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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
SECOND SERIES
No. XLII
ISSUED FOR 1917
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY xliv
ALBERT GRAY, Esq., C.B., K.C., _President_.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD BELHAVEN AND STENTON,
_Vice-President_.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD PECKOVER OF WISBECH,
_Vice-President_.
ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET THE RIGHT HON. SIR EDWARD HOBART
SEYMOUR, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., _Vice-President_.
BOLTON GLANVILL CORNEY, Esq., I.S.O.
M. LONGWORTH DAMES, Esq.
WILLIAM FOSTER, Esq., C.I.E.
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.D.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, Esq., _Treasurer_.
ARTHUR R. HINKS, Esq., F.R.S.
SIR JOHN F. F. HORNER, K.C.V.O.
SIR EVERARD IM THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B.
SIR JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.
SIR FREDERIC G. KENYON, K.C.B., F.B.A., Litt.D.
SIR CHARLES LUCAS, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM, K.C.B.
ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY, D.Sc.
LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR MATTHEW NATHAN, G.C.M.G., R.E.
H. R. TEDDER, Esq.
LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E.
BASIL HOME THOMSON, Esq., C.B.
SIR REGINALD TOWER, K.C.M.G., C.V.O.
J. A. J. DE VILLIERS, Esq., _Hon. Secretary_.
CIVIL WARS OF PERU
BY
PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEÓN
[PART IV: BOOK II]
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
TRANSLATED AND EDITED, WITH NOTES AND
AN INTRODUCTION,
BY
SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.
F.R.S., D.SC. (CAMBRIDGE AND LEEDS)
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
MCMXVIII
CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION xxv
CHAPTER I
_How the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro went to the province
of Arequipa to found a city there, and to apportion
the Indians among the persons who were to remain there
as citizens_ 1
CHAPTER II
_How the General Lorenzo de Aldana determined to send people
to settle in Anzerma, a province which had been discovered
by the captain Belalcázar, and how he named Jorge Robledo
as captain of the settlement_ 4
CHAPTER III
_How his Majesty nominated Don Pascual de Andagoya to be
Governor and Adelantado of the river of San Juan, and
how Robledo set out to form the settlement in Anzerma_ 7
CHAPTER IV
_How the Licentiate Santa Cruz sent certain captains and
troops in pursuit of Vadillo, of the quarrels of these captains
amongst themselves, and how they joined Robledo_ 10
CHAPTER V
_How the captain Jorge Robledo induced the Chiefs near the
new city to remain at peace, and how he sent Suer de Nava
to Caramanta_ 12
CHAPTER VI
_How the captain Jorge Robledo sent Gómez Hernández to
explore the province of El Choco, and despatched Ruy
Vanegas to the village of Pirsa_ 14
CHAPTER VII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo distributed the Chiefs among
the citizens who were going to remain in the city of Santa
Ana, and how he set out to make discoveries on the other
side of the great river of Santa Marta_ 18
CHAPTER VIII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo arrived at the province of
Pozo, how he was badly wounded, of the merciless punishment
that was inflicted, and of the great quantity of human
flesh that was eaten there_ 21
CHAPTER IX
_How the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa came to the
rock, of the great number of people he captured and killed,
and of the very great cruelty with which those natives were
treated_ 24
CHAPTER X
_How the captain Robledo discovered the province of Paucura,
how the ensign Suer de Nava returned to Pozo, and how
cruelties greater than before were inflicted; and how Robledo
set out from Paucura to explore the large and very rich
province of Arma_ 27
CHAPTER XI
_How the captain Robledo explored the province of Arma and
pitched his camp in the village of the principal Chief, named
Maytama, and of some notable things that happened_ 29
CHAPTER XII
_How captain Osorio, while going to the New Kingdom, was
killed, with other Christians, and how the captain Pedro
de Añasco was also killed by the Indians_ 34
CHAPTER XIII
_How, when the death of those Spaniards was known at Popayán,
captain Juan de Ampudia set out from there, and
how he and other Christians were killed by the same
Indians_ 38
CHAPTER XIV
_How the Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya entered the cities,
and was received in them as Governor_ 44
CHAPTER XV
_How the captain Jorge Robledo discovered the province of
Quinbaya, and how he founded the city of Cartago_ 46
CHAPTER XVI
_How the captain Jorge Robledo left the city of Cartago and
went to Cali, where he was well received, returning as
Captain and Lieutenant-general of the cities he had
founded_ 48
CHAPTER XVII
_Of the things that happened in the city of Lima and how the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, on the advice of the
Bishop Friar Vicente de Valverde, made a general repartimiento;
and of the departure of Gómez de Alvarado to
people Guanuco_ 49
CHAPTER XVIII
_How Gonzalo Pizarro, after he had been acknowledged as
Governor of Quito, determined to undertake the conquest of
El Dorado; and of his departure from Quito_ 54
CHAPTER XIX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left the city of Quito for the cinnamon
country, which was one of the most laborious explorations
that have been carried out in Tierra Firme and the
South Sea_ 56
CHAPTER XX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left that river and went on exploring
through those forests and mountains, without finding any
populous country, and how all his party joined forces at
a crossing over a branch of the Mar Dulce_ 61
CHAPTER XXI
_How Francisco de Orellana went down the river and reached
the Ocean, and of the extreme hardships suffered by Gonzalo
Pizarro from hunger_ 66
CHAPTER XXII
_How Gonzalo Pizarro and his people arrived at a place
where Indians had lived, but had abandoned it owing to
a war, and found a very great quantity of yuca with which
they restored themselves and saved their lives_ 71
CHAPTER XXIII
_How his Majesty appointed captain Belalcázar as Governor,
and how he entered upon his government, and arrested the
Adelantado Andagoya_ 77
CHAPTER XXIV
_How the Alcalde Diego Núñez de Mercado arrived in Spain
