CHAPTER II

PERSECUTION OF JEWS AND MOORS

Increased persecution of the Jews--Accusations made against

them--Ferdinand introduces the modern Inquisition into the Kingdom

of Aragon in 1484--Fray Gaspar Juglar and Pedro Arbués appointed

Inquisitors--Assassination of Pedro Arbués--Punishment of his

murderers--Increased opposition against the Holy Office--Arrest of the

Infante Don Jaime for sheltering a heretic--Expulsion of the Jews from

Spain--Appeal to the King to revoke this edict--Ferdinand inclined

to yield, but Torquemada over-rules him--Sufferings of the Jews on

the journey--Death of Torquemada--Hernando de Talavera appointed

archbishop of Granada--His success with the Moors--Don Diego Deza new

Inquisitor-General--Succeeded by Ximenes de Cisneros--His character

and life--Appointed Primate of all Spain--His severity with the

Moors--University of Alcalá founded by Ximenes--Accession of Charles

V--Persecution of Moors--Expulsion.

The fires of the modern Inquisition, it was said, had been lighted

exclusively for the Jews. The fiery zeal of Torquemada and his

coadjutors was first directed against the Spanish children of Israel.

The Jews constantly offered themselves to be harassed and despoiled.

They were always fair game for avaricious greed. The inquisitors

availed themselves of both lines of attack. Jewish wealth steadily

increased as their financial operations and their industrial

activities extended and flourished. When the Catholic Kings embarked

upon the conquest of Granada, the Jews found the sinews of war; Jewish

victuallers purveyed rations to the armies in the field; Jewish

brokers advanced the cash needed for the payments of troops; Jewish

armourers repaired the weapons used and furnished new tools and warlike

implements.

At the same time the passions of the populace were more and more

inflamed against the Jews by the dissemination of scandalous stories

of their blasphemous proceedings. It was seriously asserted by certain

monks that some Jews had stolen a consecrated wafer with the intention

of working it into a paste with the warm blood of a newly killed

Christian child and so produce a deadly poison to be administered to

the hated chief inquisitor. Another report was to the effect that

crumbs from the holy wafer had been detected between the leaves of

a Hebrew prayer book in a synagogue. One witness declared that this

substance emitted a bright effulgence which gave clear proof of its

sanctity and betrayed the act of sacrilege committed. Other tales were

circulated of the diabolical practices of these wicked Jewish heretics.

Ferdinand in 1484 proceeded to give the modern Inquisition to the

Kingdom of Aragon, where the "ancient" had once existed but had lost

much of its rigour. It was a comparatively free country and the Holy

Office had become little more than an ordinary ecclesiastical court.

But King Ferdinand was resolved to reëstablish it on the wider basis it

had assumed in Castile and imposed it upon his people by a royal order

which directed all constituted authorities to support it in carrying

out its new extended functions. A Dominican monk, Fray Gaspar Juglar,

and a canon of the church, Pedro Arbués, were appointed by Torquemada

to be inquisitors for the diocese of Saragossa. The new institution

was most distasteful to the Aragonese, a hardy and independent people.

Among the higher orders were numbers of Jewish descent, filling

important offices and likely to come under the ban of the Inquisition.

The result was a deputation to the pope and another to the king

representing the general repugnance of the Aragonese to the institution

and praying that its action might be suspended. Neither pope nor king

would listen to the appeal and the Holy Office began its work. Two

_autos da fé_ were celebrated in Saragossa, the capital, in 1484, when

two men were executed.

Horror and consternation seized the Conversos and a fierce desire for

reprisals developed. They were resolved to intimidate their oppressors

by some appalling act of retaliation and a plot was hatched to make

away with one of the inquisitors. The conspirators included many of

the principal "New Christians," some of whom were persons of note in

the district. A considerable sum was subscribed to meet expenses and

pay the assassins. Pedro Arbués was marked down for destruction but,

conscious of his danger, continually managed to evade his enemies. He

wore always a coat of mail beneath his robes when he attended mass in

the Cathedral, and every avenue by which he could be approached in his

house was also carefully guarded.

At length he was taken by surprise when at his devotions. He was on his

knees before the high altar saying his prayers at midnight, when two

men crept up behind him unobserved and attacked him. One struck him

with a dagger in the left arm, the other felled him with a violent blow

on the back of the neck by which he was laid prostrate and carried off

dying. With his last breath he thanked God for being selected to seal

so good a cause with his blood. His death was deemed a martyrdom and

caused a reaction in favour of the Inquisition as a general rising of

the New Christians was feared. The storm was appeased by the archbishop

of Saragossa who gave out publicly that the murderers should be

rigorously pursued and should suffer condign punishment. The promise

was abundantly fulfilled. A stern recompense was exacted from all who

were identified with the conspiracy. The scent was followed up with

unrelenting pertinacity, several persons were taken and put to death,

and a larger number perished in the dungeons of the Inquisition. All

the perpetrators of the murder were hanged after their right hands had

been amputated. The sentence of one who had given evidence against the

rest was commuted in that his hand was not cut off till after his death.

