, 1643), reproves him
for saving money to the treasury by accepting "donations" of part of
their pay from persons in the royal service, orders him to favor and
protect the Indians, and asks for information as to ways and means by
which money may be raised for the buildings needed for the use of the
archbishop of Manila--for which contributions from private persons may
be received, provided these are strictly voluntary. Other paragraphs
of the letter approve Corcuera's course in certain minor matters,
and give him directions in others. In 1644, the Jesuit procurator for
Filipinas asks the king to confirm certain grants made by Corcuera
to the Jesuits at Manila; this petition is accompanied by a map,
and a copy of Corcuera's decree (September 1, 1640) granting the
Jesuits a certain piece of land.
A document unsigned and undated, but apparently the usual record
of the year's events sent from the Jesuit house at Manila, relates
the news for the year 1643-44. One of the Acapulco ships has reached
the islands in safety, bringing the new governor, Diego Fajardo. The
Dutch enemy have learned how incomplete are the defenses of Manila;
but Ternate has been strongly reënforced, which will curb their
arrogance. They have captured some of the Chinese trading vessels,
and Manila has therefore suffered great loss this year. There is a
serious rebellion in China; the king of that country is favorable
to the Jesuit missionaries, and permits them to preach and build
churches throughout China; and has entrusted to them the reform of
the Chinese calendar. Japan is closed to the Christian religion and
to European trade, excepting with the Dutch; and several martyrdoms
of missionaries have occurred there. The Portuguese at Macao have
seized the Spanish envoy from Manila, and all the other Castilians,
imprisoning and abusing them. Having sent the envoy to Goa, the ship
which carries him is captured by the Dutch, who treat him with great
kindness and courtesy. The Spaniards at Macao are finally sent to
Manila, but all their property is seized by the Portuguese. The Dutch
have seized Malacca, and made an unsuccessful attempt on Ceylon. The
Moros of Mindanao and Jolo profess to desire peace, but their promises
are considered unreliable. Drouth and a plague of locusts have almost
ruined the rice crop in the Philippines, and the Indians are suffering
from famine.
A very rare and possibly unique pamphlet (Manila, 1644) presents
the report of the royal fiscal at Manila on the licenses issued to
the Chinese to reside in the islands. The amount paid for these has
been increased by Corcuera, on his own responsibility, partly to raise
money for the fortifications of the city, partly to punish the Chinese
for revolting (as they did in 1639). The fiscal discusses this measure
from a legal standpoint, and shows that it is illegal. Corcuera had no
authority to increase the tax on the Chinese; there was no pressing
necessity to justify it; he should have obtained permission from the
king to do so; and he had already a sufficient fund for repairing the
fortifications, in the proceeds of the monopoly on playing-cards. If
more funds are necessary, they should be furnished by only the citizens
and permanent residents of Manila, not by foreigners and transients,
as are the Sangleys. Even had the new tax been justified, it was highly
impolitic; and in any case its proceeds should have been placed in
the general funds of the royal treasury, and subject to the orders of
the royal officials instead of the governor's--and for the sums spent
therefrom by Corcuera he should be held responsible. These new taxes
on the Chinese have injured and damaged the entire colony, since they
have prevented the Chinese from leaving the Parián to cultivate the
rice-fields and engage in fishing and other occupations; and those
who really pay the money received for these taxes are the seventy
citizens of Manila. In evidence of this, the fiscal cites the great
increase in prices of both commodities and labor, due to this new
tax on the Chinese.
A royal decree (September 18, 1645) orders the viceroy of Mexico to
send larger reënforcements of troops, to be levied among the vagabonds
and criminals of Nueva España. Letters from Felipe IV to his ambassador
at Rome and Pope Innocent X (December 20, 1644) secure a papal brief
(dated November 20, 1645) for the erection of the Dominican college
at Manila, Santo Tomás, into a university. A report of the royal
Council of State (January 30, 1647) relates to the attempt of the
East India Company of England to open trade with the Philippines,
which the Spanish government will not allow.
