at our first outset, experienced the influence and utility of our
Cafila-bashee. He cleared out a house for us, by bribing a Moollah to
leave it; and we found the quarters very snug, for it was piercingly
cold. Our friend Hyat was a good-humoured man, and we made the
reasonable bargain with him, that he was to be rewarded according to
his merits, of which we were to be the judges. We committed ourselves
to him as a bale of goods, and desired him to march as he thought
best. I gave him my few books and instruments, which he passed off
as part of the property of the Jewish families who had left Cabool
in the preceding year. Prudence dictated our proceeding very quietly
in this part of our journey; and we were now designated “Meerza,”
or secretary, a common appellation in these countries, and which
we ever after retained. The Dr. allowed his title to slumber: but
it was soon apparent that we should have been helpless without our
conductor; for, on the following morning, a fellow possessing some
little authority seized my horse’s bridle, and demanded a sight of
the contents of my saddle-bags. I was proceeding with all promptness
to display my poverty, when a word from the Cafila-bashee terminated
the investigation. We were not here recognised as Europeans by any
one, which certainly gave a pleasing liberty to our actions. Among
the contraband goods, for which the officers of the Custom-house were
desired to search, was the singular article of Korans; for it appeared
that the traders had exported so many of these good books beyond Hindoo
Koosh, that the “Faithful” in Afghanistan were likely to be robbed of
the whole of them. The suppression of the trade was a highly popular
act on the part of the chief of Cabool; since they are very expensive
works, written with great pains and labour, and most valuable.
~Julraiz.~
~Valley of the Cabool river.~
We left the road which leads to Candahar on our left, and proceeded
up the valley of the Cabool river to its source at Sirchushma. Our
first halting place was Julraiz, which is so called from two Persian
words that signify running water; and near the village there were two
beautifully clear brooks, the banks of which were shaded by trees. It
is these running rivulets that make this country so enchanting, in
spite of its bleak rocks. The valley was not above a mile in breadth,
and most industriously cultivated; the water being in some places
conducted for a hundred feet up hill. In the lower lands, the rice
fields rose most picturesquely in gradation above each other, and hills
on either side were topped with snow. The thermometer stood at 60°.
~Fish preserve.~
At Sirchushma, which literally means the fountain-head, we visited
two natural ponds, the sources of the river of Cabool, replenished by
springs, and formed into preserves for fish, which are kept with great
care. It is a place of pilgrimage sacred to Ali, who is said to have
visited it,--a “pious lie,” which is not supported by any authority,
since the son-in-law of Mahommed never saw Cabool, though his reputed
deeds in this neighbourhood be both numerous and wonderful. We fed the
fish with bread, which disappeared in a moment, torn from our hands
by some thousands of them: they are molested by no one, since it is
believed that a curse rests on the head of an intruder.
~Ghuzni.~
Before entering the valley of the river, we left the famous Ghuzni to
the south: it is only sixty miles from Cabool. This ancient capital
is now a dependency on that city, and a place of small note: it
contains the tomb of the great Mahmood, its founder. There is a more
honourable monument to his memory in a magnificent dam, constructed
at a great expense, and the only one of seven now remaining. It is
worthy of remark, that the ruler of the Punjab, in a negociation which
he lately carried on with the ex-King of Cabool, Shooja ool Moolk,
stipulated, as one of the conditions of his restoration to the throne
of his ancestors, that he should deliver up the sandal-wood gates at
the shrine of the Emperor Mahmood,--being the same which were brought
from Somnat, in India, when that destroyer smote the idol, and the
precious stones fell from his body. Upwards of eight hundred years have
elapsed since the spoliation, but the Hindoo still remembers it, though
these doors have so long adorned the tomb of the Sultan Mahmood. Baber
expresses his wonder that so great a monarch should have ever made
Ghuzni his capital; but the natives will tell you that the cold renders
it inaccessible for some months in the year, which gave him greater
confidence while desolating Hindostan and the land of the infidels.
~Pass of Oonna.~
We wound up the valley, which became gradually narrower till we reached
a level tract on the mountains,--the pass of Oonna,--the ascent to
which is guarded by three small forts. Before reaching the summit,
we first encountered the snow, with which I was too happy to claim
acquaintance after a separation of a dozen winters; though there were
no companions with whom I could renew the frolics of youth. It snowed
as we crossed the pass, which is about 11,000 feet high; and at length
we found ourselves, with pleasure, at a small village, free from the
chilling wind which blew all day. We had already made considerable
progress in our mountain journey: the rivers now ran in opposite
directions; and our advance had brought us into the cold country of the
Huzaras, where the peasants were only ploughing and sowing, while we
had seen the harvest home at Peshawur, and the grain in ear at Cabool.
~Effects of snow.~
We continued our mountain journey by the base of the lofty and
ever-snow-clad mountain of Koh i Baba, which is a remarkable ridge,
having three peaks that rise to the height of about 18,000 feet. On
the evening of the 21st of May, we reached the bottom of the pass of
Hajeeguk, half dead with fatigue, and nearly blind from the reflection
of the snow. For about ten miles we had travelled in the bed of a
rivulet, that was knee deep, formed by melting snow, which we crossed
more than twenty times. We then entered the region of the snow, which
still lay deep on the ground: by noon it became so soft that our horses
sunk into it, threw their burdens and riders, and in several places
were, with the utmost difficulty, extricated. That part of the ground
which was free from snow had become saturated with the melted water,
and a quagmire; so that we alternately waded through mud and snow. The
heat was oppressive,--I imagine from reflection; I had quite lost the
use of my eyes, and the skin peeled from my nose, before we reached a
little fort under the pass, at which we alighted in the evening with a
Huzara family.
~A family of Huzaras.~
We had here an opportunity of seeing the Huzaras in their native state
among the mountains; and were received by an old lady, in a miserable
flat-roofed house, partly below ground, with two or three openings
in the roof, as windows. She was taking care of her grandchild, and
bade us welcome, by the lordly name of “Agha.” I called her “Mother;”
and the old dame chatted about her house and family matters. We were
taken for Persians; and, since the Huzaras are of the same creed as
that nation, were honoured guests. Our mendicant garb could lead to no
discovery that we were Europeans. The old woman assured us that the
snow prevented them from stirring out of their houses for six months
in the year (for it never rains), and that they sowed the barley in
June, and reaped it in September. These people have no money, and are
almost ignorant of its value. We got every thing from them by barter,
and had no occasion to show them gold, by which Englishmen are so soon
found out in every country. A traveller among them can only purchase
the necessaries of life by giving a few yards of coarse cloth, a little
tobacco, pepper, or sugar, which are here appreciated far above their
value. The Huzaras are a simple-hearted people, and differ much from
the Afghan tribes. In physiognomy, they more resemble Chinese, with
their square faces and small eyes. They are Tartars by descent, and
one of their tribes is now called Tatar Huzaras. There is a current
belief that they bestow their wives on their guests, which is certainly
erroneous. The women have great influence, and go unveiled: they are
handsome, and not very chaste; which has perhaps given rise to the
scandal among their Soonee neighbours, who detest them as heretics.
Were their country not strong, they would soon be extirpated; for
they have enemies in every direction. The good matron, who gave us an
asylum from the snow and frost, tendered also her advice for my eyes,
which she said had been _burned_ by the snow. She recommended the use
of antimony, which I applied with the pencil, much to the improvement
of my appearance, as she informed me; but I can more surely add, to my
relief and comfort when I again encountered the snow.
~Goître.~
I observed that these mountaineers, though some of them were living at
elevations of 10,000 feet, were altogether free from that unseemly
disease, the goître, which I had observed in the same range--the
Himalaya, eastward of the Indus, even below 4000 feet. Perhaps
bronchocele is a disease confined to the lesser altitudes; an opinion
held by members of the faculty of the first eminence on the Continent,
as I find from a paper in the Transactions of the Medical Society of
Calcutta, by Dr. M. J. Bramley, of the Bengal army. That gentleman,
however, in his treatise on the disease, which is founded on personal
experience during a residence in the mountainous regions of Nipal,
adduces facts that would lead to a contrary conclusion regarding its
locality, which he states to be more general on the crest of a high
mountain than in the valley of Nipal.
~Ali Illahi.~
One would have imagined, that, in these elevated and dreary regions,
the inhabitants would be engaged with other subjects than abstruse
points of theology. A moollah, or priest, however, had lately appeared
among them to proclaim some novel doctrines; and, among others, that
Ali was the Deity, and greater than Mahommed himself. He had found some
hundred followers, whom this fanatic had impressed with such an opinion
of his power, that they believed he could raise the dead, and pass
through fire without injury. One of the Huzara chiefs, who was shocked
at the blasphemy of this false prophet, had preached a crusade against
him for misleading the faithful; and many of the people accompanied
him to assist in reclaiming the deluded to Islam. They informed us
that this sect was styled “Ali Illahi,” and had adopted many odious
customs; among others, that of the community of women: they also held
bacchanalian orgies in the dark, from which they were named “Chiragh
Koosh,” or lamp-killers, in allusion to the darkness which concealed
their iniquities. Such a sect, I am assured, is not at all novel, since
the Mogots of Cabool have long since professed some of its tenets, and
still secretly practise them. It is also known in several parts of
Persia and Turkey; but the march of intellect had not hitherto extended
it to the gelid regions of Hindoo Koosh.
~Yezdan Bukhsh Huzara.~
The crusade of the Huzaras proved a fortunate circumstance for us, as
the chieftain of 12,000 families, and of these passes, by name Yezdan
Bukhsh, was absent upon it; and he is a person who acknowledges but a
doubtful allegiance to Cabool. By the kindness of Hajee Khan Kauker, we
were introduced to him; but the report of his character did not lead
us to hope for more than common civility, if we even received that. We
escaped, however, in the religious turmoil, after waiting for an hour
at the door of the fort, and each of us paying a rupee as tax to his
deputy, since we were not Mahommedans. Our letter might, perhaps, have
prevailed on the Huzaras to let us pass at this cheap rate; but it was
long before they adjusted the demand with the Cafila-bashee, who gave
me many a significant glance during the treaty. The doctor and myself
sought no closer connection than a look at these mountaineers; but, as
it appeared, we were altogether unworthy of their notice.
~Pass of Hajeeguk and Kaloo.~
After a night’s rest, and the friendly advice of the Huzara matron, we
commenced the ascent of the pass of Hajeeguk, which was about 1000 feet
above us, and 12,400 feet from the sea. We took our departure early in
the morning of the 22d of May; the frozen snow bore our horses, and
we reached the summit before the sun’s influence had softened it. The
thermometer fell 4 degrees below the freezing point; the cold was very
oppressive, though we were clad in skins with the fur inside. I often
blessed the good Nawab of Cabool, who had forced a pelisse of otter
skin upon me, that proved most useful. The passage was not achieved
without adventure, for there was no road to guide us through the snow;
and the surveyor, Mahommed Ali, along with his horse, went rolling
down a declivity, one after the other, for about thirty yards. This
exhibition in front, served to guide the rear to a better path; but
it was impossible to resist laughing at the Jack and Jill expedition
of the poor surveyor and his horse; he, a round figure wrapped up in
fur, and far outstripping his long-shanked animal, which made deeper
indentations in the snow. We were now about to commence the ascent
of the pass of Kaloo, which is still 1000 feet higher than that of
Hajeeguk; but our progress was again arrested by snow. We doubled it,
by passing round its shoulder, and took a side path through a valley,
watered by a tributary of the Oxus, which led us to Bameean.
~Mountain scenery.~
Nothing could be more grand than the scenery which we met in this
valley. Frightful precipices hung over us; and many a fragment beneath
informed us of their instability. For about a mile it was impossible
to proceed on horseback, and we advanced on foot, with a gulf beneath
us. The dell presented a beautiful section of the mountains to the eye
of the geologist[18]; and, though a by-path, appeared to have been
fortified in former years, as innumerable ruins testified. Some of
these were pointed out as the remnants of the post-houses of the Mogul
emperors; but by far the greater number were assigned to the age of
Zohak, an ancient king of Persia. One castle in particular, at the
northern termination of the valley, and commanding the gorge, had been
constructed with great labour on the summit of a precipice, and was
ingeniously supplied with water. It would be useless to record all the
fables of the people regarding these buildings.
[Illustration: Page 183. Pl. II. Vol. 1.
THE COLOSSAL IDOLS AT BAMEEAN.
On Stone by L. Haghe for Burnes’ Travels into Bokhara
Day & Haghe Lith^{rs} to the King, Gate S^t.