with the news of the death of the Adelantado, and how his
Majesty considered that he had been ill served thereby, and
sent out the Licentiate Vaca de Castro as Judge_ 79
CHAPTER XXV
_Of the things that happened in Lima, and how Pero Alvarez
Holguin left Cuzco on an expedition of discovery_ 82
CHAPTER XXVI
_Of the things that happened to the President Vaca de Castro
after he left the city of Panamá to go to Peru_ 85
CHAPTER XXVII
_How the President Vaca de Castro found himself in great
trouble and danger from not knowing where the port of
Buenaventura was, and how, at the end of several days
during which they had been seeking for the port, they met
a ship on board of which was Don Juan de Andagoya,
who explained to them where the port was_ 88
CHAPTER XXVIII
_How the arrival of Vaca de Castro in the river of San Juan
became known at Lima, and how sore the men of Chile felt
about it; and of what else passed in Lima at that time_ 90
CHAPTER XXIX
_How the Chile faction plotted to assassinate the Marquis,
and how Francisco de Herencia, who was one of them,
betrayed it, at confession, and of the great heedlessness
of the Marquis, also what else happened until the men of
Chile sallied forth to kill him_ 96
CHAPTER XXX
_How the men of Chile sallied forth from the lodgings of Don
Diego de Almagro, of their putting the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro to death, and of the valorous spirit
shown by the Marquis before his death_ 99
CHAPTER XXXI
_In which the former chapter is concluded down to the time
when the Marquis was slain by the men of Chile_ 103
CHAPTER XXXII
_Of what happened in Lima after the death of the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro_ 110
CHAPTER XXXIII
_Of the things that were done by the Chile party, and how
they acknowledged Don Diego as Governor; also of the imprisonment
of Antonio Picado, and how the Licentiate
Rodrigo Niño and Orihuela came from Spain_ 114
CHAPTER XXXIV
_How Don Diego de Almagro, having tyrannically occupied
the city of Lima, sent messengers to some of the cities of the
Realm, requiring them to acknowledge him as Governor_ 117
CHAPTER XXXV
_How García de Alvarado left Lima and landed at Santa,
captured Cabrera, and went on as far as San Miguel. Of
those he killed on the way, and how Alonso de Alvarado
hoisted his banner for the King_ 119
CHAPTER XXXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro wrote to the captain Alonso de
Alvarado, not knowing that he had raised the banner, and
sent him a commission as lieutenant; and of the death
of Orihuela_ 123
CHAPTER XXXVII
_How Don Pedro Puertocarrero would not be a lieutenant
of Almagro's, but absented himself rather from the city of
Cuzco, with Gómez de Tordoya and divers others, and how
grieved some were on learning of the death of the Marquis_ 126
CHAPTER XXXVIII
_How Gómez de Tordoya and the other citizens of Cuzco
agreed to send messengers to the captain Pero Alvarez
Holguin that, on hearing of the death of the Marquis, he
might raise the banner for the King_ 130
CHAPTER XXXIX
_How Pero Alvarez Holguin was received as Captain-general
on the side against the Chile faction, and Gómez de Tordoya
was appointed Camp-master, and in what manner they
entered the city of Cuzco_ 134
CHAPTER XL
_How the Licentiate Vaca de Castro arrived at the port of
Buenaventura, and thence marched, suffering great hardships
by the way, to Cali, where he found the Adelantado
Sebastián de Belalcázar, his Majesty's Governor; and of
what he did there_ 137
CHAPTER XLI
_How the President Cristóbal Vaca de Castro went from Cali
to Popayán, where he heard of the death of the Marquis
from Lorenzo de Aldana, who came to meet him_ 140
CHAPTER XLII
_How Don Diego de Almagro ordered the Secretary Antonio
Picado to be tortured, thinking he would divulge treasure
belonging to the Marquis, and how Picado met his deserts_ 142
CHAPTER XLIII
_How the captains Francisco de Chaves and Francisco Nuñez
were arrested, and how Chaves was put to death_ 147
CHAPTER XLIV
_How when the death of the Marquis became known in the
town of Plata, the banner was raised for the King; and
the captain Pedro Anzures set out with other residents there
to join Pero Alvarez Holguin_ 151
CHAPTER XLV
_Of the things that were done by the captain Alonso de Alvarado
after he had raised the banner for the King_ 155
CHAPTER XLVI
_How the President Cristóbal Vaca de Castro quitted Popayán
to go to the city of Quito_ 157
CHAPTER XLVII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro, on his way to Quito,
came to a place called Carangue, where he received letters
from Alonso de Alvarado, and learnt that Alvarado had
risen against Almagro, in the name of the King, which
gave him great pleasure_ 160
CHAPTER XLVIII
_Of what else was done by the General Pero Alvarez Holguin,
and of his departure from Cuzco_ 163
CHAPTER XLIX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, on learning the news about
Pero Alvarez, left Lima, by the advice of his captains; and
about the men he had raised, and his captains_ 166
CHAPTER L
_How Pero Alvarez Holguin, after he had been accepted as
General and sworn, the last time near Parcos, continued
his march in the direction of Jauja, and how Gaspar
Rodríguez de Camporredondo, while reconnoitring in advance,
captured Don Diego's adherents in those parts_ 170
CHAPTER LI
_How Don Diego de Almagro, with his General García de
Alvarado pursued Pero Alvarez Holguin, but turned back
on coming near to Bombon; of the death of Juan de Herrada,
and of how Pero Alvarez continued his march_ 174
CHAPTER LII
_How the captain Alonso de Alvarado, hearing the news about
Pero Alvarez, sent another messenger to Vaca de Castro,
urging him to come, with all speed, to where he was_ 178
CHAPTER LIII
_How that, Don Diego de Almagro and his forces being in the
province of Jauja, it was agreed that he and no other
should be General, and Cristóbal de Sotelo Camp-master;
and how they were for sending García de Alvarado to
Lima, which was opposed by Sotelo_ 180
CHAPTER LIV
_How, after the Governor Vaca de Castro had sent messengers
to many parts, he resolved to leave Quito and go to join
forces with the captain Alonso de Alvarado_ 182
CHAPTER LV
_Of the things that took place in the camp of Pero Alvarez
Holguin, and how the Camp-master Gómez de Tordoya
and the captain Garcilaso de la Vega left it, and went to
meet the Governor Vaca de Castro_ 186
CHAPTER LVI
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro ordered the Adelantado