An interesting account of affairs in the islands from 1644 to 1647 is
presented in two rare pamphlets printed at Manila in 1647, written by a
royal chaplain in that city. After brief mention of the leading events
during the period of ten years preceding, he begins with the arrival
of Governor Fajardo (June, 1644) and the more important occurrences
of that year. In April, 1645, Dutch vessels off the Ilocos coast are
defeated by a few small Spanish ships. Soon afterward, the Acapulco
galleons bring goodly succor to the islands. With them comes the new
archbishop, who dies of sickness before reaching Manila. On November
30 of that year occurs the most destructive earthquake that has been
known in the islands since the Spanish conquest; Fayol describes this
in considerable detail. Manila is laid waste by it; and all the clergy
and religious immediately go about the city, to recover the bodies
of the dead and console the dying who are buried under the ruins. The
main buildings injured, and the extent of the damage done to each, are
enumerated. The prompt and vigilant measures of the governor prevent
any lawless acts, and afford security to the homeless refugees. Most
of the people leave the city, and encamp in the fields or on the
beach, where the priests follow them, hearing their confessions and
exhorting them to repent of their sins. Much havoc is wrought by the
earthquake in various other places in the islands, and the shocks and
disturbances continue for some time afterward, although much lessened
in force. Unfortunate Manila is next harassed by the Dutch, who equip a
fleet to attack it. Their first squadron is repulsed and defeated near
Mariveles by the Spanish force, which consists of the two Acapulco
galleons, manned with Manila's bravest men. These vessels are then
sent to San Bernardino Strait to protect the Acapulco galleons; there
they encounter another Dutch squadron, and, after guarding the strait
for a month, oblige the enemy to depart. The Spaniards go in pursuit,
and, overtaking the enemy near Marinduque, defeat them, with very
slight loss on the Spanish side; and two days later, near Mindoro,
they again rout the Dutch, afterward returning to Manila. Not long
afterward the Acapulco galleon is attacked by other Dutch ships,
not far from Manila Bay, but retreats to Cavite in safety; it is
then sent out again but this time escorted by an armada of all the
vessels obtainable in Manila Bay. Near Mindoro they defeat another
Dutch squadron; but as the winds have now become unfavorable for the
voyage across the Pacific, the "San Diego" puts back to Mariveles for
further orders. The Spanish flagship, again attacked by the Dutch,
repulses them; and this series of brilliant victories is celebrated
by a brilliant fiesta. A later galleon is lost in the port of Cagayan,
but the men and the silver are saved. Dutch vessels capture a Chinese
junk, and place aboard a prize crew; but the Chinese mutiny, and
kill all the Dutchmen. The trade with China still continues, but
considerably diminished by the Manchu invasion of that country.
The second relation by Father Fayol relates the incursions by the Dutch
in the summer of 1647. Early in June the enemy enter Manila Bay with a
large squadron, and finally bombard the city; but they are repulsed and
much damaged by the Spaniards, with but little loss to the latter. The
Dutch then commit some depredations along the bay shore; and later
assault the Pampango village of Abucay, where a large sum of money
belonging to some Chinese traders had been concealed. The Pampangos
resist bravely, but are finally defeated with much loss, owing to the
cowardice and inefficiency of the Spanish alcalde-mayor. The Dutch
again attack Abucay, but are repulsed by another Spanish officer,
and lose many men in the encounter. Two prisoners taken from the Dutch
give the Spaniards much useful information. The pamphlet closes with
a long eulogy of Venegas, the Spanish military commander.
A royal decree (September 17, 1647) gives Fajardo nominal instructions
regarding the missionaries, but sufficiently vague and ambiguous to
leave the governor at fault if affairs go wrong.
In an anonymous manuscript of 1649 is presented an account of the
Franciscan missions in the islands. This begins with a list of
the fifty-two convents of this order, with the number of natives
and of religious attached to each; most of these have buildings of
stone. The hospitals conducted by the Franciscans are enumerated,
with various details regarding the resources and management of each
one. Brief accounts follow of deaths of missionaries who have been
slain by Dutchmen or by various heathens. The establishment of Poor
Clares (nuns who form a branch of the Franciscan order) at Manila is
described; this convent is exceedingly poor since the earthquake. It
had sent some of its members to Macao to found a convent there;
but after the Portuguese rebellion these nuns are obliged to return
to Manila. Another section of this document relates various facts
regarding the islands and their natural features and products, and the
people. Then follows mention of the introduction of the Franciscan
order in the Philippines, the royal aid and patronage bestowed on
it, and its missions in Ternate, Macasar, and other remote islands;
also an account of some martyrdoms among its missionaries. It was the
Franciscans who took charge of the Christian lepers sent to Manila
from Japan. The notable linguists among the Philippine missionaries,
and their leading works, are enumerated. The writer ends by describing
some heroic deaths of missionaries, and some instances of baptism
conferred in unusual circumstances. Some additional information from
Concepción's Historia concerns the controversy of the Franciscans
with the bishop of Camarines.