J. Murray Albemarle S^t. 1834.]
~Bameean excavated city.~
Bameean is celebrated for its colossal idols and innumerable
excavations, which are to be seen in all parts of the valley, for about
eight miles, and still form the residence of the greater part of the
population. They are called “Soomuch” by the people. A detached hill
in the middle of the valley is quite honeycombed by them, and brings
to our recollection the Troglodites of Alexander’s historians. It is
called the city of Ghoolghoola, and consists of a continued succession
of caves in every direction, which are said to have been the work of a
king named Julal. The hills at Bameean are formed of indurated clay and
pebbles, which renders their excavation a matter of little difficulty;
but the great extent to which it has been carried, excites attention.
Caves are dug on both sides of the valley, but the greater number lie
on the northern face, where we found the idols: altogether they form an
immense city. Labourers are frequently hired to dig in them; and their
trouble is rewarded by rings, relics, coins, &c. They generally bear
Cufic inscriptions, and are of a later date than the age of Mahommed.
These excavated caves, or houses, have no pretensions to architectural
ornament, being no more than squared holes in the hill. Some of them
are finished in the shape of a dome, and have a carved frieze below
the point, from which the cupola springs. The inhabitants tell many
remarkable tales of the caves of Bameean; one in particular--that a
mother had lost her child among them, and recovered it after a lapse of
twelve years! The tale need not be believed; but it will convey an idea
of the extent of the works. There are excavations on all sides of the
idols; and below the larger one, half a regiment might find quarters.
Bameean is subject to Cabool: it would appear to be a place of high
antiquity; and is, perhaps, the city which Alexander founded at the
base of Paropamisus, before entering Bactria. The country, indeed, from
Cabool to Balkh, is yet styled “Bakhtur Zumeen,” or Bakhtur country.
The name of Bameean is said to be derived from its elevation,--“bam”
signifying balcony, and the affix “eean” country. It may be so called
from the caves rising one over another in the rock.
~Idols of Bameean.~
There are no relics of Asiatic antiquity which have roused the
curiosity of the learned more than the gigantic idols of Bameean. It
is fortunately in my power to present a drawing of these images. They
consist of two figures, a male and a female; the one named Silsal, the
other Shahmama. The figures are cut in alto relievo on the face of the
hill, and represent two colossal images. The male is the larger of the
two, and about 120 feet high. It occupies a front of 70 feet; and the
niche in which it is excavated, extends about that depth into the hill.
This idol is mutilated; both legs having been fractured by cannon; and
the countenance above the mouth is destroyed. The lips are very large;
the ears long and pendent; and there appears to have been a tiara on
the head. The figure is covered by a mantle, which hangs over it in all
parts, and has been formed of a kind of plaster; the image having been
studded with wooden pins in various places, to assist in fixing it. The
figure itself is without symmetry, nor is there much elegance in the
drapery. The hands, which held out the mantle, have been both broken.
The female figure is more perfect than the male, and has been dressed
in the same manner. It is cut in the same hill, at a distance of 200
yards, and is about half the size. It was not to be discovered whether
the smaller idol was a brother or son of the Colossus, but from the
information of the natives. The sketch which is attached will convey
better notions of these idols than a more elaborate description. The
square and arched apertures which appear in the plate represent the
entrance of the different caves or excavations; and through these there
is a road which leads to the summit of both the images. In the lower
caves, the caravans to and from Cabool generally halt; and the upper
ones are used as granaries by the community.
I have now to note the most remarkable curiosity in the idols of
Bameean. The niches of both have been at one time plastered, and
ornamented with paintings of human figures, which have now disappeared
from all parts but that immediately over the heads of the idols. Here
the colours are as vivid, and the paintings as distinct, as in the
Egyptian tombs. There is little variety in the design of these figures;
which represent the bust of a woman, with a knob of hair on the head,
and a plaid thrown half over the chest; the whole surrounded by a halo,
and the head again by another halo. In one part, I could trace a groupe
of three female figures following each other. The execution of the work
was indifferent, and not superior to the pictures which the Chinese
make in imitation of an European artist.
The traditions of the people regarding the idols of Bameean are vague
and unsatisfactory. It is stated, that they were excavated about the
Christian era, by a tribe of Kaffirs (infidels), to represent a
king, named Silsal, and his wife, who ruled in a distant country, and
was worshipped for his greatness. The Hindoos assert that they were
excavated by the Pandoos, and that they are mentioned in the great epic
poem of the Mahaburat. Certain it is, that the Hindoos, on passing
these idols, at this day, hold up their hands in adoration: they do not
make offerings; and the custom may have fallen into disuse since the
rise of Islam. I am aware that a conjecture attributes these images to
the Boodhists; and the long ears of the great figure render the surmise
probable. I did not trace any resemblance to the colossal figures in
the caves of Salsette, near Bombay; but the shape of the head is not
unlike that of the great trifaced idol of Elephanta. At Manikyala, in
the Punjab, near the celebrated “tope,” I found a glass or cornelian
antique, which exactly resembles this head. In the paintings over the
idols I observed a close resemblance to the images of the Jain temples
in Western India, on Mount Aboo, Girnar, and Politana in Kattywar. I
judge the figures to be female; but they are very rude; though the
colours in which they are sketched are bright and beautiful. There is
nothing in the images of Bameean to evince any great advancement in the
arts, or what the most common people might not have easily executed.
They cannot, certainly, be referred to the Greek invasion; nor are
they mentioned by any of the historians of Alexander’s expedition. I
find, in the history of Timourlane, that both the idols and excavations
of Bameean are described by Sherif o deen, his historian. The idols
are there stated to be so high that none of the archers could strike
the head. They are called Lat and Munat; two celebrated idols which
are mentioned in the Koran: the writer also alludes to the road which
led up to their summit from the interior of the hill. There are no
inscriptions at Bameean to guide us in their history; and the whole
of the later traditions are so mixed up with Ali, the son-in-law of
Mahommed, who, we well know, never came into this part of Asia, that
they are most unsatisfactory. It is by no means improbable that we owe
the idols of Bameean to the caprice of some person of rank, who resided
in this cave-digging neighbourhood, and sought for an immortality in
the colossal images which we have now described.
~Geographical errors.~
~Leave Afghanistan.~
After a day’s delay at Bameean, where we could not boast of much
hospitality--since we procured a house with difficulty, and were
obliged to quit several that we entered--we set out for Syghan, a
distance of thirty miles. At the pass of Akrobat, which we crossed
half way, we left the dominions of modern Cabool, and entered
Toorkistan, which is denominated Tartary (more properly Tatary) by
Europeans. Following the geography of our maps, I had expected to find
the great snowy mountains beyond us; but we now looked upon them in
range behind. The “Koh i Baba” is the great continuation of Hindoo
Koosh. In our front we had yet to cross a wide belt of mountains,
but they were almost free from snow, and much lower than those which
we had traversed. We were conducted to the pass of Akrobat by twenty
horsemen, which a letter of introduction to the governor of Bameean
from Hajee Khan of Cabool had procured as a protection from the Dih
Zungee Huzaras, who plunder these roads. The escort was mounted on fine
Toorkmun horses, and accompanied by some native greyhounds--a fleet
sort of dog, with long shaggy hair on the legs and body. The party took
their leave on the pass, where we bade farewell to them and the kingdom
of Cabool.
~Uzbek chief of Syghan.~
~Intercourse with him.~
At Syghan we found ourselves in the territory of Mahommed Ali Beg, an
Uzbek, who is alternately subject to Cabool and Koondooz, as the chiefs
of these states respectively rise in power. He satisfies the chief
of Cabool with a few horses, and his Koondooz lord with a few men,
captured in forays by his sons and officers, who are occasionally sent
out for the purpose. Such is the difference between the taste of his
northern and southern neighbours. The captives are Huzaras, on whom
the Uzbeks nominally wage war for their Shiah creed, that they may be
converted to Soonees and good Mahommedans. A friend lately remonstrated
with this chief for his gross infringement of the laws of the Prophet,
in the practice of man-stealing. He admitted the crime; but as God
did not forbid him in his sleep, and his conscience was easy, he said
that he did not see why he should desist from so profitable a traffic!
I should have liked an opportunity to administer a sleeping draught
to this conscience-satisfied Uzbek. He is nowise famed for justice,
or protection of the traveller; a caravan of Jews passed his town
last year, on route to Bokhara, he detained some of their women, and
defended the outrage, by replying to every remonstrance, that their
progeny would become Mahommedan, and justify the act. So this wretch
steals men, and violates the honour of a traveller’s wife, because he
believes it acceptable conduct before his God, and in consonance with
the principles of his creed! Our Cafila-bashee waited on this person,
to report our arrival; and told him, it seems, that we were poor
Armenians. He jested with him, and said we might be Europeans; but our
conductor appealed to a letter of introduction from Cabool, in which
we had not been so denominated. A nankeen pelisse, with eight or nine
rupees (the usual tax on a caravan), satisfied this man-selling Uzbek,
and we passed a comfortable night in a very nicely carpeted “mihman
khana,” or public-house of guests, which is situated at the verge of
the village; the chief himself sending us a leg of venison, as we were
known to his friends in Cabool. We were already in a different country;
the mosques were spread with felts, which indicated greater attention
to matters of religion, and they were also much better buildings.
We were instructed not to sleep with our feet towards Mecca; which
would be evincing our contempt for that holy place; and I ever after
observed the bearings of the compass in-doors, as attentively as I had
hitherto done outside. I also cut the central portion of the hair of my
mustachoes; since the neglect of such a custom would point me out as a
Shiah, and consequently an infidel. We made all these arrangements in
Syghan; which is a pretty place, with fine gardens, though situated in
a dreary valley, destitute of all vegetation beyond its precincts. When
we left it next morning, a man came about 500 yards from the village to
give us the “fatha” or blessing, as is usual in this country; and we
departed, and stroked down our beards with gravity at the honour.
~Feelings on entering Tartary.~
Seeing this rigid adherence to the laws of Mahommed, and the constant
recurrence to the practice of the Koran in every act of life, I was
not disposed to augur favourably for our comfort, or the reliance
which we could place upon the people with whom we were now to mingle.
I thought of the expeditions of Prince Beckevitch, and our own
unfortunate predecessors, poor Moorcroft and his party. The fate
of the Russian Count and his little army is well known; they were
betrayed, and barbarously massacred. The lot of Moorcroft was equally
melancholy; since he and his associates perished of fever, and not
without suspicions of some more violent death. I shall have occasion to
speak of them hereafter. We could not, however, but persuade ourselves,
that a more encouraging field lay before us. We had not appeared,
as the Russian, to search for gold, nor to found a settlement; and
we had none of the wealth of the English traveller, which, I do not
hesitate to say, proved his ruin. We appeared even without presents
to the chiefs; for it was better to be thought mean, than to risk our
heads by exciting the cupidity of avaricious men. It may be imagined
that our feelings at this moment were not of an agreeable nature;
but fuller experience dissipated many of our fears. The notions of
our conductor even were singular. Shortly after leaving Cabool, I
took up a stone by the road side, to examine its formation; and the
Cafila-bashee, who observed me, asked me with anxiety, “Have you found
it?”--“What?”--“gold.” I threw away the stone, and became more cautious
in my future observations.
~Pass of Dundan Shikun.~
From Syghan we crossed the pass of “Dundan Shikun,” or the
Tooth-breaker, which is aptly named from its steepness and difficulty.
We here found the assafœtida plant in exuberance, which our fellow
travellers ate with great relish. This plant, I believe, is the
silphium of Alexander’s historians; for the sheep cropped it most
greedily, and the people consider it a nutritious food. We now
descended into a narrow valley, with a beautiful orchard of apricots,
that extended for some miles beyond the village of Kamurd. The rocks
rose on either side to a height of 3000 feet, frequently precipitous;
nor was the dell any where more than 300 yards wide. We could not see
the stars, to take an observation at night: the whole scene was most
imposing.
~Ruhmut oollah Khan.~
~Uzbek pity.~
At Kamurd we passed the seat of another petty chief, Ruhmut oollah
Khan, a Tajik deeply addicted to wine. He had been without a supply
for ten days, and gave vent to such ejaculations and regrets as amused
our party for the remainder of the march. Heaven and earth were the
same to him, he said, without his dose; and he produced a flagon,
with an earnest request that the Cafila-bashee would replenish it
at Khoolloom, and send it to him by the first opportunity. A coarse
loongee, coupled with a promise of the wine, satisfied this chief; for
he also claims a tax on the traveller, though he is but a tributary of
Koondooz. His power is limited, and it is curious to observe how he
keeps on terms with his master, Mahommed Moorad Beg. Unable to make
“chupaos,” or forays, and capture human beings, like his neighbour of
Syghan, he, last year, deliberately seized the whole of the inhabitants
of one of his villages, and despatched them, men, women, and children,
as slaves, to Koondooz. He was rewarded by three additional villages
for his allegiance and services; yet we here hired a son of this man to
escort us on our travels; and it was well we did so.