Belalcázar to return to his government, how he heard of
the arrival of Pero Alvarez at Guaraz, and how, being at
Motupe, Don Alonso de Montemayor and the captain
Vasco de Guevara joined him_ 188
CHAPTER LVII
_How the captain Pedro de Vergara spoke to the Governor
Vaca de Castro, about providing some outfit for the soldiers
who had been campaigning with him, and how the Governor
arrived at the city of Truxillo_ 193
CHAPTER LVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro went up the mountain
road from Santa, leaving the coast valleys, and how he
met Gómez de Alvarado, and was annoyed on learning
that he came without permission from Alonso de Alvarado,
and how the Provincial, Friar Tomás de San Martín,
also met him_ 195
CHAPTER LIX
_How the Governor, Vaca de Castro, held a review of the
Spaniards who were with him, and how he sent Lorenzo
de Aldana and Diego Maldonado to the camp of Pero
Alvarez Holguin_ 199
CHAPTER LX
_How it became known at Guaraz that Vaca de Castro was in
the camp of Alonso de Alvarado, and how the captain
Castro went there, also of the journey of Vaca de Castro
to Guaraz, and of how he took command of the troops
there, and what else happened_ 202
CHAPTER LXI
_How the captain, Pero Alvarez Holguin, felt aggrieved because
the standard he had presented was not displayed, and a
disturbance almost arose out of it; and how Vaca de Castro
proclaimed afresh the powers he held from his Majesty and
asked that, by virtue of them, he should be acknowledged
as Governor_ 205
CHAPTER LXII
_How, when Don Diego de Almagro arrived at Guamanga
Martín Carrillo, his Camp-master, killed Baltanas; and
of Almagro's departure from Guamanga for Cuzco, and
how he made provision of arms and cast some cannon_ 207
CHAPTER LXIII
_Of other things that happened in the city of Cuzco, of the
speech that Don Diego made to his companions, and what
García de Alvarado did_ 211
CHAPTER LXIV
_How the captains García de Alvarado and Saucedo went to
ask Cristóbal de Sotelo to pardon the soldiers he had in
prison, and what then passed; and of the things that
happened afterwards, until García de Alvarado killed the
good cavalier Cristóbal de Sotelo_ 215
CHAPTER LXV
_Of the concern shown by Don Diego de Almagro and many of
the Chile faction at the death of the captain Cristóbal de
Sotelo, and how García de Alvarado, with many others,
fortified his house, and Don Diego wished to attack them_ 220
CHAPTER LXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro gave over Sotelo's company to
Diego Méndez, and how García de Alvarado was slain by
the hands of Don Diego, and Cristóbal de Sotelo avenged_ 222
CHAPTER LXVII
_In which the preceding chapter is concluded, down to the death
of García de Alvarado_ 226
CHAPTER LXVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro resolved to send his army
to the province of Jauja while he himself went to Lima_ 232
CHAPTER LXIX
_Of the things that were done in Lima by Vaca de Castro, of
the arrival of the captains at Jauja, and of how Pedro
Anzures went to San Miguel_ 235
CHAPTER LXX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, after the death of García de
Alvarado, decided to prepare to depart from Cuzco, and
how he sent one Juan de Aguirre, and ten other mounted
men, to find out what was happening, and how they were
captured and put to death_ 238
CHAPTER LXXI
_How Don Diego de Almagro and his forces left the valley of
Xaquixaguana and marched to the bridge of Apurimac,
and how they thought of withdrawing into The Collao_ 241
CHAPTER LXXII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro quitted the province of
Jauja, and proceeded to the city of Guamanga, where the
captain Diego de Rojas was already_ 254
CHAPTER LXXIII
_How Idiáquez arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro to treat
of peace, just at the time when the Governor wanted to
send messengers to Vilcas_ 257
CHAPTER LXXIV
_How Vaca de Castro, notwithstanding that he had entered
into negotiations, sent Alonso Çamarilla to the camp of
Don Diego as a spy, with letters to several of his people,
and how he fell among scouts from Vilcas, was captured by
Juan Diente and, on confession, put to death_ 259
CHAPTER LXXV
_How the messengers arrived at the camp at Vilcas, but the
proposals did not lead to peace, so that the settlement of
claims was left to arms_ 262
CHAPTER LXXVI
_How the messengers arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro
and it was learnt that Don Diego had left Vilcas, how
Pedro Anzures went out to reconnoitre, and how the two
forces approached to give battle, each captain animating his
men, and exhorting them for the fray_ 265
CHAPTER LXXVII
_How the captains Castro and Pedro Anzures went out for
intelligence, and how the armies approached to give battle,
each captain exhorting his men for the fray_ 270
CHAPTER LXXVIII
_Of the cruel battle between Vaca de Castro and Diego de
Almagro, and how the men of Chile were defeated and
routed with much loss of life, and their party destroyed for
ever_ 275
CHAPTER LXXIX
_How, after the battle, the Governor ordered the wounded to be
tended, the captain Gómez de Tordoya being carried to
Guamanga; how punishment was meted out to the conquered,
and how the captain Gómez de Alvarado, being
taken ill, died at Vilcas, and his body was brought to
Guamanga for interment_ 284
CHAPTER LXXX
_Of the things that were done by the Governor, Vaca de Castro,
and how he despatched certain captains on expeditions
within the Realm_ 287
CHAPTER LXXXI
_Of the things that happened to Gonzalo Pizarro until he returned
from his expedition into the land of cinnamon and
once more reached the city of Quito_ 289
CHAPTER LXXXII
_How Garcilaso de la Vega arrived at Cuzco, of the imprisonment
of Don Diego, and how Vaca de Castro began his
march to that city_ 292
CHAPTER LXXXIII
_Of the things that were done in the city of Cuzco by the
Governor Vaca de Castro, and of his addiction to covetousness
and vain glory_ 295
CHAPTER LXXXIV
_How Don Diego de Almagro, when he was in prison, tried
to escape, and how he was beheaded by order of the
Governor Vaca de Castro_ 297
CHAPTER LXXXV
_Of other things done by the Governor Vaca de Castro, and how
he nominated Diego de Rojas and Felipe Gutiérrez as his
captains for the subjugation of the Rio de la Plata_ 303
CHAPTER LXXXVI
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro parcelled out the land;
of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, and how he
talked openly there about affairs_ 306
CHAPTER LXXXVII