A native of Saragossa had taken refuge in Tudela where he found

shelter and concealment in the house of the Infante, Don Jaime, the

illegitimate son of the Queen of Navarre, and nephew of King Ferdinand

himself. The generous young prince could not reject the claims of

hospitality and helped the fugitive to escape into France. But the

Infante was himself arrested by the inquisitors and imprisoned as

an "impeder" of the Holy Office. His trial took place in Saragossa,

although Navarre was outside its jurisdiction, and he was sentenced

to do open penance in the cathedral in the presence of a great

congregation at High Mass. The ceremony was carried out before the

Archbishop of Saragossa, a boy of seventeen, the illegitimate son

of King Ferdinand, and this callow stripling in his primate's robes

ordered his father's nephew to be flogged round the church with rods.

The second story is much more horrible. One Gaspar de Santa Cruz of

Saragossa had been concerned in the rebellion, but escaped to Toulouse

where he died. He had been aided in his flight by a son who remained

in Saragossa, and who was arrested as an "impeder" of the Holy Office.

He was tried and condemned to appear at an _auto da fé_, where he was

made to read an act which held up his father to public ignominy. Then

the son was transferred to the custody of the inquisitor of Toulouse

who took him to his father's grave, forced him to exhume the corpse and

burn it with his own hands.

The bitter hatred of the Jews culminated in the determination of the

king and queen, urged on by Torquemada, to expel them entirely from

Spain. The germ of this idea may be found in the capitulation of

Granada by the Moors, when it was agreed that every Jew found in the

city was to be shipped off forthwith to Barbary. It was now argued

that since all attempts to convert them had failed, Spain should be

altogether rid of them. The Catholic King and Queen were induced to

sign an edict dated March 30th, 1492, by which it was decreed that

every Jew should be banished from Spain within three months, save and

except those who chose to apostasise and who, on surrendering the faith

of their fathers, might be suffered to remain in the land of their

adoption, with leave to enjoy the goods they had inherited or earned.

No doubt this edict originated with Torquemada.

Dismay and deep sorrow fell upon the Spanish Jews. The whole country

was filled with tribulation. All alike cried for mercy and offered

to submit to any laws and ordinances however oppressive, to accept

any terms, to pay any penalties if only they might escape this cruel

exile. Leading Jews appeared before King Ferdinand and pleaded abjectly

for mercy for their co-religionists, offering an immediate ransom

of six hundred thousand crowns in gold. The king was inclined to

clemency, but the queen was firm. He saw the present advantage, the

ready money, and doubted whether he would get as much from the fines

and confiscations promised by the inquisitors. But at that moment, so

the story goes, Torquemada rushed into the presence bearing a crucifix

on high and cried in stentorian tones that the sovereigns were about

to act the part of Judas Iscariot. "Here he is! Sell Him again, not

for thirty pieces of silver, but for thirty thousand!" and flinging

the crucifix on to the table, he ran out in a frenzy. This turned the

tables, and the decree for expulsion was confirmed.

The terms of the edict were extremely harsh and peremptory. As a

preamble the crimes of the Jews were recited and the small effect

produced hitherto by the most severe penalties. It was asserted that

they still conspired to overturn Christianity in Spain and recourse

to the last remedy, the decree of expulsion, under which all Jews and

Jewesses were commanded to leave Spain and never return, even for a

passing visit, on pain of death, was therefore necessary. The last day

of July, 1492, or four months later, was fixed for the last day of

their sojourn in Spain. After that date they would remain at the peril

of their lives, while any person of whatever rank or quality who should

presume to receive, shelter, protect or defend a Jew or Jewess should

forfeit all his property and be discharged from his office, dignity

or calling. During the four months, the law allowed the Jews to sell

their estates, or barter them for heavy goods, but they were forbidden

to remove gold or silver or take out of the kingdom other portable

property which was already prohibited by law from exportation.

During the preparation for, and execution of this modern exodus, the

condition of the wretched Israelites was heart-rending. Torquemada had

tried hard to proselytise, had sent out preachers offering baptism and

reconciliation, but at first few listened to the terms proposed. All

owners of property and valuables suffered the heaviest losses. Enforced

sales were so numerous that purchasers were not to be easily found.