~Mahommedan law.~
The chief of Kamurd, in a quarrel which he had some years since with
one of his neighbours, unfortunately lost his wife, who was captured.
She was immediately transferred to his rival’s seraglio, and in time
bore him a numerous family. After a lapse of years, circumstances
restored her to her husband; but the propriety of receiving her into
his family was referred to the Mahommedan doctors. As the woman had
been carried off without her consent, it was decided that she should
be taken back, with all her family. It is common among the Toorks to
marry the wives of their enemies captured in battle; but the custom is
barbarous, and appears to contradict the nice principles of delicacy
regarding women, which are professed by all Mahommedans.
~Companions.~
~Asiatic opinions of Europe.~
I have hitherto forgotten to mention, that our companion the Nazir
was accompanied by a person named Mahommed Hoosein, an amusing
character, who had travelled into Russia, and often entertained us
with an account of that country, and the metropolis of the Czars. It
appeared to him, and several other Asiatics whom I afterwards met, a
very close approximation, in wine and women, to the paradise of their
blessed Prophet. A Mahommedan, who is transported from a country where
females are so much secluded, would at all times be struck with the
great change in an European country; but in Russia, where the moral
tone of society appears, from every account, to be rather loose, their
amazement is great indeed. The foundling hospitals and their inmates
are a subject of perpetual remark; and however much the Arabian prophet
may have condemned the use of intoxicating fluids, I could discover,
from those who I have visited Russia, that the temptations of the
gin and punch shops had not been resisted. Many of the Asiatics,
too, become gamblers; and commerce has imported cards into the holy
city of Bokhara. The pack consists of thirty-six cards, and the games
are strictly Russian. In describing the feelings of an Asiatic on
the subject of Europe, there must be much sameness; but it is at all
times most interesting to listen to their tales. Particulars which
quite escape us, and a multiplicity of trifles, are noticed with
great gravity. Nothing is so wonderful to an Asiatic as the European
notions of military discipline and drill, which he considers to be a
description of torture and despotism. I had to answer reiterated and
endless questions on the utility of making a man look always one way,
march off always with one foot, and hold his hands in certain positions
on a parade ground. As they had not heard of the great Frederick, I
could not refer them to his high name for an example; but I pointed to
India and Persia as sure proofs of the advantage of disciplined over
undisciplined valour. The Asiatics, however, have a far higher opinion
of European wisdom than valour; and truly, since the age of physical
strength has ceased, wisdom is bravery.
~Pass of Kara Koottul.~
~Adventures.~
On the 26th of May, we crossed the last pass of the Indian
Caucasus,--the Kara Koottul, or Black Pass,--but had yet a journey
of ninety-five miles before we cleared the mountains. We descended
at the village of Dooab into the bed of the river of Khooloom, and
followed it to that place among terrific precipices, which at night
obscured all the stars but those of the zenith. On this pass we had
an adventure, which illustrates the manners of the people among whom
we were travelling, and might have proved serious. Our Cafila-bashee
had intimated to us that we had reached a dangerous neighbourhood, and
consequently hired an escort, headed, as I have stated, by the son
of Rhumut oollah Khan. In ascending the pass, we met a large caravan
of horses, _en route_ to Cabool; and, on reaching the top, descried
a party of robbers advancing over a ridge of hills, and from the
direction of Hindoo Koosh. The cry of “Allaman, Allaman!” which here
means a robber, soon spread; and we drew up with our escort to meet,
and, if possible, fight the party. The robbers observed our motions,
and were now joined by some other men, who had lain in ambush, which
increased their party to about thirty. Each of us sent on a couple of
horsemen, who drew up at a distance of a hundred yards, and parleyed.
The robbers were Tatar Huzaras, commanded by a notorious free-booter
named Dilawur, who had come in search of the horse caravan. On
discovering that it had passed, and that we were in such good company
as the son of the chief of Kamurd, they gave up all intentions of
attack, and we pushed on without delay; immediately we had cleared the
pass, they occupied it; but the whole of their booty consisted of two
laden camels of the caravan, which had loitered behind. These they
seized in our view, as well as their drivers, who would now become
slaves for life; and had we not hired our escort, we should have
perhaps shared a similar fate, and found ourselves next day tending
herds and flocks among the mountains. The party was well mounted, and
composed of desperate men: disappointed of their prey, they attacked
the village of Dooab at night, where we first intended to halt. We had
luckily pushed on three miles further, and bivouacked in the bed of a
torrent in safety. The incidents of our escape furnished some room for
reflection; and we had to thank the Cafila-bashee for his prudence,
which had cleared us of the danger. The old gentleman stroked down his
beard, blessed the lucky day, and thanked God for preserving his good
name and person from such scoundrels.
~Life of a traveller.~
The life we now passed was far more agreeable than a detail of its
circumstances would lead one to believe, with our dangers and fatigues.
We mounted at daylight, and generally travelled without intermission
till two or three in the afternoon. Our day’s progress averaged about
twenty miles; but the people have no standard of measure; and miles,
coses, and fursukhs, were equally unknown, for they always reckon by
the day’s journey. We often breakfasted on the saddle, on dry bread
and cheese; slept always on the ground, and in the open air; and after
the day’s march, sat down cross-legged, till night and sleep overtook
us. Our own party was every thing that could be wished, for the Nazir
and his amusing fellow-traveller were very obliging: we ourselves
only amounted to eight persons; three of them were natives of the
country, and two others were instructed to pretend that they were quite
distinct from us; though one of them noted the few bearings of the
compass, which I myself could not conveniently take without leading to
discovery. We were quite happy in such scenes, and at the novelty of
every thing; and it was also delightful to recognise some old friends
among the weeds and shrubs. The hawthorn and sweet brier grew on the
verge of the river; and the rank hemlock, that sprung up under their
shade, now appeared beautiful from the associations which it awakened.
Our society, too, was amusing; and I took every favourable occasion of
mingling with the travellers whom we met by the way, and at the halting
places.
~Modes of salutation.~
I found nothing more puzzling than the different modes of salutation
among the Afghans, with which time only can familiarise a foreigner.
When you join a party, you must put your right hand on your heart, and
say “Peace be unto you!” (Salam Alaikoom.) You are then told you are
welcome; and when you depart, you repeat the ceremony, and are again
told you are welcome. On the road a traveller salutes you with “May
you not be fatigued!” (Mandu nu bashee;) to which you reply, “May you
live long!” (Zindu bashee.) If acquainted, the salutations become more
numerous. Are you strong? are you well? are you free from misfortunes?
&c. &c.: to all of which, you must answer, “Thanks be to God!”
(Shookur.) On parting, your friend will tell you that your journey is
not a tedious one, and consign you to God’s keeping (bu uman i Khooda).
If invited to dinner, you must reply to the civility, “May your house
be peopled!” (Khana i to abad;) and if you be complimented on any
occasion, you must answer that “I am not worthy of you; it is your
greatness.” Every person, high and low, you must address by the title
of Khan or Agha, to gain his good graces. If he is a moollah or priest,
you must call him Akhoond or teacher, if a moollah’s son, Akhoondzada.
A secretary is called Meerza; which is, however, a cognomen for all
nondescript characters, in which class we were numbered. Intimate
acquaintances call each other “lalu” or brother. The Afghans must have
learned all this ceremony from the Persians, for there is not a more
unsophisticated race of people in Asia. It was quite entertaining to
hear the various salutations which were addressed to our Cafila-bashee:
every person on the road seemed to know him; and, as we passed along,
he used to teach us lessons of good breeding, which I took every
occasion, as his apt scholar, to display.
~Tremendous defiles.~
~Poisonous plant.~
We continued our descent by Khoorrum and Sarbagh to Heibuk, which is
but a march within the mountains; and gradually exchanged our elevated
barren rocks for more hospitable lands. Our road led us through most
tremendous defiles, which rose over us to a height of from 2000 to 3000
feet, and overhung the pathway, while eagles and hawks whirled in giddy
circles over us: among them we distinguished the black eagle, which is
a noble bird. Near Heibuk, the defile becomes so narrow, that it is
called the “Dura i Zindan,” or Valley of the Dungeon; and so high are
the rocks, that the sun is excluded from some parts of it at mid-day.
There is a poisonous plant found here, which is fatal even to a mule or
a horse: it grows something like a lily; and the flower, which is about
four inches long, hangs over and presents a long seed nodule. Both it
and the flower resemble the richest crimson velvet. It is called “zuhr
boota” by the natives, which merely explains its poisonous qualities.
I brought a specimen of this plant to Calcutta, and am informed by
Dr. Wallich, the intelligent and scientific superintendent of the
Honourable Company’s botanic garden, that it is of the Arum species.
We now found vast flocks browsing on the aromatic pastures of the
mountains, and we passed extensive orchards of fruit trees. Herds of
deer might be seen bounding on the summit of the rocks; and in the
valleys, the soil was every where turned up by wild hogs, which are
here found in great numbers. The people also became more numerous as
we approached the plains of Tartary, and at Heibuk we had to encounter
another Uzbek chief named Baba Beg, a petty tyrant of some notoriety.
~Heibuk.~
As we approached his town, a traveller informed us that the chief
was anticipating the arrival of the Firingees (Europeans), whose
approach had been announced for some time past. This person is a son
of Khilich Ali Beg, who once ruled in Khooloom with great moderation;
but the child has not imitated the example of his parent. He poisoned
a brother at a feast, and seized upon his father’s wealth before
his life was extinct. He had greatly augmented the difficulties of
Mr. Moorcroft’s party; and was known to be by no means favourable
to Europeans. His subjects had driven him from his native town of
Khooloom for his tyranny, and he now only possessed the district of
Heibuk. We saw his castle about four in the afternoon, and approached
with reluctance; but our arrangements were conducted with address,
and here also we escaped in safety. On our arrival, our small caravan
alighted outside Heibuk, and we lay down on the ground as fatigued
travellers, covering ourselves with a coarse horse blanket till it was
night. In the evening, the chief came in person to visit our Cabool
friend the Nazir, to whom he offered every service; nor did he appear
to be at all aware of our presence. Baba Beg, on this occasion, made an
offer to send the party, under an escort of his own, direct to Balkh,
avoiding Khooloom,--an arrangement, which I heard with pleasure, and,
as it will soon appear, that might have saved us a world of anxiety.
Our fellow-travellers, however, declined the proffered kindness, and
vaunted so much of their influence at Khooloom, that we had no dread
in approaching a place where we were ultimately ensnared. While this
Uzbek chief was visiting the Nazir, we were eating a mutton chop by
the fireside within a few yards, and near enough to see him and hear
his conversation. He was an ill-looking man, of debauched habits. He
was under some obligation to our fellow-travellers; and we and our
animals fared well on the flesh and barley which he sent for their
entertainment. Our character was never suspected; and so beautiful a
starlight night was it, that I did not let this, the first opportunity,
pass without observing our latitude north of Hindoo Koosh. We set out
in the morning before the sun had risen, and congratulated ourselves at
having passed with such success a man who would have certainly injured
us.
~Heibuk reptiles.~
~Houses.~
~People.~
Heibuk is a thriving village, with a castle of sun-dried brick, built
on a commanding hillock. For the first time among the mountains, the
valley opens, and presents a sheet of gardens and most luxuriant
verdure. The climate also undergoes a great change; and we find the
fig tree, which does not grow in Cabool, or higher up the mountains.
The elevation of Heibuk is about 4000 feet. The soil is rich, and
the vegetation rank. We had expected to be rid of those troublesome
companions of a tropical climate, snakes and scorpions; but here they
were more numerous than in India, and we disturbed numbers of them on
the road. One of our servants was stung by a scorpion; and as there is
a popular belief that the pain ceases if the reptile be killed, it was
put to death accordingly. The construction of the houses at Heibuk
arrested our attention: they have domes instead of terraces, with a
hole in the roof as a chimney; so that a village has the appearance of
a cluster of large brown beehives. The inhabitants adopt this style of
building, as wood is scarce. The people, who were now as different as
their houses, wore conical skull-caps, instead of turbans, and almost
every one we met, whether traveller or villager, appeared in long
brown boots. The ladies seemed to select the gayest colours for their
dresses; and I could now distinguish some very handsome faces, for the
Mahommedan ladies do not pay scrupulous attention to being veiled in
the villages. They were much fairer than their husbands, with nothing
ungainly in their appearance, though they were Tartars. I could now,
indeed, understand the praises of the Orientals in the beauty of these
Toorkee girls.