_How they discovered extensive deposits of gold near the river of
Caravaya, how Vaca de Castro ordered all the ancient
tambos and stations to be occupied, and of the departure of
Pedro Anzures and Francisco Becerra for Spain_[1] 308
CHAPTER LXXXVIII
_How the captain Gonzalo Pizarro arrived at the city of
Cuzco, accompanied by some followers, but had not abandoned
his treasonable design of occupying the Realm; and
of what further happened_ 311
CHAPTER LXXXIX
_How the leaders Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego de Rojas set
out from Cuzco to proceed on their expedition_ 314
CHAPTER XC
_How the General Felipe Gutiérrez and the Camp-master
started forth from Cuzco, and how Diego de Rojas went
to explore in the direction indicated by the Indians_ 317
CHAPTER XCI
_Of what else happened to the captain Diego de Rojas_ 320
CHAPTER XCII
_How Felipe Gutiérrez came to join Diego de Rojas, of the
arrival of Francisco de Mendoza at Chiquana, and what
else happened_ 323
CHAPTER XCIII
_How the natives of those provinces concealed the food supplies,
and of the scarcity that was apprehended, and how Diego
de Rojas sent messengers to Felipe Gutiérrez_ 325
CHAPTER XCIV
_How, after the junction of the captains, they determined to
advance, and the party suffered greatly from thirst, so
that many of their serving men perished, and how they
went on exploring_ 327
CHAPTER XCV
_How the bachelor Juan Vélez de Guevara came to Lima,
where the municipality would not accept him; and of
the departure of the accountant Juan de Cáceres for
Panamá_ 330
CHAPTER XCVI
_How the Indians who escaped from the hands of the Christians
took further counsel, and very boldly decided to go out
and fight them; and of the death of Diego de Rojas_ 331
CHAPTER XCVII
_How Pero López de Ayala discovered the river of Soconcho,
found a well peopled country, and returned to the General
Felipe Gutiérrez; and how they all set out for that place_ 334
CHAPTER XCVIII
_How the General Felipe Gutiérrez pursued his exploration down
the river Soconcho, and of what else happened_ 335
CHAPTER XCIX
_How, when the death of the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro
was known in Spain, it was ordered that there should be
a Viceroy appointed and an Audiencia installed; and of
the conference concerning the Ordinances that should be
enacted for the new empire of the Indies_ 337
CHAPTER C
_How, when the new Ordinances had been enacted they were
sent to most parts of the Indies; how in some localities
strong dissatisfaction was shown, while in others there
were no slight disturbances, and how, by order of the
municipality, the Alcalde Palomino and Don Antonio de
Rivera were sent from Lima to give Vaca de Castro
warning thereof_ 360
CHAPTER CI
_Of what more passed between Felipe Gutiérrez and Francisco
de Mendoza, and how, after having explored certain regions
down the river, Felipe Gutiérrez was put under arrest
by Francisco de Mendoza_ 363
CHAPTER CII
_Of further things done by Francisco de Mendoza and how he
sent to arrest Nicolás de Heredia and turned Felipe
Gutiérrez away_ 365
CHAPTER CIII
_How H.M. the Emperor, our Lord, ordered Blasco Nuñez Vela
to go out as Viceroy of the Realms of Peru, in order to
enforce there the New Laws that had been enacted for the
government of the empire of the Indies_ 368
CHAPTER CIV
_How the Alcalde Alonso Palomino and Don Antonio de
Rivera arrived at the city of Cuzco, and what took place_ 371
INDEX 377
FOOTNOTE:
[1] These departures are not mentioned in the text of the chapter.
LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS
PLATES
TO FACE
PAGE
PLAN OF A PART OF THE CITY OF LIMA 104
PLAN OF THE MARQUIS PIZARRO'S HOUSE 106
MAPS
THE COUNTRY AROUND GUAMANGA 274
SITE OF THE BATTLE OF CHUPAS 274
_CORRIGENDA_
Page 49, line 13, _for_ "Alvarado" _read_ "Alvaro."
Page 51, line 9, _for_ "García" _read_ "Gómez."
Page 52, line 10 from bottom, _omit_ "de" _before_ "Balsa."
Page 79, line 6 from bottom, _insert_ "he" _after_ "Thence."
Page 108, last line, _for_ "Billar" _read_ "Bilbao."
Page 111, line 4 from bottom, _for_ "Gómez" _read_ "López."
Page 149, line 18, _for_ "Francesco" _read_ "Francisco."
Page 260, line 7 from bottom, _for_ "emergency" _read_ "exigency."
Page 280, lines 2 and 3, _transpose_ "Guevara" _and_ "Vergara."
Page 293, line 9, _insert_ Salazar, _at the beginning_.
NOTE
The late Sir Clements Markham translated Cieza de León's "Guerra de
Chupas," and wrote the Introduction to the present volume, at the
advanced age of eighty-five years. His manuscript was accepted by the
Council of the Hakluyt Society in November, 1915; but, though the
printing was already in a forward state at the time of Sir Clement's
lamented death, none of the proofs were available for submission to
him. In these circumstances the Council invited us to undertake the
necessary revision--a responsibility which we accepted in the light
of a privilege, and have discharged, to the best of our ability, as a
tribute to the memory of the late venerable President of the Society,
who honoured each of us by many years of personal friendship.
ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY.
B. GLANVILL CORNEY.
LONDON,
_January, 1918_.
INTRODUCTION
Pedro de Cieza de León was, on the whole, the most important
historian, and is now the best authority, on ancient Peru, so far
as his work has reached us; for he was a great traveller, and an
eye-witness of much that he described. For all the events at which
he was not present he received evidence from many actors in them.
He was an intelligent observer, humane and conscientious, striving
after impartiality; and though an enthusiastic admirer of the valour
and endurance of his countrymen, he was horrified at their acts of
cruelty, which he denounces in no measured terms.
Unfortunately only one part of his great work was published near the
time; other parts long lost have been found and published in recent
years, and some yet remain to be discovered. I, the first part,
published in 1553, was the "Cronica," which is mainly geographical.
II, the second part, was the History and Religion of the Incas; III,
the Conquest of Peru; IV, V, VI, and VII, the Civil Wars, viz.--1 War
of Las Salinas, 2 War of Chupas, 3 War of Quito, and 4 War of Huarina
and Sacsahuana. III and VII are still lost to us. Cieza de León also
wrote a book entitled "Libro de Fundaciones," to which he frequently
refers the reader for fuller details respecting habits and customs of
Indian tribes and other particulars. That work is also lost.