Fine estates were sold for a song. A house was exchanged for an ass

or beast of burden; a vineyard for a scrap of cloth or linen. Despite

the prohibition much gold and silver were carried away concealed in

the stuffing of saddles and among horse furniture. Some exiles at

the moment of departure swallowed gold pieces, as many as twenty and

thirty, and thus evaded to some extent the strict search instituted at

the sea ports and frontier towns.

At last in the first week of July, all took to the roads travelling

to the coast on foot, on horse or ass-back or were conveyed in

country carts. According to an eye-witness, "they suffered incredible

misfortunes by the way, some walking feebly, some struggling manfully,

some fainting, many attacked with illness, some dying, others coming

into the world, so that there was not a Christian who did not feel

for them and entreat them to be baptised." Here and there under the

pressure of accumulated miseries a few professed to be converted, but

such cases were very rare. The rabbis encouraged the people as they

went and exhorted the young ones to raise their voices and the women to

sing and play on pipes and timbrels to enliven them and keep up their

spirits.

Ships were provided by the Spanish authorities at Cadiz, Gibraltar,

Carthagena, Valencia and Barcelona on which fifteen hundred of the

wealthy families embarked and started for Africa, Italy and the Levant,

taking with them their dialect of the Spanish language, such as is

still talked at the places where they landed. Of those who joined in

the general exodus some perished at sea, by wreck, disease, violence

or fire, and some by famine, exhaustion or murder on inhospitable

shores. Many were sold for slaves, many thrown overboard by savage

ship captains, while parents parted with their children for money

to buy food. On board one crowded ship a pestilence broke out, and

the whole company was landed and marooned on a desert island. Other

infected ships carried disease into the port of Naples, where it grew

into a terrible epidemic, by which twenty thousand native Neapolitans

perished. Those who reached the city found it in the throes of famine,

but were met in landing by a procession of priests, led by one who

carried a crucifix and a loaf of bread, and who intimated that only

those who would adore the first would receive the other. In papal

dominions alone was a hospitable reception accorded. The pope of the

time, Alexander VI, was more tolerant than other rulers.

The total loss of population is now difficult to ascertain, but

undoubtedly it has been greatly exaggerated. The most trustworthy

estimate fixes the number of emigrants at one hundred and sixty-five

thousand, and the number dying of hardships and grief before leaving at

about twenty thousand. Probably fifty thousand more accepted baptism

as a consequence of the edict. The loss entailed in actual value was

incalculable and a vast amount of potential earnings was sacrificed by

the disappearance of so large a part of the most industrious members

of the population. The king and queen greatly impoverished Spain in

purging it of Hebrew heresy. Their action however was greeted with

applause by other rulers who did not go to the same lengths on account

of economic considerations. They were praised because they were willing

to sacrifice revenue for the sake of the faith.

Open Judaism no longer existed in Spain. There were left only the

apostates, or New Christians. That many of these were Christians in

name and kept the Mosaic law in every detail is undoubted. As Jews they

were not subject to the Inquisition. As professing Christians, any

departure from the established faith subjected them to the penalties

imposed upon heretics. In spite of the high positions which many

achieved, they were objects of suspicion, and with the increasing

authority of the Inquisition their lot grew harder.

Torquemada had been active not only against the Jews, but against

all suspected of any heresy, no matter how influential. The odium he

incurred raised up constant accusations against him, and he was obliged

on three occasions to send an agent to Rome to defend his character.

Later his arbitrary power was curtailed by the appointment of four

coadjutors, nominally, to share the burthens of office, but really to

check his action. On the whole he may be said to take rank among those

who have been the authors of evil to their species. "His zeal was of

such an extravagant character that it may almost shelter itself under

the name of insanity." His later days were filled with constant dread

of assassination, and when he moved to and fro his person was protected

by a formidable escort, a bodyguard of fifty familiars of the Holy

Office mounted as dragoons and a body of two hundred infantry soldiers.

Yet he reached a very old age and died quietly in his bed.

Estimates of the numbers convicted and punished during his

administration differ widely. Llorente, who is, however, much given

to exaggeration, states that eight thousand eight hundred were burned

alive, and that the total number condemned was more than one hundred

and five thousand. On the other hand Langlois,[4] whose estimate is

accepted by Vancandard, and other Catholic writers, thinks that the

number put to death was about two thousand.

[4] Langlois, L'Inquisition d'après des tableaux recénts (1902), quoted

by Vancandard (Conway's translation, 1908).

Death overtook him when a fresh campaign against heresy was imminent.

The conquest of the Kingdom of Granada by Ferdinand and Isabella opened

up a new field for the proselytising fervour of the Inquisition, which

was now resolved to convert all Mahometan subjects to the Christian

faith. A friar of the order of St. Jerome, Hernando de Talavera, a

man of blameless life, a ripe scholar, a persuasive preacher, deeply

read in sacred literature and moral philosophy, had been one of the

confessors to Royalty, and had been raised to the bishopric of Avila.