The Editors
January, 1906.
DOCUMENTS OF 1640-1644
The Dominican missions, 1635-39. Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.
[From his Historia del Santo Rosario.]
The Recollect missions, 1625-40. [From the works of Juan de la
Concepción and Luis de Jesús.]
News from Filipinas, 1640-42. [Unsigned]; [1641], and July 25,
1642.
Decree regarding the Indians. Felipe IV; October 24, 1642.
Formosa lost to Spain. Juan de los Angeles, O.P.; March, 1643.
Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; August 4, 1643.
Sources: The first document is taken from Santa Cruz's Historia
del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), pp. 1-23 (from a copy owned
by Edward E. Ayer). The second, from Luis de Jesús's Historia de
los religiosos descalzos de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681), pp. 69-71,
163-173, 184, 282-287, 294-298 (from a copy owned by Edward E. Ayer);
and Juan de la Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, v, pp. 163-179,
360-391 (from a copy in the possession of the Editors). The third,
from a MS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. The fourth,
from a MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The fifth, from
the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), ii, pp. 251-288; Ferrando's
Historia de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 440-447; and Concepción's
Historia, vi, pp. 89-113. The sixth, from the "Cedulario Indico,"
in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.
Translations: The first three documents are translated by James
A. Robertson; the fourth, by Victoria Peacock; the remainder, by Emma
Helen Blair.
THE DOMINICAN MISSIONS, 1635-39
Book one of Part two of the "History of the province of Santissimo
Rosario of Filipinas, Japon, and China, of the Order of Preachers." [1]
CHAPTER FIRST
Of the condition of the province in the year 1637, which is the first
year of this history
The time of a successive history, although it is continuous, is not an
indivisible unit. Consequently, it is necessary in this history to take
our course from two years previous, namely, that of 1635. That year
was the third of the first provincialate of the father-commissary,
Fray Domingo Gonçales. The intermediary chapter having been held on
April 6 of the said year, on St. John's day arrived two ships from
Nueva [2] España, the "Concepción," and "San Luis" with the situado. In
them came to govern these islands, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,
knight of the Order of Alcantara; the new governor brought much succor,
and many soldiers from Perù; for he had made his voyage by way of
those kingdoms. A band of twenty-two religious came to our province,
under the vicarship of father Fray Diego Collado. Their names are
as follows: the said father-vicar, Fray Diego Collado; father Fray
Guillelmo Cortet de Visiers, of Francia, afterward a glorious martyr
in Japon (treated in the first part, [3] book 2, chapter 61); father
Fray Juan del Moral, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Cordova;
father Fray Miguel de Ozaraza, son of [the convent at] Victoria, a
glorious martyr in Japon, and of whom the same history treats at the
same place; father Fray Juan Mallen, son of [the convent of] Santa Cruz
el Real at Granada, a collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he
sailed; father Fray Antonio de Montesa, of the Canaria Islands; father
Fray Juan de los Angeles, son of [the convent of] Santo Domingo del
Campo at Zafra; father Fray Manuel de Berrio, son of [the convent of]
Santa Cruz at Segovia; father Fray Pedro de Messa, son of [the convent
at] Cordova, collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he sailed;
father Fray Gabriel de Montenegro, son of [the convent of] San Pablo
at Cordova; father Fray Pedro de Chaves, son of [the convent of] San
Estevan at Salamanca; father Fray Juan Uguet, son of [the convent of]
Preachers at Valencia; father Fray Ignacio Muñoz, son of [the convent
of] San Pablo at Valladolid; father Fray Juan Cazor, a Frenchman;
father Fray Francisco de Hoyos, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at
Valladolid; father Fray Antonio de la Torre, son of [the convent of]
Regina Angelorum [i.e., Queen of Angels] at Sevilla; Fray Francisco de
Armella, an acolyte, from the province of Aragon; Fray Tomas Ramas,
an acolyte, son of [the convent of] San Vicente at Plasencia; Fray
Placido de Angulo, an acolyte, son of [the convent at] Xerez de la
Frontera; Fray Juan del Villar, an acolyte, from [the convent of]
San Pablo at Cordova; Fray Alonso de Villegas, a lay-brother, son
[of the convent of] San Pablo at Sevilla; Fray Francisco Gomez, a
lay-brother, son of [the convent of] San Domingo at Xerez. The above
are the ones who arrived, while father Fray Juan Tellez, a son of
[the convent at] San Lucar, was left in Mexico because of illness,
and came the following year. Father Fray Marco Nuñez, a son of [the
convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, died at sea. Under the shelter
of this mission came a student, who took the habit here, professed,
and was ordained; his name was father Fray Diego Rodriguez.