The Council of the Hakluyt Society selected the first part of the
"Cronica" of Cieza de León to form a volume of its series in 1864, and
the translation and editing were entrusted to me. It is a valuable
contribution to the geography of the Cauca valley in Colombia, and
of Peru; while the author's account of the coast almost amounts
to a book of sailing directions. In 1880, II, the history of the
Incas, was brought to light, and texts were printed by the late Dr.
González Rosa in 1873, and also by Jiménez de la Espada in 1880. This
exceedingly valuable account of Inca civilization was known to Mr.
Prescott, and he frequently quotes from it; but he was not aware of
Cieza de León being the author.[2] This part was chosen by the Council
to be included in the Hakluyt Society's series in 1883, and I again
undertook the work of translation and editing.
Quite recently three of the volumes on the Civil Wars of Peru by Cieza
de León have been discovered in manuscript, and published at Madrid.
"The War of Quito," covering the period from the arrival of the
Viceroy Blasco Núñez Vela to his death at Anaquito, was translated
and edited by me, forming one of the Hakluyt Society's volumes for
1912. I have also translated and edited the "War of Las Salinas,"
giving a detailed account of the dispute between Pizarro and Almagro,
which ended with the battle of Las Salinas and the execution of
Almagro by Hernando Pizarro.
The present volume, by Cieza de León, is entitled "THE WAR OF
CHUPAS," and contains a detailed narrative of events from the
battle of Las Salinas to the final overthrow of the Almagro faction at
the battle of Chupas, including the murder of Pizarro, the arrival of
Vaca de Castro as governor, the campaign against Almagro the younger,
the promulgation of the New Laws, and the appointment of Blasco Núñez
Vela as viceroy to enforce them.
These Civil War volumes contain a great deal that is of geographical
interest, especially in the detailed accounts of expeditions of
discovery into the forests to the east of the Andes, which to this day
are not fully explored. Cieza de León gives connected narratives of
the expedition of Pedro de Candía into the _montaña_ of Paucartambo,
of that of Pedro Anzures de Camporredondo who entered by Marcapata and
returned by one of the Caravaya ravines, of Diego de Rojas into the
Gran Chaco, of Alvarado and Mercadillo in the valleys of the Marañón
and the Huallaga, and of Gonzalo Pizarro into the "land of cinnamon."
I translated and edited for the Hakluyt Society in 1858 the account
of this last expedition in the Royal Commentaries of Garcilaso Inca
de la Vega. The independent account by Cieza de León contains many
details obtained by him at Quito from members of the expedition very
soon after the event, and is therefore of special interest.
The present volume opens with an account of the extensive journey from
Cuzco to the Collao made by Francisco Pizarro, who had been created a
Marquis for his great services, and treats of his visit to Arequipa
when he founded that city. He had founded Guamanga previous to this
journey. He returned, prematurely old and broken with disease, to
welcome rest in his house at Lima, or Los Reyes, as the city was then
called, devoting himself mainly to business connected with the grants
of estates to his followers and with the improvement of the city he
had founded, interesting himself in the introduction and cultivation
of new plants, the erection of mills, and the supply of provisions.
Cieza de León then, in the next fifteen chapters, makes a digression
which must be acknowledged as such, for these chapters have nothing
to do with the war of Chupas. They contain a narrative of discoveries
and conquests in the region of the Upper Cauca, with Popayán and Cali
as bases of operations, chiefly conducted by a leader named Jorge
Robledo. They are to a certain extent connected with the history of
Peru, because Pizarro nominated the governors who despatched the
expeditions. The real cause of the digression was that Cieza de León
was serving in these expeditions himself. He was an eye-witness of
the events he describes in detail. This gives them a very special
interest, and may well be accepted as a sufficient excuse for the
digression. The story of the famous expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro
follows, and our author then enters upon the events at Lima which led
up to the murder of the Marquis Pizarro.[3]
In the question between Pizarro and Almagro our author strove hard to
be impartial, as well as in his account of the murder of the Marquis;
but his bias on the side of Almagro is apparent. In the case of
Pizarro he tells the authentic story, but he adds any lying gossip
that reaches his ears. In the case of Almagro he never does.
I should be the last to defend Pizarro as the destroyer of the Inca
empire. As such I execrate his memory. He had no right to execute
Atahualpa, although that ruthless usurper and fratricide richly
deserved his fate. Pizarro was guilty of several acts of cruelty, his
worst crime being the order to put Manco's wife to a cruel death when
he was enraged at receiving defiance from the Inca; but I feel that in
affairs connected with his countrymen his memory should receive even
justice, and that he has been misjudged.
Pizarro was no longer the ruthless soldier of the days of Pedrarias.
With great responsibilities and a great position he rose to the
occasion. His proceedings were statesmanlike; his efforts to govern
wisely the country entrusted to him were able and judicious. In
the question which arose when the Spanish king resolved to divide
the vast conquered area between Almagro and himself, he was in the
right throughout. Almagro, with a number of captains anxious for
opportunities to enrich themselves, had set out on an expedition to
Chile. Before starting Almagro took a solemn oath on the Sacrament
that he would maintain his friendship for Pizarro and never injure him
or his interests. Meanwhile there was a great native rising. Pizarro
himself was besieged in Lima, while his three brothers held Cuzco
against a great army led by the Inca Manco. Pizarro received aid from
Mexico and Santo Domingo. The siege of Lima was raised, and Pizarro
sent a force under Alonso de Alvarado to help his brothers at Cuzco,
of whom he had received no news.
It was at this time that the royal order arrived for the division. The
northern part of the conquered empire was to be called New Castille,
and to be governed by Pizarro. The southern half, to be called New
Toledo, was to be Almagro's government. The boundary between them was
to be fixed by a royal arbitrator, not of course by one of the parties
concerned. The rules for the guidance of the arbitrator were clear and
precise. A certain position on the coast north of the equator was to
be fixed by observations for the latitude. A direct line was then to
be taken on a meridian due south for a given number of leagues; at
the end of that line there were to be other latitude observations,
and from the point thus fixed the line west to east was to be the
boundary. Mr. Prescott says that there was ambiguity in the document,
that it was not clear whether the line was to be along the coast or
on a meridian, and he appears to think there were, therefore, excuses
for Almagro's conduct; but there was no ambiguity. The instructions
were quite clear, and it is distinctly stated that the line was to
be on a meridian.[4] Mr. Prescott could not have seen the original
document, which is given in full by Cieza de León. Besides, this begs
the question. The point is that the boundary was to be decided by a
special arbitrator, not by Almagro.