But he had begged to be allowed to resign it and devote himself

entirely to the conversion of the Moors. The pope granted his request

and appointed him archbishop of Granada with a smaller revenue than

that of the diocese he left, but he was humble minded, had no craving

to exhibit the pomp and display of a great prelate and devoted himself

with all diligence to the duties of his new charge.

He soon won the hearts of the Moors who loved and venerated him. He

proceeded with great caution, made no open show of his desire to

convert them, and strictly refrained from any coercive measures,

trusting rather to reason them out of their heterodox belief. He

caused a translation to be made of the Bible into Arabic, distributed

it, encouraged the Moors to attend conferences, and come to him in

private to listen to his arguments. Being thus busily engaged, he

withdrew to a great extent from the court of Ferdinand and Isabella,

who came more and more under the influence of fiery bigots, to whom

the mild measures of the archbishop became profoundly displeasing.

The inquisitors, with Don Diego Deza who had succeeded Torquemada, at

their head, incessantly entreated the sovereigns to proceed with more

severity, and went the length of advising the immediate expulsion of

all Moors who hesitated to accept conversion and baptism forthwith.

They urged that it was for the good of their souls to draw them into

the fold and insisted that it would be utterly impossible for Christian

and Moslem to live peacefully and happily side by side. The king and

queen demurred, temporising as they had done with the revival of the

Inquisition. It might be dangerous, they argued, to enforce penalties

that were too harsh. Their supremacy was hardly as yet consolidated

in Granada; the Moors had not yet entirely laid aside their arms and

unwise oppression might bring about a resumption of hostilities. They

hoped that the Moors, like other conquered peoples, would in due course

freely adopt the religion of their new masters. Loving kindliness and

gentle persuasion would more surely gain ground than fierce threats and

arbitrary decrees.

So for seven or more years the conciliatory methods of Archbishop

Talavera prevailed and met with the approval of Ferdinand and Isabella.

But now a remarkable man of very different character appeared upon the

scene and began to advocate sterner measures. This was a Franciscan

monk, Ximenes de Cisneros, one of the most notable figures in Spanish

history, who became in due course inquisitor-general and regent of

Spain. A sketch of his life may well be given to enable us better to

understand the times.

Ximenes de Cisneros better known, perhaps, under his first name alone,

was the scion of an ancient but decayed family and destined from his

youth for the Church. He studied at the University of Salamanca and

evinced marked ability. After a stay in Rome, the best field for

preferment, he returned to Spain with the papal promise of the first

vacant benefice in the See of Toledo. The archbishop had other views,

however, and when Ximenes claimed the cure of Uceda, he was sent to

prison in its fortress and not to the presbytery. For six years Ximenes

asserted his pretensions unflinchingly and was at last nominated, when

he exchanged to a chaplaincy in another diocese, that of Siguenza,

where he continued his theological studies and acquired Hebrew and

Chaldee. Here he came under the observation of the Bishop Mendoza,

who afterwards became Cardinal Primate of Spain, and who enjoyed the

unbounded confidence of Queen Isabella. Mendoza when invited to

recommend to her a new confessor, in succession to Talavera on his

translation to the See of Granada, fixed upon Ximenes of whom he had

never lost sight since their first acquaintance at Siguenza.

Ximenes, meanwhile, had become more and more devoted to his sacred

calling. His marked business aptitudes had gained for him the post

of steward to a great nobleman, the Conde de Cifuentes, who had been

taken prisoner by the Moors. But secular concerns were distasteful

to him and Ximenes resigned his charge. His naturally austere and

contemplative disposition had deepened into stern fanatical enthusiasm

and he resolved to devote himself more absolutely to the service of the

Church. He entered the Franciscan order, threw up all his benefices

and employments, and became a simple novice in the monastery of San

Juan de los Reyes in Toledo, where his cloister life was signalised

by extreme severity and self-mortification. He wore haircloth next

his skin, slept on the stone floor with a wooden pillow under his

head, tortured himself with continual fasts and vigils, and flogged

himself perpetually. At last he became a professed monk, and because

of the fame of his exemplary piety, great crowds were attracted to

his confessional. He shrank now from the popular favour and retired

to a lonely convent in a far off forest, where he built himself a

small hermitage with his own hands and where he passed days and

nights in solemn abstraction and unceasing prayer, living like

the ancient anchorites on the green herbs he gathered and drinking

water from the running streams. Self centred and pondering deeply on

spiritual concerns, constantly in a state of mental exaltation and

ecstasy, he saw visions and dreamed dreams, believing himself to be

in close communication with celestial agencies and was no doubt on

the eve of going mad, when his superiors ordered him to reside in the

convent of Salceda, where he became charged with its administration

and management, and was forced to exercise his powerful mind for the

benefit of others.