~Khooloom and the plains of Tartary.~
On the 30th of May we made our last march among the mountains, and
debouched into the plains of Tartary at Khooloom, or Tash Koorghan,
where we had a noble view of the country north of us, sloping down to
the Oxus. We left the last hills about two miles from the town, rising
at once in an abrupt and imposing manner; the road passing through them
by a narrow defile, which might easily be defended. Khooloom contains
about ten thousand inhabitants, and is the frontier town of Moorad Beg
of Koondooz, a powerful chief, who has reduced all the countries north
of Hindoo Koosh to his yoke. We alighted at one of the caravansarais,
where we were scarcely noticed. A caravansary is too well known to
require much description:--it is a square, enclosed by walls, under
which are so many rooms or cells for accommodation. The merchandise and
cattle stand in the area. Each party has his chamber, and is strictly
private; since it is contrary to custom for one person to disturb
another. All are travellers, and many are fatigued. If society were
every where on as good a footing as in a caravansary, the world would
be spared the evils of calumny. We here rested after our arduous and
fatiguing journey over rocks and mountains; and were, indeed, refreshed
by the change. Since leaving Cabool, we had slept in our clothes,
and could seldom or ever change them. We had halted among mud, waded
through rivers, tumbled among snow, and for the last few days been
sunned by heat. These are but the petty inconveniences of a traveller;
which sink into insignificance, when compared with the pleasure of
seeing new men and countries, strange manners and customs, and being
able to temper the prejudices of one’s country, by observing those of
other nations.
FOOTNOTE:
[18] See Vol. II. book i. c. 7.
CHAP. VII.
SERIOUS DIFFICULTIES.--A JOURNEY TO KOONDOOZ.
~Difficulties at Khooloom.~
We had entered Khooloom, with an intention of setting out next day on
our journey to Balkh; placing implicit reliance on the assertion of our
friends, that we had nothing to apprehend in doing so. Judge, then, of
our surprise, when we learned that the officers of the custom-house
had despatched a messenger to the chief of Koondooz, to report our
arrival, and request his instructions as to our disposal. We were,
meanwhile, desired to await the answer. Our companion, the Nazir, was
much chagrined at the detention; but it was now useless to upbraid
him for having ever brought us to Khooloom. He assured us that it was
a mere temporary inconvenience; and likewise despatched a letter to
the minister at Koondooz, requesting that we might not be detained,
since his business in Russia could not be transacted without us. The
minister was a friend of the Nazir’s family; and since we had plunged
ourselves into difficulties, matters seemed at least to look favourable
for our safe conduct through them. I could not but regret, that I
had ever allowed myself to be seduced by the advice of any one; and
would, even at this late period, have endeavoured to escape to Balkh,
had not the Cafila-bashee, and every one, pronounced it headstrong and
impracticable. At one time, indeed, about midnight, the Cafila-bashee
acceded to our proposals for escaping to Balkh in the course of the
next night, and even said the first verse of the Koran as his oath
and blessing. I did not, however, understand the plan was to be kept
secret from the Nazir, to whom I revealed it next day, to the great
dissatisfaction and dismay of the Cafila-bashee, who was visited with
a due share of his wrath. “Wait,” said the Nazir to us, “for a reply
from Koondooz, and we cannot doubt its favourable nature.” We did wait;
and at midnight, on the 1st of June, received a summons to repair
to Koondooz with all despatch; while the minister, in reply to our
conductor’s letter, begged he would not allow himself to be detained on
our account, but proceed on his journey to Bokhara! Our surprise may be
better imagined than described. It was now too late to make our escape,
for we were watched in the caravansary, and the officers would not even
allow my horse to be taken into the town and shod. It might have been
accomplished on our first arrival, but then it was deemed injudicious,
and it only remained, therefore, for us to face the difficulties of
our situation in a prompt and becoming manner. I urged an immediate
departure for Koondooz, leaving Dr. Gerard, and all the party, except
two Afghans, at Khooloom. I was now resolved on personating the
character of an Armenian, and believed that despatch would avail me and
allay suspicion. I had letters from the saint at Peshawur, which would
bear me out, as I thought, in the new character, since we were there
denominated Armenians; but my fellow-travellers assured me that the
very possession of such documents would prove our real condition, and I
destroyed them all, as well as the letters of the Cabool chief, which
were alike objectionable. I divested myself, indeed, of all my Persian
correspondence, and tore up among the rest many of Runjeet Sing’s
epistles, which were now in my eyes less acceptable than I thought they
would ever prove. During these arrangements, I discovered that the
Nazir had no relish for a journey to Koondooz, and seemed disposed to
stay behind, almost frantic with despair; but shame is a great promoter
of exertion, and I begged he would accompany me, to which he agreed.
~Sketch of Moorcroft’s disaster.~
The better to understand the critical situation in which we were now
placed, I shall give a brief sketch of the disasters which befell Mr.
Moorcroft in this part of the country, in the year 1824, from the very
personage who now summoned us to Koondooz. On that traveller crossing
the mountains, he proceeded to wait on the chief, and having made
him some presents suitable to his rank, returned to Khooloom. He had
no sooner arrived there, than he received a message from the chief,
saying, that some of his soldiers had been wounded, and requesting
that he would hasten his return, and bring along with him his medical
instruments, and Mr. Guthrie, an Indo-Briton, who had accompanied
Mr. Moorcroft, as a surgeon. Mr. Moorcroft’s own abilities in that
capacity were also known, for he had already given proofs of his great
skill to these people. He set out for Koondooz without suspicion,
but found, on his arrival there, that his surgical services were not
wanted, and it was merely a plan to ensnare him. The chief ordered
him to send for all his party and baggage, which he did; and, after a
month’s delay, he only succeeded in liberating himself, by complying
with the most extravagant demands of Moorad Beg. By one means or
another, he possessed himself of cash to the value of 23,000 rupees,
before Mr. Moorcroft was permitted to depart; and it would have been
well had the matter here terminated, but the cupidity of the chief
had been excited. It is also said, that he entertained some dread of
Moorcroft’s designs, from the arms and two small field-pieces, which
he carried with him for purposes of protection. The party prepared to
quit Khooloom for Bokhara, but, on the very eve of departure, were
surrounded by 400 horsemen, and again summoned to Koondooz. It was not
now concealed, that the chief was resolved on seizing the whole of the
property, and putting the party to death. Mr. Moorcroft took the only
course which could have ever extricated his party and himself. In the
disguise of a native he fled at night, and after a surprising journey,
at length reached Talighan, a town beyond Koondooz, where a holy man
lived, who was reputed to possess much influence over the conscience of
Moorad Beg. He threw himself at the feet of this saint, seized the hem
of his garment, and sued for his protection. “Rise up,” said he, “it is
granted; fear nothing.” This good man immediately sent a messenger to
Koondooz, to summon the chief, who appeared in person with the answer.
At his peril, he could not now touch a hair of the traveller’s head;
Moorad Beg obeyed, and the holy man declined to receive the smallest
reward for his services. After Mr. Moorcroft’s flight, the Uzbeks
marched his fellow-traveller, Mr. George Trebeck, with all the party
and property, to Koondooz. Their anxiety was not allayed till their
arrival at that place, when they heard of the success of Moorcroft,
his safety, and their own. After these disasters, Moorcroft pursued
his journey into Bokhara, but unfortunately died on his return, in
the following year, at Andkhooee, about eighty miles from Balkh. His
fellow-traveller, Mr. Trebeck, was unable to force his way beyond
Mazar, in the neighbourhood of that city, since the chief of Koondooz
was resolved on way-laying the party on its return, and the only safe
road to Cabool led by Khooloom, where they had already encountered such
difficulties. He lingered about Balkh for four or five months, and
died of fever, from which he had been suffering during the whole of
that time. The Indo-Briton, Mr. Guthrie, was previously cut off by the
same disease to which most of their followers also fell victims. Thus
terminated their unfortunate expedition into Tartary.
~Journey to Koondooz.~
~Favourable opportunity for escape.~
On the evening of the 2d of June, I set out on my journey to Koondooz,
which lies higher up the valley of the Oxus, having previously
prevailed on the custom-house officer, who was a Hindoo, to accompany
me. I did not leave Khooloom under very encouraging circumstances,
having just discovered that a Hindoo of Peshawur had _kindly_ apprised
the authorities of many of our acts, circumstances, and condition,
since leaving Hindoostan; adding, indeed, numerous exaggerations to
the narration, in which we were set forth as wealthy individuals,
whose bills had even affected the money market. When beyond the town,
we found our caravan to consist of eight or ten tea merchants, of
Budukhshan and Yarkund, who had disposed of their property, and were
returning to their country. In our own party there was the Nazir,
Cafila bashee, and myself, with the Hindoo, whose name was Chumundass,
who came unattended. I discovered that this latter person had a pretty
correct knowledge of our affairs, but I did not assist to fill up the
thread of his discourse, and boldly denominated myself an Hindoostan
Armenian. The name of Englishman, which had carried us in safety in
all other places, was here replete with danger; since it not only
conveyed notions of great wealth, but a belief that that can be renewed
from the inferior metals. I had, however, discovered that the Hindoo
was a good man, for his easy manner in searching our baggage at the
caravansary, after our first arrival, left a favourable impression on
my mind; and he himself declared to the Nazir, that it was no fault of
his that we were dragged to Koondooz, since he was but a custom-house
officer, and obliged to report our arrival. It was evident to me, that
an impression might be made on such a person by persuasion and gold,
and from his very presence with us, I construed that money might be
his god. He and I soon fell into conversation, and I found him to be
a native of Mooltan, who had long resided in these countries. I spoke
much of India, and its people and customs; told him that I had seen his
native town, using as much eloquence as I was possessed of to praise
its people, and every thing connected with it. It would have been
difficult to discover, from the varied topics of our conversation, that
the time was one of most anxious suspense. I ran over the gods of the
Hindoo catalogue as far as I remembered, and produced almost a fever
of delight in my associate, who had long ceased to hear them named in
aught but terms of deep reproach. It was now time to turn my persuasion
to account, and as we talked in the language of India, our conversation
was conducted in a dialect foreign to most of our party, and unheeded
by them. I pointed out, in plain terms, to the Hindoo, our forlorn
and hopeless condition, when in the power of a person like the chief
of Koondooz; and I put it to himself, if our baggage did not testify
our poverty. I then showed him, that as I belonged to India, I might
one day serve him in that country, and finally offered to give him a
reward in money, and conjured him by all his Pantheon to aid us in our
difficulties. When about twelve miles from Khooloom, we alighted at a
village called Ungaruk, to feed our horses, and it now occurred to me
that a truly favourable opportunity to make an escape presented itself.
There was no guard or escort to attend us, and the honest Hindoo was
far from Khooloom, and without the means of giving an alarm, whilst the
most moderate speed would carry us beyond Moorad Beg’s frontier, and
even to the city of Balkh before morning. This feasible plan, however,
could not evidently be put into execution, since Dr. Gerard would be
left at Khooloom, and his safety more than ever endangered; and it
could only now be regretted, that the scheme had not sooner presented
itself. The tone of the Hindoo had, however, reconciled me in a great
degree to my situation, and we again prosecuted our midnight journey
and renewed our conversation. Before the sun had risen, I was satisfied
that if more honourable motives had not opened this man’s heart, the
baser metals had, and I almost then believed, that we should triumph
over our misfortunes. A new dilemma, however, now overtook us.
~A night adventure.~
We journeyed till within an hour of dawn by a dreary road, over two low
passes, among hills, not enlivened by a single tree, nor blessed with
a drop of fresh water for forty-five miles. In this dismal waste, our
attention was roused by some lighted matches in front, that appeared
to cross our path, and which we could not but conclude were robbers,
since this country is infested by banditti. One of the tea merchants
busied himself in tearing up rags, rubbing them with gunpowder, and
lighting them, literally as _demonstrations_ of our force; and, judging
by the number of lights that appeared from the opposite party, they
must have done the same, which might have been amusing enough had we
not construed them into real matchlocks. We had but one piece, and
five or six swords, and could have made but a sorry resistance; but
generalship may be shown with a small as well as a large band, and the
tea merchant, who seemed accustomed to such scenes, called on us to
dismount, and prepare for the attack. I will not conceal my feelings
at this moment, which were those of vexation and irritability, at so
many succeeding disasters. At length we approached within speaking
distance, and one forward youth in our party challenged in Persian,
but he was instantly silenced by an elderly man, who spoke out in
Turkish. The Persian, being the language of commerce, would at once
betray our character, and it was proper that we should at least appear
as soldiers. The other party gave no reply, but veered off towards
Khooloom, and we ourselves took the road of Koondooz, mutually glad, I
suppose, to be rid of each other. At the town we discovered that we had
drawn up against peaceable travellers, who must have been as glad as us
to escape. About eleven in the forenoon we reached the first fields,
and alighted in an orchard of apricots, about twelve miles distant
from Koondooz, and stole a few hours’ rest after the night’s journey.