The band was received with as joyful demonstrations of consolation
as were the others. But considering the appearance of those who
came in that band, which was so strange to this province, the joy
was changed into wonder; for all of them wore long beards, a fact
which was an immediate portent of some great trouble as it was the
superscription of peculiarity. The first part, book 2, chapter 56
treats of this sufficiently; but, as it is so serious a matter, we have
thought best to repeat considerable and to add somewhat. Father Fray
Diego Collado, a native of Meazadas in Estremadura, and son of [the
convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, a truly exemplary religious,
energetic in his ministry, and very zealous for the conversion of
Japon and China, was a minister of this province for some years in
Cagayan. But the devil--who, like an asp, converts the most medicinal
flowers into poison--availed himself of the zeal of this father to
divide the seamless and scanty garment of this holy province; and,
beginning to deface his government with less humility, created in his
breast thoughts of being the reformer of the province (a self-love,
at bottom, which was given shelter under the holy name of Virtue,
in order that it might become more pernicious and incurable),
by separating the congregation so that it should only be employed
in the missions of other kingdoms, without paying any heed to the
ministries to the Indians. He so arranged matters here, that from
Japon (where he was a minister for four years) serious difficulties
excluded him from that field of Christendom. Here also the superiors
sent him for religious to España. He went there and to Roma, where
he proposed to our most reverend father-general, Fray Serafino Sico,
that, inasmuch as this province was embarrassed with ministries to
Indians and assistance to Spaniards; and inasmuch as the missions of
China and Japon and other kingdoms were an employment which ought to
be their sole one: it would be a great service to God to have them
separate, by that most reverend father instituting a new congregation,
to apply themselves to this purpose, and this alone. They were to
have houses of their own, from among those which the order possesses
in these islands, where the languages could be learned without other
exercise than that of the said missions. The most reverend father
having examined and consulted regarding the new pretension, resolved
to demolish it; and, even angered at such a proposal, he deprived
the said father of his powers, ordered him to quit Roma, and not to
return again to discuss the matter further. The father obeyed, but it
happened that the father-general died in the year 28. In the year 29,
our most reverend father, Fray Nicolas Rodulfo was elected. Father
Collado sought an interview with him, and painted his scheme in such
colors that he obtained whatever he wished from him: the erection
of a new congregation, under the title of St. Paul the apostle; the
appointment of himself as the first vicar-general; and all things for
that necessary end, with great amplitude of power and authority. The
father went to España, and, first seeking the indispensable permission
of the royal Council of the Indias, and finding that innovations were
not resolved upon in those royal and most prudent courts, without
first hearing a report from the governors and their audiencias, and
that he was demanding an impossible thing, he concealed the facts of
the division, and only made public the mission to Filipinas and his
appointment as vicar. There was no difficulty in his obtaining the
favor, orders, and help of the king our sovereign, and despatches
from his royal Council, in order that he might conduct his band by
the usual way. The father came to terms with the twenty-four said
religious, and embarked with them. He always said, whenever any
necessity arose to say it, that the letters of the most reverend
father were so weighty and were so vigorously expressed that their
execution in the province would be accomplished without the slightest
difficulty. Father Fray Mateo de la Villa, procurator-general of
this province, resident at the court, sent private information of
whatever he could discover in regard to the business, proceedings,
and efforts, and of Father Collado, in the same vessel. The latter,
as a man of authority, of example and weight, and of experience,
had sufficient time in the course of two so long voyages to infuse
his opinions into the religious. That was an easy matter, because
of the lack of events contrary to the faith which they must give
him; and more so if, fearful of the dangers so often exaggerated,
of a ministry among the Indians, representations were made to them
of the glory of a martyrdom, truly fantastic without great exercise
of virtues, tears, and prayer. In this manner did he so bind them to
himself in this holy province, and under the disguise above mentioned.