It was here that the call to court found him and he was summoned to

Valladolid and unexpectedly brought into the presence of the queen.

Isabella was greatly prepossessed in his favour by his simple dignity

of manner, his discretion, his unembarrassed self-possession and

above all his fervent piety in discussing religious questions. Yet he

hesitated to accept the office of her confessor, and only did so on

the condition that he should be allowed to conform to the rules of his

order and remain at his monastery except when officially on duty at the

court.

Soon afterwards, he was appointed Provincial of the Franciscans

in Castile and set himself to reform their religious houses,

the discipline of which was greatly relaxed. Sloth, luxury and

licentiousness prevailed and especially in his own order, which was

wealthy and richly endowed with estates in the country, and stately

dwellings in the towns. These monks, styled "conventuals," wasted large

sums in prodigal expenditure, and were often guilty of scandalous

misconduct which Ximenes, as an Observantine, one of a small section

pledged to rigid observance of monastic rules, strongly condemned. He

was encouraged and supported in the work of reform by Isabella and a

special bull from Rome armed him with full authority. His rigorous and

unsparing action met with fierce opposition, but he triumphed in the

end and won a notable reward. When the archbishop of Toledo died, in

1495, Ximenes, unknown to himself, was selected for the great post of

primate of all Spain and Lord High Chancellor of Castile.

The right to nominate was vested in the Queen, and Ferdinand in this

instance begged her to appoint his natural son, Alfonso, already

archbishop of Saragossa, but a child almost in years. She firmly and

unhesitatingly refused and recommended her confessor to the pope as

the most worthy recipient of the honour. When the bull making the

appointment arrived from Rome, the queen summoned Ximenes to her

presence handed him the letter and desired him to open it before her.

On reading the address, "To our venerable brother, Francisco Ximenes

de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo," he changed colour, dropped the

letter, and crying, "There must be some mistake," ran out of the room.

The queen, in surprise, waited, but he did not return and it was found

that he had taken horse and fled to his monastery. Two grandees were

despatched in hot haste to ride after him, overtake him and bring him

back to Madrid. He returned but still resisted all the entreaties of

his friends and the clearly expressed wishes of his sovereign. Finally

his persistent refusal was overborne, but only by the direct command of

the pope, who ordered him to accept the post for which his sovereigns

had chosen him. He has been sharply criticised for his apparent

humility, but it is generally admitted that he was sincere in his

refusal. He was already advanced in years, ambition was dying in him,

he had become habituated to monastic seclusion and his thoughts were

already turned from the busy turmoil of this world to the life beyond

the grave.

However reluctant to accept high office, Ximenes was by no means slow

to exercise the power it gave him. He ruled the Spanish Church with

a rod of iron, bending all his energies to the work of reforming the

practices of the clergy, enforcing discipline and insisting upon the

maintenance of the strictest morality. He trod heavily, made many

enemies, and stirred so much ill feeling that the malcontents combined

to despatch a messenger to lay their grievances before the pope. The

officious advocate, however, got no audience but went home to Spain,

where twenty months' imprisonment taught him not to offend again the

masterful archbishop of Toledo.

Ximenes in insisting upon a strict observance of propriety and

the adoption of an exemplary life, was in himself a model to the

priesthood. He never relaxed the personal mortifications which had

been his rule when a simple monk. He kept no state and made no

show, regulating his domestic expenditure with the strictest and

most parsimonious economy, until reminded by the Holy See that the

dignity of his great office demanded more magnificence. Still, when he

increased his display and the general style of living in household,

equipages and the number of his retainers, he continued to be as harsh

as ever to himself.

In spite of all opposition and discontent he pursued his course with

inflexible purpose. His spirit was unyielding, and his energetic

proceedings were unremittingly directed to the amelioration and

improvement in the morals of the clergy with marked success. And now

he set himself with the same uncompromising zeal to extirpate heresy.