A copy was at once sent to Almagro, who was then returning from
Chile, his captains being much disappointed with the region they
had visited in the northern part of that country. They thought that
the provinces of Cuzco would offer much better chances of enriching
themselves, so they at once declared, and induced Almagro to declare,
that Cuzco was within the boundary of New Toledo. No positions had
been fixed, no line measured, no observations taken; but Almagro and
his needy followers wanted Cuzco--therefore it was in New Toledo. They
even claimed Lima also. The point is not what Almagro thought; for
the decision was not entrusted to him, but to the royal arbitrator.
In point of fact, Cuzco was well within the boundary of Pizarro's
province of New Castille. Long afterwards the Governor Vaca de Castro
caused careful observations to be taken, and Cuzco was found to be
fifteen leagues north of the boundary.[5]
Hernando Pizarro and his brother Gonzalo, having lost their brother
Juan in the siege, were resting after a long, toilsome, and hazardous
defence of Cuzco. Hernando was in a perfectly legal position as the
Marquis Pizarro's deputy at Cuzco until the boundary should be settled
by the arbitrator.
Suddenly the army of Almagro appeared before the city of Cuzco,
claiming it as part of the province of New Toledo. Hernando Pizarro,
terribly outnumbered, prepared to defend it. A truce was agreed upon,
and Hernando for the first time for many days took off his armour and
went to bed. His brother Gonzalo and a handful of attendants were in
the house with him.
Almagro perjured himself, broke into Cuzco in the dead of night, and
attacked the Pizarros in their house.[6] They made a heroic defence,
which is well described by Cieza de León.[7] Finally they were seized
and thrown into prison; while Orgóñez, Almagro's chief captain,
incessantly urged him to behead them. By this time Alvarado was
nearing Cuzco with succour for Hernando Pizarro. Almagro attacked and
routed him, throwing him into prison, and threatening him with death.
It can hardly be contended that Almagro was not guilty of perjury, and
of numerous acts of illegality, tyranny, and treason.
The Marquis Pizarro was very anxious to receive tidings from Cuzco,
for he had heard nothing even of the results of the siege. He had gone
southward along the coast to Nasca. There he received the astounding
news that Almagro had seized Cuzco and imprisoned his brothers. The
report of the defeat and imprisonment of Alvarado quickly followed.
The Governor hurried back to Lima, expecting an attack from his false
and perjured friend. It was not long in coming. Almagro marched down
to the coast and advanced as far as Chincha, on the way to Lima.
He was induced to agree to an arbitration to establish a _modus
vivendi_ until the royal arbitrator should arrive and fix the boundary
line. The Provincial of the Fathers of Mercy (_Mercedarios_) named
Bobadilla, was selected by Almagro himself. There could only be one
fair decision. It was that Almagro should retire from Cuzco until the
boundary was fixed by the royal arbitrator, that the starting point
for measuring the meridional line should have its latitude fixed by
careful observations, and that the illegal imprisonment of Hernando
Pizarro should cease. Almagro refused to abide by this arbitration,
although he had solemnly promised to do so and the choice of an
arbitrator was his own. Soon afterwards Captain Pedro Anzures brought
out a royal order to the same effect, that both Governors should
remain well within their respective provinces, until the boundary was
fixed. Almagro again refused to obey.
The Marquis Pizarro was in great anxiety for the safety of his brother
Hernando. He knew him to be in danger, as Orgóñez was incessantly
urging Almagro to put him to death. At this time the Marquis, in his
well-founded anxiety for his brother's safety, was certainly guilty
of making some concessions, verbally, which he had no intention of
observing.
Almagro was very efficient in his prime, as Pizarro's partner and
assistant, but he was now bowed down by age, as well as by infirmities
the seeds of which he had contracted during a dissolute youth. His
good qualities, which endeared him to his captains, were lavish
generosity and a kindly disposition. He had become very ambitious,
and it is clear that he was quite unprincipled. His own independent
judgment scarcely existed, and he was swayed one way or the other,
as the more violent or the more moderate of his captains had his ear.
For instance, following the advice of Orgóñez, he had actually ordered
the execution of Alvarado when the more moderate counsels of another
captain prevented it.
The weak character of Almagro explains the liberation of Hernando
Pizarro, urged upon him by the moderate party among his captains.
It was certainly unwise if Almagro intended to persevere in his
treasonable practices; and Orgóñez was most strongly opposed to it.
Hernando Pizarro had been kept in close and illegal confinement for
months, and he knew that the most influential of Almagro's captains
was constantly urging that he should be beheaded. It was enough to
try any one's nerves. But Hernando Pizarro's nerves were of iron. The
moment he was released negotiations ceased. The Marquis, owing to
advancing age and infirmities, returned to Lima, while his brother
Hernando took command of the army in the field. He was by far the
ablest soldier then in Peru. Almagro, suffering from a dreadful
disease, retreated with his forces to Cuzco, intending to hold that
city in defiance of all decisions against him. Such was the resolve
come to by his captains.
Hernando Pizarro was certainly in the right when he marched to Cuzco
to resume the position of deputy for his brother in that city, from
which he had been unlawfully and treacherously ejected. He entirely
defeated the Almagro faction in the battle of Las Salinas, and
returned to his post at Cuzco, making Almagro his prisoner, and
keeping the old man's captains under a loose arrest.
Hernando Pizarro was a stern, resolute man, inexorable when once
his mind was made up, but not cruel. He always disapproved of the
ill treatment of the natives, and took measures to prevent it. At
first he had no other intention with regard to old Almagro than to
leave his case to be decided by his brother on his arrival at Cuzco.
But there was a conspiracy among the officers who had served in the
expedition of Pedro de Candía, and the troops under their command, to
kill Hernando Pizarro and liberate Almagro. They were outside Cuzco
and needed help from within. If they had written to one of the more
turbulent Almagrist captains, the plot would probably have succeeded.
But they chose Diego de Alvarado, a strictly conscientious person who
told everything to Hernando Pizarro. That vigilant deputy at once went
to the camp of Pedro de Candía and nipped the plot in the bud.