I found myself near a hedge of honeysuckles, a bush that delighted me,
and which I had never before seen in the east. We reached Koondooz at
night-fall, after performing a journey of more than seventy miles.
~My account of myself.~
We were received on our arrival at the house of Atmaram, the minister,
or as he is styled the Dewan Begee, of Moorad Beg, and sat in his
doorway till he came out. I shall long remember the silent look which
passed between him and the Nazir. The reception augured well, for
the minister conducted us to his house of guests, and fine beds were
brought for our use, but he said nothing on the subject which most
interested us, and we were left to think about our own affairs. I
was now to personate the character of a very poor traveller, and as
it behoved me to act as such, I looked demure, took up my seat in a
corner, fared with the servants, and treated the Nazir, my master,
with great respect; and evinced, on every occasion, as much humility
as possible. It was prudent, however, that when questioned, we should
all tell the same story, and in a quiet hour, before going to sleep, I
gave out my character as follows. That I was an Armenian from Lucknow,
Sikunder Alaverdi, by profession a watchmaker, and that, on reaching
Cabool, I had procured intelligence from Bokhara regarding my relatives
in that country, which led me to take a journey to it, and that I was
the more induced to do so from the protection I should receive from the
Nazir, to whose brother in Cabool I was, in some manner, a servant. We
discarded the subject of my accompanying the Nazir to Russia, as it
might lead to unpleasant enquiries. I then went on to state, that Dr.
Gerard was a relative of my own, and that he was left sick at Khooloom,
and thus brought within a short space as much evasion as my ingenuity
could invent. All our party agreed, that it would be most advisable to
take the name of an Armenian, and entirely discard that of European;
but the Cafila bashee wished to know how far it was proper to deal in
such wholesale lies, which had excited his merriment. I replied in the
words of Sady,
“Durogh i musluhut amez
Bih uz rastee bu fitna ungez.”
“An untruth that preserves peace is better than truth that stirs up
troubles.” He shook his head in approbation of the moralist’s wisdom,
and I afterwards found him the most forward in the party to enlarge on
my pretended narrative and circumstances. It was agreed that we should
first tell the consistent tale to the Hindoo of the custom-house,
and then adopt it generally; and the Nazir promised in the course of
to-morrow to unfold it to the minister.
~Imbecility of our conductor.~
The 4th of June slipped away without any adjustment of our concerns,
and the Nazir now evinced an imbecility and weakness of intellect,
which there was no tolerating. At one moment he was whining out to the
visiters a sorrowful detail of our disasters, half in tears; at another
time he was sitting erect, with all the pride and self-sufficiency
of a man of consequence. In the afternoon he retired to a garden,
and returned with a train of followers, as if he had been a grandee
instead of a prisoner; nor had he even visited the minister during the
day, and our affairs were no further advanced at night than in the
morning. As soon as it was dark, I took an opportunity of pointing
out to my friend the great impropriety of his conduct, for which I
encountered a good share of his indignation. I told him that his grief
and his pride were equally ill-timed and impolitic; that every hour
added to the danger of our situation; and, if he acted rightly, he
would immediately seek an interview with the minister, and endeavour
either to convince or deceive him. You are in the house of a Hindoo,
I added, and you may effect any thing by throwing yourself upon him,
and sitting in “dhurna,” that is, without food, till your request is
granted. Your course, continued I, is now the reverse, as you appear
to prefer parading in his gardens, and devouring the savoury viands he
sends us. The earnestness with which I enforced these views produced
a good effect, and the Nazir sent a messenger to the minister to say,
that if he were the friend of his family, he would not detain him in
this manner, for he had not come as a dog, to eat his bread, but as an
acquaintance, to solicit a favour. I rejoiced at the decision which
he was now displaying, and called out in accents of delight from my
corner of the apartment, but the Nazir here requested me to conduct
myself with greater discretion, and remain more peaceable. I deserved
the rebuke, and was thus glad to compromise matters between us. When
the minister received the message, he called the Nazir to him, and a
long explanation ensued regarding our affairs, which, as far as I could
gather, had left him bewildered as to their reality. It now appeared,
however, that we were to have his good offices, for it was settled
that we should set out early next morning to the country seat of the
chief, where we should see that personage. The Nazir, as being a man
of consequence, was instructed not to appear empty handed, and the
minister with great kindness returned a shawl, which he had presented
to him on his arrival, and desired him to give it and another to the
chief of Koondooz.
~Visiters.~
~Manner of tea-drinking.~
~Traditions of Alexander the Great.~
During the day I had seen a good deal of the people, for there were
many visiters, and though most of them courted the great man, a few
found their way to me in the corner. Nothing is done in this country
without tea, which is handed round at all times and hours, and gives a
social character to conversation, which is very agreeable. The Uzbeks
drink their tea with salt instead of sugar, and sometimes mix it with
fat; it is then called “keimuk chah.” After each person has had one
or two large cups, a smaller one is handed round, made in the usual
manner, without milk. The leaves of the pot are then divided among
the party, and chewed like tobacco. Many of the strangers evinced an
interest in the affairs of Cabool; some spoke of Runjeet Sing, and a
few of the English in India. Most of them were merchants, who trade
between this and China. They spoke much of their intercourse with that
singular nation, and praised the equity and justice that characterised
their commercial transactions. These merchants were Tajiks, and natives
of Budukhshan, a country on which we now bordered. I heard from these
people a variety of particulars regarding the reputed descendants of
Alexander the Great, which are yet said to exist in this neighbourhood,
and the valley of the Oxus, as well as the countries near the head of
the Indus. The subject had occupied much of my attention, and a tea
merchant of our small caravan had amused me on the road from Khooloom,
with the received lineage of these Macedonians. He was a priest, and
believed Alexander the Great to be a prophet, which, in his eyes,
satisfactorily accounted for the uninterrupted progeny of Greeks, since
no human being could injure so holy a race. In Koondooz, I heard the
traditions, which I have stated at length in the next volume.
~Interview with the chief of Koondooz.~
Early on the morning of the 5th, we set out on our journey to Moorad
Beg. We found him at the village of Khanu-abad, which is about
fifteen miles distant, and situated on the brow of the hills above the
fens of Koondooz, enlivened by a rivulet, which runs briskly past a
fort, shaded by trees of the richest verdure. We crossed this stream
by a bridge, and found ourselves at the gate of a small, but neatly
fortified dwelling, in which the chief was now holding his court.
There were about five hundred saddled horses standing at it, and the
cavaliers came and returned in great numbers. All of them were booted,
and wore long knives, stuck into the girdle for swords, some of which
were richly mounted with gold. We sat down under the wall, and had
ample time to survey the passing scene, and admire the martial air and
pomp of these warlike Uzbeks. None of the chiefs had more than a single
attendant, and there was great simplicity in the whole arrangements. A
Hindoo belonging to the minister went inside to announce our arrival,
and, in the mean time, I rehearsed my tale, and drew on a pair of boots
as well for the uniformity as to hide my provokingly white ankles. My
face had long been burned into an Asiatic hue, and from it I feared
no detection. The custom-house officer stood by, and I had taken care
to have him previously schooled in all the particulars above related.
We were summoned, after about an hour’s delay, and passed into the
first gateway. We here found an area, in which stood the attendants
and horses of the chief. Six or eight “yessawuls” or doorkeepers then
announced our approach, as we entered the inner building. The Nazir
headed the party, and marching up to the chief kissed his hand, and
presented his shawls. The Hindoo of the custom-house followed, with
two loaves of Russian white sugar, which he gave as his offering; and,
in my humble capacity, I brought up the rear, and advanced to make
my obeisance, sending forth a loud “sulam alaikoom,” and placing my
hands between those of the chief, kissed them according to custom, and
exclaimed “tukseer,” the usual mode of expressing inferiority. The
Uzbek gave a growl of approbation, and rolling on one side, said, “Ay,
ay, he understands the sulam.” The “yessawul” then gave a signal for
my retreat, and I stood at the portal with my hands crossed among the
lower domestics. Moorad Beg was seated on a tiger skin, and stretched
out his legs covered with huge boots, in contempt of all eastern
rules of decorum. He sat at the door, for, contrary to the custom of
all Asiatic courts, an Uzbek there takes up his position, and his
visiters pass into the interior of the apartment. The chief was a man
of tall stature, with harsh Tartar features; his eyes were small to
deformity, his forehead broad and frowning, and he wanted the beard
which adorns the countenance in most oriental nations. He proceeded to
converse with the Nazir; and put several questions regarding Cabool,
and then on his own affairs, during which he spoke of our poverty and
situation. Then came the Hindoo of the Custom-house with my tale. “Your
slave,” said he, “has examined the baggage of the two Armenians, and
found them to be poor travellers. It is in every person’s mouth that
they are Europeans (Firingees), and it would have placed me under your
displeasure had I let them depart; I have, therefore, brought one of
them to know your orders.” The moment was critical; and the chief gave
me a look, and said in Turkish,--“Are you certain he is an Armenian?”
A second assurance carried conviction, and he issued an order for our
safe conduct beyond the frontier. I stood by, and saw his secretary
prepare and seal the paper; and I could have embraced him when he
pronounced it finished.
~Incidents illustrative of Uzbek character.~
It was now necessary to retreat with caution, and evince as little of
the joy which we felt as possible. The chief had not considered me even
worthy of a question; and my garb, torn and threadbare, could give him
no clue to my condition. His attendants and chiefs, however, asked me
many questions; and his son, a youth with the unpromising name of
Atalik, sent for me to know the tenets of the Armenians--if they said
prayers, believed in Mahommed, and would eat with the “Faithful.” I
replied, that we were “people of the book,” and had our prophets; but
to the home question of our credence in Mahommed, I said, that the New
Testament had been written before that personage (on whom be peace) had
appeared on earth. The lad turned to the Hindoos who were present, and
said, Why this poor man is better than you. I then narrated my story to
the prince with more confidence, and kissed the young chief’s hand for
the honour he had done in listening to it.
We were soon outside the fortification, and across the bridge; but the
heat of the sun was oppressive, and we alighted at a garden to pass a
few hours. The Hindoos got us refreshment; and, yet enacting the part
of a poor man, I had a portion of the Nazir’s pillao sent to me, and
ate heartily by myself. In the afternoon we returned to Koondooz; and
the good Hindoo of the Custom-house told me by the way, that the Uzbeks
were bad people, and did not deserve truth. “Whoever you be, therefore,
you are now safe.” I did most sincerely rejoice at the success of
the journey; for if the chief had suspected our true character for a
moment, we should have been deprived of all our money, subjected to
great vexation, and, perhaps, been confined for months in the unhealthy
climate of Koondooz. We must, at all events, have abandoned every hope
of prosecuting our journey; and our assumed poverty would have soon
availed us little; since there were not wanting persons who had a
shrewd guess at our concerns. The whole affair exhibits a simplicity
on the part of the Uzbeks which is hardly to be credited; but no
people are more simple. The veteran Cafila-bashee, who accompanied
me, was taken for my fellow-traveller, Dr. Gerard, though a grave,
grey bearded, demure Moslem; and the whole court of Moorad Beg were
left in ignorance of what many of the Hindoo community knew as well as
ourselves,--that we were Europeans.
~Koondooz.~
~Its chief.~
At Koondooz we alighted in our old quarters, at the house of the
minister. The town is situated in a valley, surrounded on all sides
by hills, except the north, where the Oxus flows at a distance of
about forty miles. It is watered by two rivers, which join north of
the town. The climate is so insalubrious, that there is a proverb
among the people, which runs as follows:--“If you wish to die, go to
Koondooz.” The greater part of the valley is so marshy, that the roads
are constructed on piles of wood, and run through the rankest weeds;
yet wheat and barley are produced, as also rice, in the places which
are not entirely inundated. The heat is described as intolerable, yet
snow lies for three months in the year. Koondooz has at one time been a
large town, but its population does not now exceed 1500 souls; and no
person makes it a residence, who can live in any other place, though
it be yet the market-town of the neighbourhood. The chief never visits
it but in winter. It has a fort, surrounded by a ditch, which is a
place of strength: the walls are constructed of sun-dried brick; and
such is the heat, that they crumble under the sun’s rays, and require
constant repair. The great mountains of Hindoo Koosh lie in sight,
south of Koondooz, covered with snow: the neighbouring hills are low,
creeping ridges, covered with grass and flowers, but destitute of
trees or brushwood. A little further up the valley the climate becomes
much more genial; and the people speak in raptures of the groves and
rivulets, the fruits and flowers, of Budukhshan. The ruler of Koondooz,
Mahommed Moorad Beg, is an Uzbek of the tribe of Kudghun, who has but
lately risen into power. He is now encroaching in every direction, and
possesses all the valley of the Oxus; and very lately had sovereignty
over Balkh. He yet stamps his coin with the general appellation of
that capital, the “Mother of Cities.” He is quite independent, and now
rules all the countries immediately north of Hindoo Koosh.