Having begged Archbishop Talavera to allow him to join in the good work

at Granada, he took immediate advantage of the consent given and began

to attack the Moorish unbelievers in his own vigorous fashion. His

first step was to call together a great conference of learned Mussulman

doctors, to whom he expounded with all the eloquence he had at his

command, the true doctrines of the Catholic faith and their superiority

to the law of Mahomet. He accompanied his teaching with liberal gifts,

chiefly of costly articles of apparel, a specious though irresistible

bribery, which had the desired effect. Great numbers of the Moorish

doctors came over at once and their example was speedily followed by

many of their illiterate disciples. So great was the number of converts

that no less than three thousand presented themselves for baptism in

one day, and as the rite could not be administered individually, they

were christened wholesale by sprinkling them from a mop or hyssop which

had been dipped in holy water, and from which the drops fell upon the

proselytes as it was twirled over the heads of the multitude. These

early successes stimulated the primate's zeal and he next adopted more

violent measures by proceeding to imprison and impose penalties upon

all Moors who still stood out against conversion. He was resolved

not merely to exterminate heresy, but to destroy the basis of belief

contained in the most famous Arabic manuscripts, large quantities of

which were collected into great piles and burned publicly in the great

squares of the city. Many of these were beautifully executed copies

of the Koran; others, treasured theological and scientific works, and

their indiscriminate destruction is a blot upon the reputation of the

cultivated prelate who had created the most learned university in Spain.

More temperate and cautious people besought Ximenes to hold his hand.

But he proceeded pertinaciously, declaring that a tamer policy might

serve in temporal matters, but not where the interests of the soul were

at stake. If the unbeliever could not be drawn he must be driven into

the way of salvation, and he continued with unflinching resolution

to arrest all recusants, and throw them into the prisons which were

filled to overflowing. Discontent grew rapidly and soon broke into

open violence. When an _alguazil_ in Granada was leading a woman away

as a prisoner, the people rose and released her from custody. The

insurrection became general in the city and assumed a threatening

aspect. Granada was full of warlike Moors and a mob besieged Ximenes in

his house until he was rescued by the garrison of the Alhambra.

The king and queen were much annoyed with Ximenes and condemned his

zealous precipitancy, but he was clever enough to vindicate his action

and bring the sovereigns to believe that it was imperative that the

rebellious Moors must be sharply repressed. Now a long conflict began.

Forcible conversion became the order of the day; baptism continued to

be performed in the gross upon thousands, the alternative being exile,

and numbers were actually deported to Barbary in the royal ships. A

fierce civil conflict broke out in the Alpujarras beyond Granada, which

required a royal army to quell. The object sought was the welfare of

the state by producing uniformity of faith.

[Illustration: _Peint par Benjamin Constant_

_Photogravure Goupil & C^{ie}._

_The Alhambra Palace, Granada_

The beautiful Moorish stronghold during the time of the supremacy

of the Moors was often made the home of slaves captured in near-by

frontier towns of Andalusia, who endured hateful bondage under the

rule of the Mohammedan monarch. Granada and its palace were finally

captured by Ferdinand and Isabella, and the Alhambra is to-day the

finest example of Moorish architecture, with its delicate elaboration

of detail.]

Ximenes found a strenuous supporter in Diego Deza, the

inquisitor-general, who was eager to emulate the strictness of

his predecessor, Torquemada. Deza was a Dominican who had been at

one time professor of theology and confessor to the queen. He was by

nature and predilection exactly fitted for his new office upon which he

entered with extensive powers. A bull from Pope Alexander VI dated 1499

invested him with the title of "Conservator of the Faith" in Spain.

Deza gave a new constitution to the Holy Office and prescribed that

there should be a general "Inquest" in places not yet visited, and

that edicts should be republished requiring all persons to lay

information against suspected heretics. He stirred up the zeal of

all subordinate inquisitors and was well served by them, especially

by one, Lucero, commonly called _el Tenebroso_, "the gloomy," whose

savage and ruthless proceedings terrorised Cordova where he presided.

He made a general attack upon the most respectable inhabitants and

arrested great numbers, many of whom were condemned and executed.

Informers crowded Lucero's ante-chamber bringing monstrous tales of

heretical conspiracies to reëstablish Judaism and subvert the Church.

His familiars dragged the accused from their beds to answer to these

charges and the prisons overflowed. Cordova was up in arms and many

would have offered armed resistance to the Inquisition, but the more

circumspect people, the Bishop and Chapter, some of the nobility and

the municipal council appealed to Deza praying him to remove Lucero.

The inquisitor-general however turned furiously upon the complainants

and caused them to be arrested as abettors of heresy. Philip I, acting

for his wife Juana, the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, was

inclined to listen to the complainants, and suspended both Deza and

Lucero from their functions. But his sudden death stayed the relief

he had promised, and the tormenting officials returned to renew their

oppression.

The Cordovese would not tamely submit and appealed to force. A strong

body of men under the Marques de Priego attacked the "Holy House,"

broke open the prison and liberated many of those detained, shutting up

the officers of the Inquisition in their place. Lucero took to flight

upon a swift mule and escaped. Though for a time Deza continued to

keep his influence, he was shortly forced to resign and Cordova became

tranquil. Deza's persecution had spared no one. In the eight years

during which he held office, one account, probably greatly exaggerated,

says that 2,592 persons were burned alive, some nine hundred were

burned in effigy, and thirty-five thousand were punished by penance,

fines and confiscations.