But he came to the conclusion that there could be no permanent peace
while Almagro lived. When he had made up his mind nothing would move
him. He looked upon it as a political necessity. He resolved to take
the whole responsibility upon himself. The charges were drawn up in
detail, and when the old man begged for his life Hernando urged him,
as it was inevitable, to end his life as became one who had served as
he had done. Hernando Pizarro certainly did not communicate with his
brother on the subject, because, though convinced of the political
necessity himself, he knew that the Marquis would not consent. He took
the whole responsibility, which was quite in character with all we
know of this remarkable man. He returned to Spain soon afterwards with
the royal fifths, but several members of Almagro's party had arrived
before him. Articles were drawn up against him, and he never received
a fair hearing. Charles V could not possibly attend personally to
the affairs of all his vast dominions. Much was necessarily left to
others. In Spain a clever intriguer had gained his confidence. This
was the Secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who had much power during
the Emperor's absence, and he often used it corruptly and to please
his friends, especially the females of his own family. There was a
flagrant instance in the supersession of the illustrious discoverer
of New Granada, for the sake of such an infamous thief as Alonso
de Lugo, because he had married a sister of the wife of Cobos. The
persecution of Hernando Pizarro was a parallel case. Don Alonso
Enríquez de Guzmán, a violent partisan of Almagro, had hurried back to
Spain, so as to spread his version, and do all the mischief he could
before the arrival of Hernando Pizarro. He was an old friend of the
Secretary Cobos, and when Hernando Pizarro arrived it was a foregone
conclusion against him. Charges had been drawn up, the chief one being
that he had given the young Inca Manco leave of absence, ignorant of
the native plot for an insurrection. At the worst this was an error
in judgment which might well have been condoned after Hernando's
brilliant defence of Cuzco. The main points were slurred over, for
the answers to them would have been conclusive. Hernando Pizarro was
unjustly condemned to imprisonment, first at Madrid, then in the
castle of Medina del Campo.[8]
As soon as the Marquis received tidings of the victory of Las Salinas,
he resolved to leave Lima and make the journey to Cuzco, accompanied
by the Bishop of Quito and other friends. At Jauja he met young Diego
de Almagro, who had been sent to Lima in charge of Gómez de Alvarado,
one of his father's captains. Pizarro received him very kindly,
promised him that his father's life should be spared, and ordered
that the lad himself should be hospitably lodged in the Marquis's own
house at Lima. Continuing the journey, it was not until they reached
Abancay, three marches from Cuzco, that Pizarro received news of the
death of Almagro. He sat apart for a long time, looking on the ground,
and thinking of bygone days with his old friend.
Mr. Prescott and others maintain that the Marquis knew and approved of
the execution of Almagro, and must share the responsibility with his
brother. For this view the only shadow of evidence is that there would
have been time to obtain his approval. But there is clear and distinct
evidence that Pizarro did not know. It consists in the statement of
his travelling companion, the Bishop of Quito.
Throughout this Almagro business, the conduct of the Marquis Pizarro
was correct. Almagro, or rather his captains, were the aggressors,
acting illegally, and treasonably, with a view to their own enrichment.
We next come to the detailed account which Cieza de León gives of the
assassination of the Marquis. Naturally the captains and soldiers of
Almagro's army could hardly expect to receive rewards. Yet Pizarro
very kindly offered _repartimientos_ to at least three of Almagro's
old captains[9] and a good appointment to another.[10] They were ready
for any plot that would secure a change, and they looked to young
Diego de Almagro as the possible leader of a rising in their favour.
They, therefore, came crowding to Lima, where Diego was. The plea of
vengeance for Almagro's death did not influence more than a very few.
Perhaps old servants like Herrada and Balsa, may have mingled some
vindictive feeling with less worthy motives. Those who might really
have had such thoughts, however, were Almagro's intimate friends--his
old captains; yet not one of them[11] would have anything to do with
the plot of the assassins. Vaca de Castro was on his way to examine
and report on the whole subject, and they would await his decision. It
was a plot evolved by the scum of Almagro's faction, headed by Juan de
Herrada, an old servant who saw his way to a higher position as the
chief adviser and protector of young Diego who was himself too young
to take an active part. The poverty of Almagro and his followers has
been grossly exaggerated. The extensive purchases by them of arms and
armour and horses, proves that there was no want of money.
In this volume Cieza de León gives the best and most authentic account
of the murder of the Marquis. Pizarro's heedlessness, in spite of
numerous warnings, is indeed surprising. He went for walks outside
Lima quite alone, especially when he wished to inspect the progress of
a mill he was building. On these occasions he might easily have been
assassinated, and perhaps his immunity led him to disbelieve in the
danger.
It was in June 1847, when I was at a ball in the President's Palace
at Lima, that I first began to enquire into the exact locality of
Pizarro's house. I was dancing with a lady named Elespuru who said
it was not there, but on the opposite side of the _plaza_. Two aides
de camp told the same story, that it was on the site of the present
Callejón de Petateros. I still adhered to my own conviction--that the
palace of the Viceroys, now that of the Presidents, is on the site of
the residence of the Marquis. The question is at last set at rest by
the publication of the _Libro primero de cabildos de Lima_, and of the
geographical official reports. My conviction proved to be right, and I
was dancing with the Señorita on or near the very spot where Pizarro
fell. I have made a plan of part of Lima in those days, showing the
residence of the Marquis, and those of citizens who had received
_solares_ or building lots near his house; and another of the house
itself, according to the descriptions recorded by Cieza de León and
others.
It is clear that Juan de Herrada and his gang of assassins were the
scum of the old Almagro's army. All but one of his former captains
held aloof, disapproving of the murder, and declining to serve under
such a ruffian as Juan de Herrada. The younger Diego de Almagro was
thus under every possible disadvantage. The captain Sotelo alone stood
by him, and Sotelo was murdered by one of the same gang of assassins
before he could be of any great use to the ill-fated youth. Several
of his father's old captains, to whom Pizarro's murder was hateful,
were serving against the son at the battle of Chupas. This lad was the
first _mestizo_ who rose to a very prominent position, and I have,
therefore, written a note on his career, at the end of the chapter
(LXXXIV) containing an account of his execution. I believe
that he was innocent of the murder. He thought that the object was to
seize the Marquis, not to kill him. He said so in his letter to the
_Audiencia_ of Panamá.