He presented his letters, in which the lack of so essential a
part was immediately discovered. The matter was disputed, and the
father-provincial, then the reverend father-commissary Fray Domingo
Gonçalez, having briefly considered the matter, resolved upon a
severe remedy. Before considering other orders, his first was that
no permission was to be given the newcomers to say mass, unless they
shaved as did the others. Thereupon, taking better counsel, they
obeyed, and desisted from their attempts; and in a short time were
scattered throughout the province in order to study the languages
there, while the said Father Collado remained behind in the convent.
The new governor assumed his duties, and discharged them with close
circumspection, and was well obeyed and esteemed by all the inhabitants
of Manila, as well as those outside that city; for he was a man
of great capacity. But he began to advance new opinions, which are
not so safe a thing in these so remote lands, and are generally too
arrogant. The matter that caused greatest mischief, and even scandal,
was the violence with which he treated the archbishop of this city that
holy prelate, Don Fray Fernando Guerrero whose lamentable tragedy,
exile, and attending circumstances were heard in Europa not without
astonishment; and left this land so desolate that today it still
suffers, and has not yet dried its tears. Reason of state calls the
two opposite arms, the ecclesiastical and the secular, difficult to
adjust [to each other], and this is true; yet in the last analysis
they are arms of one body, and in order that they may live in peace,
they must aid and supplement [each other's] actions. If the secular
arm, which boasts itself a faithful vassal, has to move as our most
Catholic kings decree, it ought to make the ecclesiastical not its
feet but its crown, such as the Constantines and the Honorios made
it. And although there may be dangerous accidents, the science of the
physician who relies on one medicine, and that a desperate one, is not
very great. Such was the medicine of that time, and the Preachers,
having caused notable disturbances in those districts, were obliged
to perform their duties. Much more heavily did the hostility of the
governor weigh down upon Ours, for he, scenting or discovering at this
time the commission that our father Fray Diego Collado had brought
(which had been forgotten for nine months), summoned him, and awakened
him, so that he should again take up that commission. The governor
encouraged him to present himself to the royal Audiencia (not paying
any heed to the fact that it had not been passed by the Council),
as his Lordship was well inclined toward it and had authority to pass
it. Much persuasion was not necessary to obtain this result, with such
a father. Although affairs were in the greatest harmony, still the
spirit of the father was still rankling with the wound. Accordingly
he immediately made his presentation, and his Lordship decreed that
those letters should be obeyed; and assigning the houses of his
choice to Father Collado, declared that he would be protected in
them. The father named the best, and those best prepared for his
purpose, notwithstanding that some of them were ministries. Under
military protection he was given possession of the house at Binondoc,
the Chinese hospital, the Parián, Cassite [sc. Cavite], the house of
Lalo in Cagayan, and that of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints] of the
island of Hermosa. Consequently, the province was violently despoiled,
as well as the religious who were in those houses; and there was a
new and never before seen confusion in that community, the Indians
were angered, and the heathen were scandalized. The new congregation
of San Pablo, victorious in its contention, rejoiced. Some of them,
although few, made no disturbance. There were also two of the old
fathers who went to profess in the new congregation (for the most
healthy body has four distinct humors [4]). A distinct set of rules
were made. Although it was ordained for an honorable purpose, yet
truly, the observation of the rules of the province would perhaps aid
that purpose more. Some very holy and venerated rules were broken;
and at the end they did not pass one step in advance, but were on the
contrary given a great setback. But the true and affectionate mother,
who had given birth so gloriously amid so great travail, bewailed
inconsolably the division of her offspring, seeing that it was caused
by plots of the devil, so that the apostolic missions of those kingdoms
should be neither of the one nor of the other congregation. She had
recourse to the only refuge for her sorrows, namely, the most holy
image of the rosary, with continual prayer and litanies--an empirical
remedy whose virtue had been so proved by the Order (especially in
the protection from authorities ruled by passion). So was its efficacy
experienced in this instance; for after sixteen months, during which
time the pretended congregation of San Pablo lasted, the Lord worked
his miracles by the following means. Among the many who were grieved
at the archbishop's case, and its consequences--which succeeded one