~Departure from Koondooz.~
We could not quit Koondooz without the formal sanction of the minister;
and waited for his pleasure till three in the afternoon. He then sent
a _khillut_, or dress of honour, to the Nazir; and a tunic, with some
other articles of dress, to me and the Cafila-bashee; for we could not,
it seems, leave the house of guests of so great a person without some
mark of his favour. I, however, discovered that the Nazir, now that he
had recovered from his fright, was resolved on profiting to the utmost
by the minister’s bounty; and had set on foot a negotiation, by means
of one of his servants, to get as large a present as possible. I was
horrified at such conduct, as it might again involve us in difficulty;
but the mean fellow succeeded, and we were all covered in dresses of
honour, as I have stated. He, indeed, got a horse in addition. It is
necessary to mention, that the minister was contemplating a journey to
Cabool, where he hoped for some good offices from the Nazir’s family.
I, who was but a spectator of events, enjoyed the display of character
which they brought forth. We dressed ourselves in our new robes, and
saddled at three P.M.; nor did we halt till we reached Khooloom on the
following morning,--a distance of more than seventy miles,--worn out
with fatigue, after being seated on one horse for twenty hours. It is
singular, that I rode the very same animal that had been given to me by
the brother of the Peshawur chief; and which, it will be remembered,
he had forced upon me, as it might serve me in my difficulties among
the Uzbeks; a horse of the same breed having formerly availed Mr.
Moorcroft when he escaped to Talighan. How singular the coincidence!
how much more singular the gift! It was with heartfelt satisfaction
that I again found myself with Dr. Gerard and our own party, and
witnessed the universal joy. I could detail to them my adventures at
Koondooz, but could not relieve myself by sleep from the fatigue which
I had undergone. I have found that, after a certain period, the frame
is beyond sleep, which only returns to refresh and recruit the system
after the body has been rubbed and rested, and the stomach refreshed by
tea, the most cheering beverage to the way-worn traveller. Among the
Uzbeks, we frequently lived upon it.
~Quit Khooloom.~
~Avaricious conduct of our conductor.~
Khooloom is a much more pleasant place than Koondooz, and has many
beautiful gardens, and fine fruit. Its apricots, cherries, and
mulberries were now ripe; but it was not prudent to incur further
risks, with such an example as that of poor Moorcroft before us,
and we prepared for a start on the following morning. We showed the
order of Moorad Beg to the Wallee, or governor, and he appointed the
prescribed escort to attend us. During night, I transferred a portion
of my gold to the Hindoo of the custom house, for his eminent services;
and, to elude discovery, paid it through the hands of the Nazir: but
my astonishment may be conceived, when I discovered in the morning,
that, out of twenty gold pieces, he had pocketed fifteen, and put
off the Hindoo with five! It was no time for explanation, and, after
ascertaining the correctness of the fact, I paid it a second time, and
left Khooloom in the company of our avaricious friend the Nazir. This
_honest_ person made us stop by the way, to give him an opportunity
of reading a chapter of the Koran, with which he always travelled;
suspending it in a bag from the pommel of his saddle, and pulling it
forth at stated hours. Dr. Gerard and myself preceded our people, who
followed with a caravan, and reached Muzar in the afternoon of the 8th,
a distance of thirty miles beyond Khooloom.
~Dangers of the road to Balkh.~
~Mirage.~
The country between these places is barren and dreary; and the road
leads over a low pass, called Abdoo, which is the resort of robbers
from every quarter; since the whole of the neighbouring chiefs plunder
on it. Our escort of Uzbeks reconnoitred the pass, from which Muzar
is visible about fifteen miles off, and then left us to journey by
ourselves. These men were speaking of the spoil which they themselves
had captured a few days before, and I cannot say that I regretted their
departure. The ruins of aqueducts and houses prove that this country
has been at one time peopled; but it is now destitute of water, and,
consequently, of inhabitants. On our route we saw a very magnificent
_mirage_ on our right hand,--a snaky line of vapour, as large as the
Oxus itself, and which had all the appearance of that river. It mocked
our parched tongues; for we had expended the contents of the leathern
bottles we always carried, long before we reached the village.
~Muzar.~
Muzar contains about 500 houses, and is within the limits of the
canal of Balkh. It can muster about 1000 horse, and is independent of
that city and Khooloom. It belongs to a priest, or Mootuwullee, who
superintends the worship at a shrine of great sanctity, which is here
dedicated to Ali. Muzar means a tomb; and that of this place consists
of two lofty cupolas, built by Sultan Ali Meerza of Herat, about 350
years ago. I visited the shrine, went round it as a pilgrim, and gave
my mite in that character. If I could not believe the legends of this
pretended sanctuary, and join in the devotions of the people, I could
offer up thanks in my own way for our late escape. The congregation
at evening prayers was numerous; and the priests sat at the door of
the shrine, and divided the proceeds of the day, copper by copper,
among certain families, who are entitled to it by hereditary right. A
priest came up, and asked me why I did not pray with the rest. I told
him I was not a Mahommedan; yet they did not object to my entering the
shrine; though I ought not to have risked a trial. There was no object
of curiosity to be seen that differs from similar Mahommedan buildings.
In the evening, it is illuminated by lights from brass chandeliers.
~Tomb of Mr. Trebeck.~
Muzar is the place where Mr. Trebeck, the last of Moorcroft’s
unfortunate party, expired. One of our companions, a Hajee, attended
him on his death-bed, and conducted us to the spot in which he is
laid; which is in a small burying-ground, westward of the town, under
a mulberry tree, that was now shedding its fruit upon it. This young
man has left a most favourable impression of his good qualities
throughout the country which we passed; and I could not but feel for
his melancholy fate. After burying his two European fellow-travellers,
he sunk, at an early age, after four months’ suffering, in a far
distant country, without a friend, without assistance, and without
consolation. The whole of his property was either embezzled by a priest
who accompanied the party, or confiscated by _the holy men_ of this
sanctuary, who yet retain it: it consisted of some valuable horses,
camp equipage, money, and a few printed books. All the manuscripts
of Moorcroft have been fortunately recovered; and, in justice to an
amiable man, who devoted his life to a passion for travel and research,
they ought, long ere this, to have been published. The money did not
fall into the hands of the people of Muzar: it may be traced, but I
cannot say found.
~Arrival at Balkh.~
~Intelligence of the Cafila-bashee.~
On the morning of the 9th of June, we entered the ancient city of
Balkh, which is in the dominions of the King of Bokhara; and wound
among its extensive ruins for nearly three miles before reaching a
caravansary in the inhabited corner of this once proud “Mother of
Cities” (Amo ool Bulad). On the way we were met by two police officers,
Toorkmans, who searched us for our money, that they might tax it. I
told them at once that we had twenty gold tillas[19] each; and they
demanded one in twenty, according to their law, since we were not
Mahommedans. We complied, and took a sealed receipt; but they returned
in the evening, and demanded as much more, since we avowed ourselves
as Europeans, and were not subject to a Mahommedan ruler. I discovered
that their position was legal, and paid the sum; but I had a greater
store of gold than that about my own person. The people gave us no
molestation; and our baggage and books were freely submitted to the eye
and astonishment of the police. We should, of course, have concealed
them, had it been in our power. One of the most satisfactory feelings
we experienced on our arrival at Balkh, was the sure relief from the
hands of our enemy at Koondooz, and, I may now add, from the tricks
of our conductor, the Nazir; for he had lately adopted so unworthy a
line of conduct, that we resolved no longer to place reliance upon
him. As we were now in the territories of a king, we could tell him
our opinions; though it had, perhaps, been more prudent to keep them
to ourselves. If experience had proved the Nazir unworthy of our
confidence, Hyat, the Cafila-bashee, had fully established himself in
our good graces by his sensible and faithful conduct. He deprecated
the meanness of the Nazir, and evinced more detestation of it than
ourselves. Hyat was a man of no small penetration; and I was a little
staggered at a conversation which passed between us as we approached
Balkh, when discussing the motives which had led to our undertaking
such a journey. I stated that Bokhara lay on the road to Europe:
but Hyat rejoined, that the Firingees sought for information on all
countries, and that the untimely death of Mr. Moorcroft had withheld
any correct knowledge of Toorkistan; and we had, probably, been
despatched in a quiet way to procure it, as much of that gentleman’s
misfortunes were to be referred to the mode in which he had travelled.
I smiled at the shrewd guess of the man, and gave an ironical shout of
“Barikilla!” (Bravo!), and praised his sagacity: but Hyat and I had
become good friends; and we had not only nothing to fear, but much to
hope from his kind offices.
FOOTNOTE:
[19] A tilla is worth 13_s._
CHAP. VIII.
BALKH.--AND CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY TO BOKHARA.
~Description of Balkh.~
We continued at Balkh for three days, to examine the remains of this
once proud city. Its ruins extend for a circuit of about twenty miles,
but present no symptoms of magnificence; they consist of fallen
mosques and decayed tombs, which have been built of sun-dried brick;
nor are any of these ruins of an age prior to Mahommedanism, though
Balkh boasts an antiquity beyond most other cities in the globe. By
the Asiatics it is named the “Mother of Cities,” and said to have
been built by Kyamoors, the founder of the Persian monarchy. After
the conquest of Alexander the Great, it flourished under the name of
Bactria, with a dynasty of Grecian kings. In the third century of the
Christian era, “Artaxerxes had his authority solemnly acknowledged in a
great assembly held at Balkh, in Khorasan.”[20] It continued subject to
the Persian empire, and the residence of the Archimagus, or head of the
Magi, till the followers of Zoroaster were overthrown by the inroads
of the caliphs. Its inhabitants were butchered in cold blood by Jenghis
Khan; and under the house of Timour it became a province of the Mogul
empire. It formed the government of Aurungzebe in his youth; and was at
last invaded by the great Nadir. On the establishment of the Dooranee
monarchy, after his death, it fell into the hands of the Afghans, and
within the last eight years has been seized by the King of Bokhara,
whose deputy now governs it. Its present population does not amount to
2000 souls; who are chiefly natives of Cabool, and the remnant of the
Kara noukur, a description of militia established here by the Afghans.
There are also a few Arabs. The Koondooz chief has marched off a great
portion of its population, and constantly threatens the city; which has
driven the inhabitants to the neighbouring villages. In its wide area,
the city appears to have enclosed innumerable gardens; which increased
its size without adding to its population: and from the frail materials
of which its buildings are constructed, the foundations being only
brick, I doubt if Balkh ever were a substantial city. There are three
large colleges of a handsome structure, now in a state of decay, with
their cells empty. A mud wall surrounds a portion of the town; but it
must be of a late age, since it excludes the ruins on every side for
about two miles. The citadel, or _ark_, on the northern side has been
more solidly constructed; yet it is a place of no strength. There is
a stone of white marble in it, which is yet pointed out as the throne
of Kai Kaoos, or Cyrus. Balkh stands on a plain, about six miles from
the hills, and not upon them, as is erroneously represented. There
are many inequalities in the surrounding fields, which may arise from
ruins and rubbish. The city itself, like Babylon, has become a perfect
mine of bricks for the surrounding country. These are of an oblong
shape, rather square. Most of the old gardens are now neglected and
overgrown with weeds; the aqueducts are dried up; but there are clumps
of trees in many directions. The people have a great veneration for
the city; believing it was one of the earliest peopled portions of the
earth, and that the re-occupation of it will be one of the signs of
the approaching end of the world. The fruit of Balkh is most luscious;
particularly the apricots, which are nearly as large as apples. They
are almost below value; for 2000 of them were to be purchased for a
rupee; and, with iced water, they are indeed luxuries, though dangerous
ones. Snow is brought in quantities from the mountains south of Balkh,
about twenty miles distant, and sold for a trifle throughout the year.
~Climate of Balkh.~
The clime of Balkh is very insalubrious, but it is not disagreeable. In
June, the thermometer did not rise above 80°, and the next month is the
hottest in the year. The wheat ripens in that month, which makes the
harvest fifty days later than Peshawur. Its unhealthiness is ascribed
to the water, which is so mixed up with earth and clay as to look like
a puddle after rain. The soil is of a greyish colour, like pipe-clay,
and very rich; when wet, it is slimy. The crops are good; the wheat
stalks grow as high as in England, and do not present the stunted
stubble of India. In Balkh, the water has been distributed, with great
labour, by aqueducts from a river. Of these there are said to be no
less than eighteen; but many are not now discoverable. They frequently
overflow, and leave marshes, which are rapidly dried up under the
sun’s rays. This seems to account for the diseases of the place. All
old cities and ruins are, perhaps, more or less unhealthy. It is not
probable, however, that so many kings and princes would have patronised
a site which was always unfavourable to the health of man; and Balkh
itself is not situated in a country naturally marshy, but on a gentle
slope which sinks towards the Oxus, about 1800 feet above the level of
the sea. All the water of its river is lost long before reaching that
stream.