The fall of Deza and the hostile attitude of the people warned the

authorities that the affairs of the Inquisition must be managed

more adroitly. New inquisitors must be appointed and choice fell

upon Ximenes de Cisneros, who had already played a foremost part

in proselytising, but who now was willing to adopt more moderate

measures. The Pope in giving his approval sent him a cardinal's hat

as a recompense for past services, and as an encouragement to act

wisely in the future. He had a difficult task. Disaffection, strongly

pronounced, prevailed through the kingdom and the Inquisition was

everywhere cordially detested. Ximenes strove to appease the bitter

feeling by instituting a searching inquiry into the conduct of his

immediate predecessor, Deza, and promising to hear all complaints and

redress all grievances. He created a "Catholic Congregation" as a

special court to investigate the actions of Lucero in the proceedings

growing out of the charges against Archbishop Talavera and his

family. This court in due course pronounced a verdict of acquittal

and rehabilitation of the Talaveras. Ruined houses were rebuilt, the

memory of the dead restored to honour and fame, and this act of grace

was published at Valladolid with great solemnity in the presence of the

kings, bishops and grandees.

Nevertheless Ximenes had no desire to remodel the Holy Office or

limit its operations to any considerable extent. On the contrary,

he bent all his efforts to develop its influence and make it an

engine of government, utilising it as a political as well as a

religious agency. It was as rigorous as ever but he set his face

like a flint against dishonesty. He systematised the division of the

realm into inquisitorial provinces, each under its own inquisitor

with headquarters in the principal cities, such as Seville, Toledo,

Valladolid, Murcia, and in Sardinia and Sicily beyond the seas. His

personal ascendancy became extraordinary. He enjoyed the unbounded

confidence and favour of the sovereign. He had been created Cardinal of

Spain, a title rarely conferred. As archbishop of Toledo, he was the

supreme head of the Spanish clergy, and as inquisitor-general, he was

the terror of every priest and every layman within his jurisdiction.

He had, in fact, reached the highest ecclesiastical rank, short of the

papacy and as he rose higher and higher he wielded powers little short

of an independent absolute monarch, and his zeal in the cause of his

religion grew more and more fervent and far-reaching. No doubt in an

earlier age he would have turned crusader, but now he sought to crush

the fugitive Moors who had escaped into Northern Africa, whence they

made constant descents upon the south of Spain, burning to avenge the

wrongs of their co-religionists, and were a constant scourge and source

of grievous trouble.

The evils centred in the province of Oran, a fortified stronghold--the

most considerable of the Moslem possessions on the shores of the

Mediterranean--whence issued a swarm of pirate cruisers, manned by the

exiles driven out of Spain, who had sought and found a welcome refuge

in Oran. Ximenes was resolved to seize and sweep out this hornets'

nest and undertook its conquest on his own account. Much ridicule

was levelled at this "monk about to fight the battles of Spain," but

he went forth undeterred at the head of a powerful army, conveyed by

a strong fleet from Cartagena, which he landed at the African port of

Mazalquivir, and after some desperate fighting made himself master of

Oran. After his successful African campaign he resumed his duties of

chief inquisitor, and the Holy Office under his fierce and vigorous

rule became more than ever oppressive. Ximenes pursued his unwavering

course and encouraged his inquisitors in their unceasing activity.

He desired to extend the power and influence of the Inquisition, and

established it in the new countries recently added to the Spanish

dominion. A branch was set up in the newly conquered province of Oran,

and another farther afield in the recently discovered new world beyond

the Atlantic. On the initiative of Ximenes Fray Juan Quevedo, Bishop of

Cuba, was appointed chief inquisitor in the kingdom of Terrafirma, as

the territories of the new world were styled.

The energetic pursuit of heresy did not monopolise the exertions of

Ximenes. He founded the great University of Alcalá, a vast design, a

noble seat of learning richly endowed with magnificent buildings and

a remarkable scheme of education, which produced the ablest and most

eminent scholars. Another great monument is the well known polyglot

Bible, designed to exhibit the scriptures in their various ancient

languages, a work of singular erudition upon which the munificent

cardinal expended vast sums.

Ximenes lived to the advanced age of eighty-one, long enough to act as

regent of Spain during the interregnum preceding the arrival of Charles

I, better known as the Emperor Charles V. The immediate cause of his

death was said to have been the receipt of a letter from the Emperor in

which he was coldly thanked for his services and desired to retire to

his diocese, to "seek from heaven that reward which heaven alone could

adequately bestow." In his last moments he is reported to have said,

"that he had never intentionally wronged any man; but had rendered to

every one his due, without being swayed, as far as he was conscious, by

fear or affection."