another daily, with new causes for anxiety--one was our Fray Diego
Collado; for although he was protected by the governor, yet being
a religious full of zeal, necessarily such lawlessness struck him
full in the face. After warnings and sermons, seeing that nothing
was of avail, he was determined to write most fully to the king
of España, or to his Council, of these occurrences and significant
considerations. He sent his letter by the ship that sailed that year;
he must afterward have told what he had done, so that it came to
the ears of the governor. The latter summoned the said father, and,
talking to him in friendly manner, and excusing himself for what he
had done, said to him when he thought that the father was pliable:
"I am a friend to your Reverence, Father-vicar, and indeed you know
how I esteem you and how I have labored in your demand. I have learned
that your Reverence has written against me, and I am not surprised,
for your Reverence would not have been so excellent a religious had you
not done it. The letter is now on its way to España, but you will do me
the favor to give me the rough draft of it, in order that I may clear
up a doubt that I have, and for the satisfaction of your Reverence,
for you are charged with writing false things, that are unworthy
of a person of so great virtue." Father Collado seeing that he was
persuaded with so much affability, promised to do it. He took him
the rough draft, and his Lordship on seeing it was so indignant that,
after dismissing the father, he conjured up the greatest revenge that
he could. He had the father provincial immediately summoned (at that
time father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant), and restored to him all the
houses of the new congregation, which he held to be dissolved from that
time, since it lacked the previous authority of the royal patronage
and his consent. Thereupon, the order was executed on the instant,
namely, on September 6, 1637. The clouds cleared away, and the face
of the sun shone forth, glad and resplendent with peace. Therefore
thanks were offered to our Lord again and again; and to the most holy
Virgin of the Rosary (ever Mary of victory), they gave joyful worship
and a solemn and festival week. With this, when the royal decree
arrived in the following year (which will be found on the last leaf
of the first part), no further restoration was to be made, for it was
already made. The father provincial ordered Father Collado to undergo
penance then, and he observed, with example and humility, the laws of
perfect obedience. In order to remove the scruples that might arise,
he was retired to Cagayan, where he was to perform his penance. Having
remained there until the following year, 1638, when an order came from
his Majesty in the above mentioned decree to send him back to España,
on his return to Manila, in order to prepare for his journey thence,
he embarked in a dilapidated champan in company with some men of
the household of the alcalde-mayor of that province. They left under
a good wind, but they were struck by a heavy northwester next day,
before they doubled the cape of Boxeador, and the storm continued
to increase with such fury that they were unable to withstand it,
and the craft was driven upon a rocky reef. A lay-brother, one Fray
Francisco Luque, who had accompanied the father, leaped into the
water, together with an Indian, and got ashore. Father Collado was
about to follow him, for he was an excellent swimmer; but such were
the sufferings of the women and crew, who detained him that he might
confess them, that he resolved to die with them. But a few moments
after that, the boat yielded to another shock of the sea, and was
broken into splinters, and all perished. Of the two who reached the
shore, the lay-brother was killed, before he had gone far, by the
attack of a band of heathen Negritos, who inhabit those mountains
and whose solemn feasts are the killing of men. The lay-brother gave
up his life because of the innumerable arrows [shot at him]. It was
God's pleasure to let the Indian escape, and he related all the tragic
event. Such was the end of father Fray Diego Collado. [It is one of]
the secrets of God that he, after so many years of voyages--twice
to Filipinas, to España, and to Roma--should die at last within four
brazas of land, in a very small boat. But he was already freed from
his errors, and rendered obedient to his province; and he [died] in
so honorable occupation as that of the last consolation of so many
souls, for whose spiritual welfare he gave his life as a true brother.
CHAPTER II
Election of provincial in the person of father Fray Carlos Clemente
Gant, and events of that time.
The capitular fathers assembled in the convent of St. Dominic, May
2, 1637, and elected as provincial the reverend father Fray Carlos
Clemente Gant, an Aragonese, and son of the Preachers of Zaragoça. He
was an oldtime minister of Cagayan, had been definitor in the year
1633, and was elected provincial for the second time in 1648, of which
we shall treat hereafter. Honorable mention was made in that chapter
of some glorious martyrs whose lives and precious deaths were treated
in the first part of this history [i.e., Aduarte's Historia.]