~Coins found at Balkh.~
At Balkh, I used every endeavour to collect ancient coins, which could
not fail to be valuable in such classic ground. They brought me several
copper ones, similar to those I found at Manikyala in the Punjab,
representing a full-length figure, holding a censer or pot in his right
hand, and dressed in a high cap; which, I believe, determines the
whole series of them to be Persian. It is well known that India formed
one of the satrapies of Darius; and we read of a connexion between it
and Persia in ancient times, which will perhaps clear up the history
of these coins. The execution is rude; and as they differ from one
another, it would appear they are rather medals than coins. I have,
in the succeeding volume, given accurate engravings of these relics.
Those who feel interested in the subject will find that some of a like
description have been found in India and mentioned in the Transactions
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Among the coins which I examined at
Balkh, there were many Cufic and Arabic, and a whole series of those
of the emperors of Hindostan. One gold piece of Shah Jehan spoke well
for the execution of his age. It is remarkable, that, in the countries
north of Hindoo Koosh, the current coinage of the present time is that
of the emperors of Delhi who ruled prior to the age of Nadir.
~Cafila-bashee.~
On the 12th of June, the caravan arrived from Khooloom with our people,
and we prepared to accompany it in its onward journey to Bokhara. For
three days we had been living with our friend the Cafila-bashee, who
managed to get rice and meat for us from the bazar; but we made a
bungling matter of our cookery. This was but a minor inconvenience, and
not without a hope of remedy. It was now necessary, however, to give
our Cafila-bashee leave to return to Cabool; since an Afghan would be
of little use among the Uzbeks. I was, indeed, sorry to part with Hyat,
as he had a temper and disposition admirably fitted for managing the
people, and had friends every where who esteemed and respected him. I
feared we should miss the man who used to get us food and lodging, when
procurable, and tell lies by wholesale regarding our character when
necessary. We made him presents in return for his good offices;--their
value far surpassed his expectations; so that he was more than happy.
I gave him a note of hand expressive of our sense of his services; and
he ran about in every direction to assist in our setting out, took the
Cafila-bashee of the new caravan aside, and pointed out to him how
much it would be his interest to serve us: he waited till the caravan
departed; and seeing us in our panniers, (the new mode of travelling
on camels,) he bade us farewell, consigned us to God, and left us to
plod our way. As an instance of this man’s honesty, I may mention,
that on his return to Cabool he found a knife, which we had left in
a caravansary; this he despatched by a trusty man who was coming to
Bokhara, along with a letter expressive of his remembrance of us, and
thanks for our kindness.
~Grave of Mr. Moorcroft.~
The caravan assembled outside the city, and near to another melancholy
spot, the grave of poor Moorcroft, which we were conducted to see.
Mr. Guthrie lies by his side. It was a bright moonlight night, but
we had some difficulty in finding the spot. At last, under a mud
wall which had been purposely thrown over, our eyes were directed to
it. The bigoted people of Balkh refused permission to the travellers
being interred in their burial ground; and only sanctioned it near
the city, upon condition of its being concealed, lest any Mahommedan
might mistake it for a tomb of one of the true believers, and offer up
a blessing as he passed it. It was impossible to view such a scene at
the dead of night, without many melancholy reflections. A whole party
buried within twelve miles of each other, held out small encouragement
to us, who were pursuing the same track, and led on by nearly similar
motives. It was fortunate that the living experienced no such contempt
as the dead, for we received no slight from any one, though our creed
and our nation were not concealed. The corpse of Moorcroft was brought
from Andkhooee, where he perished, at a distance from his party. He was
attended by a few followers, all of whom were plundered by the people.
If he died a natural death, I do not think he sunk without exciting
suspicions; he was unaccompanied by any of his European associates or
confidential servants, and brought back lifeless on a camel, after a
short absence of eight days; the health of Mr. Trebeck did not admit of
his examining the body.
~Quit Balkh.~
We left Balkh at midnight, with a small caravan of twenty camels; and
now exchanged our horses for these useful animals. Two panniers, called
“kujawas,” are thrown across each camel: the Dr. weighed against an
Afghan; and I was balanced by my Hindoostanee servant. At first, this
sort of conveyance was most inconvenient; for the panniers were but
four feet long and two and a half wide, and it required some suppleness
and ingenuity to stow away a body of five feet nine inches in such a
space, tumbled in like a bale of goods. Custom soon reconciled us to
the jolting of the camels and the smallness of the conveyance; and it
was a great counterbalance to discover that we could read and even note
without observation.
~Ancient Bactriana. Correctness of Quintus Curtius.~
A march of thirty miles brought us to the limits of the water of Balkh,
through a rich country every where intersected by canals. Such is
their effect on the temperature, that the thermometer fell below 52°
in the morning; though more than two thirds of the land lay waste. Our
camels revelled on a thorny shrub called “chooch” or “zooz” by the
natives. The language of the most graphic writer could not delineate
this country with greater exactness than Quintus Curtius has done, and
I marked the following passage on the spot:--“The face of Bactriana is
contrastingly diversified: in many places, luxuriant trees and vines
yield fruit of fine growth and flavour; numerous springs (canals?)
irrigate a rich soil. The more generous land is sowed with corn;
other fields afford pasturage. Further, great part of the country is
deformed by tracts of barren sand, in which a mournful absence of
vegetation refuses nourishment to man. When the winds blow from the
Indian Ocean, the floating dust is swept into masses. The cultivated
portion of the country is crowded with inhabitants, and well stocked
with horses. Bactra, the capital, is situated under Mount Paropamisus.
The river Bactrus, which washes its walls, gives name to the city
and province.”[21] The trees, fruit, and corn of Balkh have a great
celebrity; its horses are equally well known. Though it has no springs,
and a river does not now pass its walls, yet the country is intersected
by the canals of one that flows from the neighbouring mountains, the
water of which is artificially divided before reaching the town.
~The desert of the Toorkmuns.~
On the 14th of June we entered the desert, and travelled all night on
our way to the Oxus. We left the great high road from Balkh to Kilef,
the usual ferry, from a fear of robbers, and journeyed westward. At
daylight we halted, and had an insight of what we were to expect in
the deserts of Tartary. The mountains of Hindoo Koosh had entirely
disappeared below the horizon, and a wide plain like an ocean of sand
surrounded us on all sides. Here and there were a few round huts, or,
as they are called, “khirgahs,” the abode of the erratic Toorkmuns.
The inhabitants were few in number; at first sight, they present a
fierce and terrible aspect to a stranger. We alighted near one of their
settlements; and they strutted about dressed in huge black sheepskin
caps, but did not molest us; and I have here only to introduce our
new acquaintances, since we shall have ample opportunities to speak of
them hereafter. We pitched our camp in their desert, and found a scanty
supply of water that had trickled down thus far from the canals of
Balkh. We had now no tent, nor shelter of any kind, but a coarse single
blanket, which we used to stretch across two sets of panniers. Even
this flimsy covering sheltered us from the sun’s rays; and at night
we had it removed, and slept in the open air. Our food now consisted
of bread and tea; for the Toorkmuns often object to dispose of their
sheep, since it injures their estate; and we could only look on their
countless flocks with a desire to possess a single lamb, which often
could not be gratified. Europeans, who are so much accustomed to animal
food, are sensible of the change to a diet of bread; but we found it
tolerably nutritive, and had much refreshment from the tea, which we
drank with it at all hours. I found that abstinence from wine and
spirits proved rather salutary than otherwise; and I doubt if we could
have undergone the vicissitudes of climate, had we used such stimulants.
~Reach the Oxus.~
It appeared that we had not altogether escaped the tracks of plunderers
by our diversion from the main road, and we therefore hired a guard
of Toorkmuns to escort us to the Oxus, now only a march distant. We
saddled at sunset; and after a journey of fifteen hours, and a distance
of thirty miles, found ourselves on the banks of that great river,
which I gazed on with feelings of pure delight. It now ran before us
in all the grandeur of solitude, as a reward for the toil and anxiety
which we had experienced in approaching it. It might not have been
prudent to commit ourselves to a guard of Toorkmuns in such a desert;
but they conducted us in safety, and made few or no enquiries about us.
They spoke nothing but Turkish. They rode good horses, and were armed
with a sword and long spear. They were not encumbered with shields and
powder-horns, like other Asiatics; and a few only had matchlocks. They
beguiled the time by singing together in a language that is harsh but
sonorous. They appeared to be the very _beau idéal_ of light dragoons;
and their caps gave to the whole of them a becoming uniformity. They
never use more than a single rein, which sets off their horses to
advantage. Some of the Toorkmun chiefs, I afterwards observed, had
rosettes and loose pieces of leather ornamented with gold and silver,
which fell behind the ear of the animal, giving his head a showy and
becoming appearance. Till within a mile and a half of the river, we
had traversed a peculiarly inhospitable and unpromising country, quite
destitute of water; and its stunted herbage either protruded from
mounds of loose drifting sand, or made its appearance through sheets of
hard clay. I shall long remember our dreary advance on the Oxus, and
the wild society in which it was made.
We halted on the banks of the river, near the small village of Khoju
Salu. The vicinity of the Oxus is intersected by aqueducts for nearly
two miles, but by no means industriously cultivated; it was a better
sign of a more tranquil country, to see each peasant’s house standing
at a distance from that of his neighbour, and in the midst of his own
fields. We were detained for two days on the banks of the river, till
it came to our turn of the ferry-boat; which transferred our caravan,
on the 17th, to the northern bank, or the country of Toorkistan, more
commonly known to Europeans by the name of Tartary. The river was
upwards of 800 yards wide, and about 20 feet deep. Its waters were
loaded with clay, and the current passed on at the rate of about three
miles and a half an hour. This river is called Jihoon and Amoo by the
Asiatics.
~Singular manner of crossing it.~
The mode in which we passed the Oxus was singular, and, I believe,
quite peculiar to this part of the country. We were drawn by a pair
of horses, who were yoked to the boat, on each bow, by a rope fixed
to the hair of the mane. The bridle is then put on as if the horse
were to be mounted; the boat is pushed into the stream, and, without
any other assistance than the horses, is ferried directly across the
most rapid channel. A man on board holds the reins of each horse, and
allows them to play loosely in the mouth, urging him to swim; and,
thus guided, he advances without difficulty. There is not an oar to
aid in impelling the boat; and the only assistance from those on board
consists in manœuvring a rude rounded pole at the stern, to prevent
the vessel from wheeling in the current, and to give both horses clear
water to swim. They sometimes use four horses; and in that case, two
are fixed at the stern. These horses require no preparatory training,
since they indiscriminately yoke all that cross the river. One of the
boats was dragged over by the aid of two of our jaded ponies; and the
vessel which attempted to follow us without them, was carried so far
down the stream as to detain us a whole day on the banks, till it could
be brought up to the camp of our caravan. By this ingenious mode, we
crossed a river nearly half a mile wide, and running at the rate of
three miles and a half an hour, in fifteen minutes of actual sailing;
but there was some detention from having to thread our way among the
sand banks that separated the branches. I see nothing to prevent the
general adoption of this expeditious mode of passing a river, and it
would be an invaluable improvement below the Ghats of India. I had
never before seen the horse converted to such a use; and in my travels
through India, I had always considered that noble animal as a great
incumbrance in crossing a river.
~The caravan.~
After our passage of the Oxus, we commenced our journey towards
Bokhara, and halted at Shorkudduk, where there were no inhabitants, and
about fifteen or twenty brackish wells. The water was clear, but bitter
and ill tasted. Our manner of journeying now became more agreeable. We
started about five or six P.M., and travelled till eight or nine next
morning. The stages exceeded twenty-five miles; but camels cannot march
for a continuance beyond that distance, on account of heat. At night,
they move steadily forward at the rate of two miles an hour, and are
urged on by a pair of tingling bells hung from the breast or ears of
the favourite, that precedes each “quittar” or string. The sound is
enlivening and cheerful; and when their jingle ceases by a halt of the
caravan, the silence which succeeds, in the midst of an uninhabited
waste, is truly striking. At the setting and rising of the sun, the
caravan halts to admit of the performance of prayers; and the sonorous
sound of “Ullaho Akbar” summons all “true believers” to the presence of
God. They stroke down their beards, and, with their eyes turned towards
Mecca, perform the genuflexions prescribed by their creed. We sat and
looked at the solemnity, without suffering either taunts or abuse;
and experienced a toleration that would have done credit to the most
civilised country of Europe. In the society of a caravan, there is much
good fellowship, and many valuable lessons for a selfish man. It levels
all distinctions between master and servant; and where both share every
thing, it is impossible to be singular. Our servants now ate from
the same dishes as ourselves. An Asiatic will never take a piece of
bread, without offering a portion of it to those near him. The Indian
Mahommedans were surprised at their brethren in the faith, who gave us
a share of their food, and freely partook of our own.