He combined a versatility of talent usually found only in softer and

more flexible characters. Though bred in the cloister, he distinguished

himself both in the cabinet and the camp. For the latter, indeed, so

repugnant to his regular profession, he had a natural genius, according

to the testimony of his biographer; and he evinced his relish for it

by declaring that "the smell of gunpowder was more grateful to him

than the sweetest perfume of Arabia!" In every situation, however, he

exhibited the stamp of his peculiar calling; and the stern lineaments

of the monk were never wholly concealed under the mask of the statesman

or the visor of the warrior. He had a full measure of the religious

bigotry which belonged to the age; and he had melancholy scope for

displaying it, as chief of that dread tribunal over which he presided

during the last ten years of his life.

The accession of the grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella to the Spanish

throne as Charles I (better known as the Emperor Charles V), seemed

to foreshadow a change in the relations of the Inquisition and the

state. The young sovereign was born in Ghent and was more Fleming than

Spaniard. Though his grandfather left in his will solemn injunctions

"to labour with all his strength to destroy and extirpate heresy" and

to appoint ministers "who will conduct the Inquisition justly and

properly for the service of God and the exaltation of the Catholic

faith, and who will also have great zeal for the destruction of the

sect of Mahomet," it was reported that he sympathised with the critics

of the Inquisition and was disposed to curtail its activity. The

influence of his old tutor, Adrian of Utrecht, whom he commissioned

inquisitor-general, first of Aragon, and, after the death of Ximenes,

of Castile also, changed him however into a strong friend and staunch

supporter of the institution.

Cardinal Manrique, who followed as inquisitor-general, was a man of

more kindly disposition, charitable and a benefactor to the poor.

He was inclined to relax the severities of the Holy Office but it

was urged upon him that heresy was on the increase on account of the

appearance of Lutheran opinions and the bitterest persecution was

more than ever essential. Protestants began to appear sporadically and

called for uncompromising repression. The writings of Luther, Erasmus,

Melancthon, Zwingli, and the rest of the early reformers were brought

into Spain, but the circulation was adjudged a crime, though Erasmus

had once been a favourite author.

The Inquisition later prepared an _Index Expurgandorum_, or list of

condemned and prohibited literature. All books named on it were put

under the ban of the law. Possession of a translation of the Bible in

the vulgar tongues was forbidden in 1551, and the prohibition was not

lifted until 1782. By that time there was no longer such keen interest

in its contents, and the Book was little circulated. In 1825 the

British and Foreign Bible Society sent one of its agents into Spain to

distribute it, and his adventures are described autobiographically in

that interesting work, George Borrow's "Bible in Spain."

In spite of all the efforts to make good Catholics and good Spaniards

of the Moriscos, little real progress was made. They had accepted

baptism under compulsion, not realising that thereby they were brought

under control of the Church. Little effort was made to instruct them,

moreover, and as a result thousands, nominally Christians, observed

scrupulously the whole Moslem ritual, used the old language, and kept

their old costume. Some, to be sure, were hardly to be distinguished

from the Spaniards with whom they had intermarried, but, on the whole,

they seemed an unassimilable element in the population.

When Philip II succeeded his father, Charles V, in 1556, he determined

to take strong measures. A decree proclaimed in Granada in 1566 forbade

the use of the distinctive dress and of the Moorish names. The old

customs were to be abandoned, and all the baths were to be destroyed.

Rebellion followed this edict, and, for a time, it was doubtful whether

it could be crushed. Finally open resistance was overcome, and several

thousand were transferred to the mountains of Northern Spain. Meanwhile

the Inquisition was active, and thousands were brought to trial for

pagan practices.

Prejudice continued to grow, and fanatics declared that Spain could

never prosper until the "evil seed" was destroyed or expelled from

the Christian land. Jealousy of the prosperity of the Moriscos led

the populace to agree with the bigots, and finally expulsion was

unanimously decreed by the Council of State, in 1609, during the

reign of Philip III. Valencia was first purged, and next Murcia,

Granada, Andalusia, Old and New Castile and Aragon. Afterward vigorous

attempts to root out individuals of Moorish blood, who had become

indistinguishable because of their strict conformity, were made. Great

suffering was incurred by the unfortunate exiles and many died. Those

who reached Africa carried with them a hatred which persists to the

present.

The number driven out is uncertain. The estimates vary from three

hundred thousand to three million. Probably the most accurate estimate

is that of six hundred thousand. In this number were included the most

skilful artisans, and the most industrious and most thrifty portion of

the population. It was a mistake from which Spain has never recovered.

Spanish Prisons The Inquisition at Home and Abroad, Prisons Past and Present · 第 2 / 10 章