Great deeds were performed at that time in the island of Hermosa,
and abundant harvests were gathered, as the field was white for the
harvest of the gospel. But it will be advisable for us to describe
first the characteristics of that island, which was not touched
upon in the first part. It deserves not to be passed by in silence,
for it was for sixteen years the glorious theater of our Spanish
arms and the greatest credit of these missions. [A description of
the island and its products follows. Of the inhabitants Santa Cruz
says:] As to the men they are tolerably clever; they are well-built
and light-complexioned, although ruddy in some districts. They are
valiant and strong, and greatly inclined to cutting off the heads
of their enemies, with which they make merry in their celebrations,
dances, and feasts. [5] They have no king, nor does their little
ability allow such a thing. They get along better by families,
where the father is the king. They have no idols or any other images
which they adore with outward reverence. The devil only holds them
deceived by many superstitions of chance, and of songs and flights of
birds, which are consulted in their difficulties. They sacrifice the
first fruits of everything [6] to their Berroas, which are certain
imaginary spirits there--to such an extent that, whenever they are
about to commence a new jar of wine, they first take out a few drops
and throw them outside, which constitutes their reverence. They
throw some grains of their morisqueta (which is their rice bread)
on the ground, and that is their grace. They do the same with the
rest of their food and drink. They have good characteristics; they
abominate theft and unchaste acts and accordingly watch out for
such very rigorously. They immediately kill the illegitimate child
and punish the parents severely. [7] Their provinces, languages,
and settlements are numerous. We found those people who came to us
in the city of San Salvador, which we founded, to be very sociable,
accommodating, and simple. Had God preserved us in that post, they
would have constituted a good work for us and a great company for the
advancement of empires so extensive as those which are near it. China
is less than thirty leguas away from it; Japon is eighty; Camboja,
Cochinchina, and Tunquin are one hundred and fifty leguas or two
hundred or somewhat more. But our Lord ordained that the Dutch enemy
should drive us out of so important a Plaza de Armas. Accordingly, what
pertains to us is to yield ourselves with humility, and to see whether
we can again open so suitable a door by making our lives better.
During those five years five fathers of our order lived in the convent
of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints], which was the church of that city,
and their superior was father Fray Lucas Garcia. They were attending
with all fervor to their ministries--some of Spaniards, some of
Indians, and some of both--when Father Collado, vicar of the new and
lately-formed congregation, despatched father Fray Juan de los Angeles
[8] to take possession of that house for that congregation in the year
1636. As associate he assigned to him father Fray Miguel de Corena,
[9] who had gone over to the congregation from the province [of Santo
Rosario]. Those fathers, arriving there with their appointments and
the orders of the governor for the governor of that island, deposed
the vicar--although everything was adjusted amid great peace, and,
until the first despatch, they all lived together as the closest of
brothers. When opportunity offered, the former father-vicar, father
Fray Lorenço Arnedo, and father Fray Felipe del Espiritu Santo, a
Japanese, and Father Corena himself, who was unwell, went to Manila,
leaving the said father-vicar, father Juan de los Angeles, father
Fray Teodoro de la Madre de Dios, and father Fray Juan Garcia, for
it was not advisable to leave the land without ministers who had been
there some time. Father Fray Francisco Diaz (of whom a more detailed
relation will be given later) also did his work, and it was great. He
was an accomplished minister for China, and was detained in the island
of Hermosa at that time, for the following reason. He had left his
missions in the above kingdom to attend to the solution of certain
serious doubts, in company with father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria of
[the Order of] our father St. Francis. Going to the island of Hermosa,
it was determined that father Fray Antonio should go to Manila, and
that Father Diaz should await him there, which he did. Therefore,
as the latter could not remain idle, he employed himself during that
time in aiding his brothers, paying his score for lodging in works
of example and virtue.