~Kiz Kooduk.~
We next reached Kiz Kooduk, or the Maiden’s Well, as the words signify
in Turkish. I blessed the young lady who had dug it; for we had
suffered much from the want of water, and now found a beautiful well
in the midst of some hundred others, all of which, as well as the
springs we met on the road, were salt. It is said to have been dug by
a virgin. Yesterday we had no water; to-day we had no wood; and it was
only by collecting the dung of the camels that we could boil the water
for our tea. Who could have imagined that we were approaching those
paradises of the East, Samarcand and Bokhara. We had been travelling
among low waving hills, or rather ridges, destitute of trees or wood;
covered with a dry kind of grass, growing on a soil that was hard
and gravelly. The wells were about eighteen feet deep. At different
intervals on the road, we saw _robats_ or caravansaries, which have
been constructed with large covered cisterns, called “surdabas,” or
water coolers, to collect the rain water in behalf of the travellers.
The whole of these were now empty. The climate was dry and variable;
and the thermometer, which stood at 103° in the day, fell to 60° at
night, which was cool and delightful. In this country, a steady wind
generally blows from the north. Our day broke at twenty minutes after
three, and we had a long and refreshing twilight, which compensated in
some degree for the scorching heat of the sun.
~A Khwaju. Literature.~
One of the tea merchants of the caravan paid us frequent visits at
our halting ground, and we soon became intimate with him. He was a
Khwaju, as the followers of the first caliphs are called, and was both
a priest and a merchant. He appeared pleased with our society; and
we drank tea together on the banks of the Oxus. We told him our true
story. From our intercourse with this Khwaju, I gained some insight
into the state of literature among the Uzbeks. I gave him the perusal
of a small Persian work, the “Memoirs of King Shooja of Cabool,” which
I had received from that unfortunate monarch. The book was written by
the King himself; and gives a detail of his life and adventures, in a
simple style, free from extracts of the Koran, metaphors, and other
extravagancies of Oriental authors. It also dispenses with any mention
of those miracles which never fail to be wrought in favour of our
Eastern despot, according to the accounts of historians. The work, in
fact, was what would be called by us an interesting detail of events.
The Khwaju returned it to me a few days after, saying, that it was a
dry production, not enlivened by the fear of God, or a remembrance of
the Prophet, but entirely occupied with matters of a personal nature.
Since that was the object of the book, he could not have given it
higher praise. The Khwaju is not the only person who has found such
faults in similar works, for a Right Reverend Divine[22], who furnished
us with so admirable and interesting a journal of his travels in
India, has been blamed by some for its worldliness. Since literature
among the Mahommedans is exclusively confined to the moollahs, we
should be the less surprised at their finding fault with a work that
had not a due sprinkling of the literature of their order.
~Amazons of Lakay.~
Near the country we now entered, there is a tribe of Uzbeks, called
Lakay, who are celebrated for their plundering propensities. A saying
among them curses every one who dies in his bed, since a true Lakay
should lay down his life in a foray or “chupao.” I was told that
the females sometimes accompany their husbands on these marauding
expeditions; but it is stated, with greater probability, that the young
ladies plunder the caravans which pass near their home. This tribe
lives near Hissar, which is a romantic neighbourhood; since, besides
the Amazons of Lakay, three or four neighbouring tribes claim a descent
from Alexander the Great.
~Kirkinjuk.~
~A slave.~
Our next march, to a place called Kirkinjuk, brought us to a settlement
of the Toorkmuns, and the country changed from hillocks to mounds of
bare sand. The well water was now double the depth, or about thirty-six
feet from the surface. The flocks of the Toorkmuns cropped the scanty
grass around us; and horses, camels, and sheep roamed about loose, as
in a state of nature. A shepherd who tended these flocks lingered
long near our encampment. He was an unfortunate Persian, who had been
captured about eight years before near Meshid, along with 300 other
persons, and now sighed for his liberty, that he might visit the famous
shrine of Imam Ruza in his own holy city. His name had been Mahommed;
it was changed to Doulut, or the Rich--a singular cognomen for a poor
wretch who tended sheep in a desert under a scorching sun. He gave us
a favourable account of his treatment by his master, who intended to
purchase a wife for him; but he had no hope of his liberty. The poor
man prowled all day about our caravan, and expressed many a wish to
accompany it; he had, however, been purchased for thirty pieces of
gold, and if he had no riches of his own, he yet formed a part of those
of his owner.
~Knotty points.~
I overheard a controversy among some of the merchants regarding
Christians, whether they were or were not infidels (Kaffirs), and, as
may be imagined, was not a little anxious to hear the decision. One
person, who was a priest, maintained that they could not be infidels,
since they were people of the book. When it was asserted that they
did not believe in Mahommed, the subject became more complicated. I
learned, from their conversation, that a universal belief prevails
among the Mahommedans of the overthrow of their creed by Christians.
Christ, they say, lives, but Mahommed is dead; yet their deductions
are curious, since Jesus is to descend from the fourth heaven, and the
whole world will be _Mahommedanised!_ A singular instance of blasphemy
was related by this party. “A native of Budukhshan blackened his face,
and sallied forth into the highway, telling all the passengers that
as he had prayed to God without any good effect for eight years, he
now appeared to disgrace the Creator in the eyes of his creatures.”
Fanatical madman!
~Snowy Mountains. Kurshee.~
In the afternoon of the 20th, as we approached the town of Kurshee,
we descried at sunset, far to the eastward of us, a stupendous range
of mountains covered with snow. As this was in the middle of summer,
their elevation must be greater than is assigned to any range north
of Hindoo Koosh. They were at a distance of perhaps 150 miles, and we
could distinguish them but faintly on the following morning, and never
saw them again. At daylight we came to the öasis of Kurshee, a cheering
scene, after having marched from the Oxus, a distance of eighty-five
miles, without seeing a tree. On nearing this town, we entered a flat
and champaign country, which was entirely desolate, till within the
limits of the river: tortoises, lizards, and ants, appeared to be its
only inhabitants. As a welcome to this first Tartar town, one of our
friends in the caravan sent us, _as a delicacy_, two bowls of “keimuk
chah,” or tea, on which the fat floated so profusely that I took it for
soup; but it was really tea mixed with salt and fat, and is the morning
beverage of the Uzbeks. Custom never reconciled me to this tea, but our
Afghan fellow-travellers spoke of it in loud strains of praise; nor did
the manner in which our gift speedily disappeared, when handed over to
them, at all belie their taste.
~Sickness of our party.~
We had looked forward to our arrival at an inhabited place with much
delight, after our marches in the desert; but we here experienced that
misfortune to which travellers are more liable than other people,
sickness. Some of us had been complaining for a few days previously,
and immediately on our arrival, I was prostrated by a severe attack of
intermittent fever; the surveyor was seized at the same time; and, on
the following day, the doctor and two others of our party were ill. The
merchants and people of the caravan likewise suffered, and we came to
the conclusion that we must have caught the disease at Balkh, or on the
banks of the Oxus. The terror of the Balkh fever had vanished, and we
had not feared the seeds of disease. We adopted the usual treatment
of India, taking emetics and medicine; and, in my own case, I followed
them up with quinine, which had the most happy effect. In three days
my teeth ceased to chatter, and my body to burn; but the doctor, who
persisted in treating himself with calomel _secundum artem_, was not
so fortunate, and he did not shake off the disease till long after
we had left the country. One of our fellow-travellers, a merchant
of Budukhshan, who had endeared himself to us, died on his reaching
Bokhara. Our chances of life were far less than his: he offered up
sacrifices, and refused quinine. Our stay at Kurshee was prolonged for
three or four days, during which we lived in a garden under some trees,
and without other shelter. It was a miserable hospital; but we quenched
our parching thirst, under a thermometer at 108°, with sherbet of
cherries, cooled by ice, which we here found in great plenty.
~Alarms of a traveller.~
~Letter to the minister of Bokhara.~
In the midst of our indisposition, we were disturbed by some vexatious
rumours regarding ourselves. We were informed that the king had heard
of our approach, and not only had prohibited our entering the city of
Bokhara, but objected to our prosecuting the journey. This tale was
further exaggerated by the mention of certain yessawuls or officers
of the court having been sent to seize us, which we credited the
more readily, since these persons paid us no less than three visits
for the examination of our baggage, which in nowise contributed to
our repose. We had become pretty well accustomed to rumours of every
kind, for an European who travels in eastern countries must expect
many alarms. I resolved to take immediate steps to counteract any
bad impression towards us, and forthwith addressed the minister of
Bokhara, and despatched Sooliman, an Afghan, one of our own people,
with the letter. I approached the minister with all the forms of
eastern etiquette and eloquence; and, as we were in a bigoted country,
denominated him “the Tower of Islam; the Gem of the Faith, the Star
of Religion, the Dispenser of Justice, Pillar of the State,” &c. &c.
I went on to inform him particularly of our circumstances, and of our
having passed in safety through the dominions of other princes, and
stated the delight which we now felt at being in the neighbourhood
of Bokhara, “the citadel of Islam.” I concluded by telling him that
in all countries we had considered ourselves as the subjects of the
ruler, and that we now approached the capital of the Commander of the
Faithful (so the King of Bokhara is called), whose protection of the
merchant and the traveller is known in the utmost corners of the East.
I had, on former occasions, found the advantage of being the first to
convey information of our own approach, nor did I doubt a good result
from this communication. We were not deceived, and before reaching the
city, discovered that a lying Persian in our caravan had given currency
to these rumours, which were altogether destitute of foundation. The
minister sent back our servant to meet us, and say, that we should be
welcome in Bokhara.
~Kurshee.~
Our halt at Kurshee gave us some opportunity of seeing the place. It
is a straggling town, a mile long, with a considerable bazar, and
about 10,000 inhabitants. The houses are flat roofed, but mean. A
mud fort, surrounded by a wet ditch, forms a respectable defence on
the south-west side of the town. A river, which rises from Shuhur
Subz, about fifty miles distant, and famous as the birthplace of
Timour, passes north of Kurshee, and enables its inhabitants to form
innumerable gardens, which are shaded by trees groaning under fruit,
and some lofty poplars. These trees have a tall and noble aspect;
and their leaves, when rustling in the wind, assume a white silvery
appearance, though actually green, which has a curious and pleasing
effect on the landscape. Never were the blessings of water more
apparent than in this spot, which must otherwise have been a barren
waste. On the banks of the rivulet and its branches, every thing is
verdant and beautiful; away from them, all is sandy and sterile.
Kurshee is the largest place in the kingdom of Bokhara, next to the
capital. Its öasis is about twenty-two miles broad, but the river
expends itself in the surrounding fields.
~Market at Karsan.~
~Uzbeks.~
We marched from Kurshee to Karsan, sixteen miles distant, which is a
thriving village, situated on the extremity of this öasis. We arrived
on the market-day, for in the towns of Toorkistan they hold their
bazars on stated days, as in Europe. We met many people proceeding to
the throng, but not a single individual on foot--all were equestrians.
A stranger is amused at seeing a horse literally converted into a
family conveyance, and a man jogging along with his wife behind him.
The ladies are of course veiled, like most females in this country:
they prefer blue cloths to white, as in Cabool, and Uzbeks are
sombre-looking figures. We now found ourselves among the Uzbeks, a
grave, broad-faced, peaceable people, with a Tartar expression of
countenance. They are fair, and some of them are handsome; but the
great bulk of the people, the men at least, are without personal
beauty. I was struck with the great number of old looking men among
them. We had now left the Toorkmun tribes, who do not here extend much
beyond the Oxus.
~Abdoolla Khan. His munificence.~
In our second march from Kurshee, we halted at Kuroul-tuppa, where
there is a caravansary built by Abdoolla, a king of Bokhara, who
reigned in the sixteenth century. It put me in mind of Hindostan and
its monarchs. We also passed three large reservoirs (surdabas), which
were made by order of this philanthropic prince. They had been erected
at great expense in a flat and desert country, and the rain water that
falls is conducted to them by ditches often from a great distance.
The king Abdoolla had made a pilgrimage to Mecca, but imbibed an
impression that it had not proved acceptable in the sight of God. In
the hope of propitiating divine favour, he set about the construction
of caravansarais and cisterns in all parts of his dominions, acts more
beneficial to mankind, and therefore more acceptable, I venture to
believe, than pilgrimages to shrines or tombs.
~Acquaintances.~