Before going farther, it will be advisable for us to present a brief
summary of the incidents that concern the new governor of these
islands, in order that we may get through with him. It cannot be
doubted that a person of so many good qualities and one so noble had
a strong desire to do well, and, above all, since he was selected by
our Catholic monarch who confided to him in these islands the most
precious gem of his crown--a jewel that his most prudent grandfather
had given him, when in standing god-father to them in sacred baptism,
in the time of his monarchy, he was pleased that they should give
his name to the islands. That was a very well founded reasoning,
for considering their land, their climate, their location, and their
distances, proportions and neighbors, Alexander the Great did not
dream of placing his banners over an empire of greater reputation
[than these constitute]. Notwithstanding, then, the good intentions of
that knight [i.e., Corcuera], from that time they were obstructed by
so many untoward events that, although he governed nine whole years,
and had the good luck to return to España (a thing that no other
governor had done before him), and was there afterward governor of
Cordova, and governor of Canarias, where he died, still he left few
expressions of regret here for his departure--and, as says a Stoic,
posts and dignities bear the letter of recommendation on their
backs only. Few grieved over his absence, for he left the name of
governor truly disgraced. The year after his arrival (namely, 1636),
for reasons of state he sent no ship to España, although he should
have considered the common good and the only consolation of these
islands, which depends solely on the delicate thread of one poor ship
of commerce and relief. The next year he did send it, and it happened
to be received at Acapulco by a visitor, Quiroga, who ruined these
islands by his rigor, although they ought to be treated with greater
charity, for so many reasons. Our governor was over-zealous in the
suit with the archbishop and in his exile, and was merciless in
his decision--although the venerable prelate mounted to heaven, and
protected himself with a sacred monstrance in which was present the
person of God himself. But that did not avail the archbishop, for His
[Divine] Majesty allowed human power to achieve its end. The governor
proceeded with such passion in this holy province of ours that he gave
it the stroke most keenly felt, by dividing it, without awaiting any
order or authority. And although the Lord derived great glory from
it, still that knight manifested his own character in dividing so
holy a family, and again uniting it when that seemed fitting to him;
and by such actions he showed his scant appreciation of persons so
estimable, and whose profession is so sacred. In the wars that he
waged in Samboangan and Jolo, in which he participated personally,
it is certain that he did his duty as a brave soldier; and God gave
him honorable victories, which were of great consequence for humbling
those enemies. But they were very dear to us, for the best people of
these islands perished there, but rather as the result of their own
disorder than from the valor of others. In order that those sorties
might be made, presidios were dismantled, and others were weakened,
so that even at the present time [i.e., 1693] the islands have not
reached the period of convalescence. The thing that must grieve us
most is, that although our arms had possessed the greater part of
the island of Hermosa, as above stated, with so great reputation
for sixteen years--a possession which all the nations of the world
might well envy--command was given, in order to carry on these wars
[i.e., in Mindanao and Jolo], for three of the military companies in
its garrison to retire to Manila, leaving only one, composed of boys
and cripples, under the immediate control of the chief governor. On
that account it was necessary for our religious to abandon the place
where they lived outside (which was a village of considerable size),
and to live in the fort, crowded with the men. When the Dutch,
who were settled at the other point of the island, called Tayguan,
discovered that, they attacked us once; and, having better equipped
themselves, [attacked us] in the following year of 1642, and besieged
and defeated us with the loss of credit that can be understood
(although the conditions were honorable), after seven days of brave
resistance, and took our people in their ships to Manila. But this
caused the ruin of large Christian communities of Indians, and the
total downfall of the increased hopes which, in so advantageous a post
[as Hermosa], were continuing to grow, with greater effects in the
service of both Majesties. Later, in the year 1660, the Chinese won
that fort of ours and the land from the Dutch, so that that nation
possesses it in peace today. The misfortunes of the governor went
farther; and one of those years he despatched to our España the
galleon "Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion"--the richest one that has
ever been seen on that route and owned by citizens of this land (for
then they had not invented the pernicious art of sending [agents]
to buy here). It was in command of Don Juan Francisco de Corcuera,
the governor's nephew. Unfortunately it was wrecked during a storm,
at an island of the Ladrones, and the cargo was lost, as well as
the people--except some few who escaped by swimming, and afterward
ventured themselves in the open sea, in a small boat made in those
parts; and it was God's will to allow them to reach Manila. At that
time there was an insurrection of Sangleys--who hold in their grasp all
the manufactures and trades of this community, and through whose hands
passes all the bulk of the commerce. Consequently by the means of one
lash they all perished, while we ourselves were badly wounded. Clearly
our sins were the cause of all those calamities; but since the superior
officer derives the greater part of the glory in prosperous affairs,
there is sufficient foundation in adverse affairs for him to shoulder
a great part of the misfortunes--and more so when, rendering himself
inaccessible to counsel, he carries out his own resolution. Now his
residencia has been obtained by his death, and the residencia which
was taken here from him was not so mild that it did not cost him five
years of close imprisonment.
[The chapter closes with the narration of the happy death at the island
of Hermosa of the Portuguese lay-brother Fray Antonio de Viana, who
had taken the Dominican habit at Manila. He had labored five years
in the island.]