Cieza de León gives a very interesting account of the voyage of Vaca
de Castro to Buenaventura, and his journey thence into Peru, where
he was joined by all the loyal captains. He also relates in detail,
the murder of the captain Sotelo at Cuzco, the death of his murderer,
and the proceedings of young Almagro until his final overthrow at the
battle of Chupas and subsequent execution at Cuzco. The account of
the battle of Chupas by Cieza de León is very interesting. It is as
good as, but not better than, that of Zarate, who also came to Peru
soon after the event. Neither of these authors knew the ground. Mr.
Prescott writes of "the bloody plains of Chupas." There are no plains
near the position; it is a very mountainous broken region. I spent a
whole day carefully examining the site, on October 27th, 1852, and I
have therefore added a special note on the position, to accompany our
author's account of the battle (chapter LXXVII).
Mr. Prescott condemns the number of executions after the battle in
the civil wars of Peru, referring especially to Chupas. But in the
case of Chupas, out of twenty-six executions, fourteen were those of
assassins, the rest were aides and abettors of the criminals, also
guilty of treason. The assassination of a royal governor was no common
crime. After the battle of Las Salinas there were no executions. That
of Almagro was months afterwards, and for a different reason. The
executions and barbarities of that cunning and cruel priest, Pedro de
la Gasca, were, it is true, unjustifiable after Sacsahuana; but Mr.
Prescott did not condemn them.
The final chapters of the present work are occupied by two very
different subjects--the expedition led by Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego
de Rojas, told in much detail, and the promulgation of the New Laws,
with some account of their reception and of the appointment of Blasco
Núñez Vela as Viceroy of Peru to enforce them. Cieza de León gives the
complete text of the New Laws.
The Emperor Charles V was a statesman of ability and good intentions;
but it was impossible, as has been already observed, for one man to
give sufficient attention to all his vast dominions. Those numerous
kingdoms, dukedoms, counties, and lordships are enumerated in the
preamble to the New Laws. When at last he found time to attend to the
affairs of the Indies it was twenty years too late. He was convinced
by Las Casas and others that the Spaniards, in their haste to enrich
themselves, were treating the Indians with such cruelty that it must
needs lead to a serious diminution of the population in the near
future. As a statesman, he saw clearly that the value of the Indies
must depend on the preservation and good treatment of the native
races. His view of the course it was best to adopt was statesmanlike.
Probably without knowing it, Charles wished to adopt the policy which
the experience of ages had shown to be the best in all the countries
of the East. The cultivator should be a vassal of the Crown; and what
Charles V called the "tribute" of the Indians was simply the land tax
of eastern countries, the _ryotwari_ system of Sir Thomas Munro in
Madras. It was also the system of the Inca government, and was well
understood by the people. As a rule, the State took two-thirds of the
produce or its equivalent, and the cultivator retained one-third. In
some cases the cultivator received seeds and implements. This land
tax, or tribute, as the Spanish Government called it, should have been
the main source of revenue. So far the Emperor's plan was excellent,
but it came too late. It should have been announced and enforced from
the very first, and rewards to the conquerors should have come from
the State. In 1542 a very different and most tyrannical and ruinous
system was in force. The land tax, with liberty to treat the natives
as they pleased, had been to a very large extent alienated and granted
to adventurers, usually for two or three lives. The Emperor hoped to
obviate this almost insuperable difficulty by ordering all official
bodies, whether civil or religious, to surrender their grants at once;
and all others to cease on the death of the grantee, whether granted
for two or three lives or not, some maintenance being allowed to
widows and children. All grants that were considered too large were
to be reduced to what a judge should decide to be a moderate size.
For Mexico the names of those whose huge grants ought to be cut
down are given. In these ways Charles V seems to have intended that
all the natives of the Indies should become vassals of the Crown, be
well treated, and pay the land tax direct to the State. He trusted,
for obedience, to the loyalty of his subjects in the Indies. He was
disappointed; loyalty had no chance against self-interest. Don Antonio
de Mendoza, the Viceroy of Mexico, did not enforce the New Laws.
He explained that it would cause an insurrection. This excellent
statesman was one of the very few really good men whom the home
government selected. As a rule their choice fell on the most unfit
man they could find in Spain. It would be difficult to choose a worse
governor than Pedrarias. But the home government persisted; and Blasco
Núñez Vela was even more unfit. This first viceroy of Peru was sent
out to enforce the New Laws, and did his best to enforce them. But he
was an incapable martinet without judgment, without tact, passionate,
suspicious, listening to no representation; and he was at last guilty
of a foul murder which gave rise to a formidable insurrection in which
he lost his life.
Cieza de León gives an account of the appointment of Blasco Núñez
Vela, and describes him in most flattering terms. He also relates
how the New Laws were received in the Indies, and fully admits the
cruelties perpetrated by the Spaniards on the natives. Indeed, he
does not hesitate to notice and denounce those cruelties. But it
must not be supposed that all the Spaniards who received grants of
Indians and their land tax were equally cruel. There were many noble
and chivalrous knights among them, who deplored the existing state
of things and treated their own dependents well. Lorenzo de Aldana,
Garcilaso de la Vega, Mancio Serra de Sequidano did not stand alone
in that respect; and, as a persistent advocate of the Indians, and a
denouncer of the cruelties perpetrated on them, we must include our
worthy author, Pedro de Cieza de León.
C. R. M.
NOTE.
There are certain terms which constantly recur in the text and require
explanation, namely, _encomienda_ and _encomendero_, _repartimiento_,
and _Juez de Residencia_.
An _encomienda_ was the grant of a district, with fixed boundaries, to
a Spaniard, with power to appropriate the land tax (called _tribute_)
of the Indians, or to exact personal services from them, or both.
Pizarro made such grants when he formed the first settlement at San
Miguel de Piura, soon after landing, in 1532.
An _encomendero_ was the recipient of an _encomienda_. _Encomenderos_
were expected to reside in the district granted to them.
_Repartimiento_ was the apportionment of a conquered region or people
among the conquerors as _encomenderos_. The word is often used as
equivalent to _encomienda_.
A _Juez de Residencia_ was a Judge or Commissioner sent by the Home
Government to examine into the administration or conduct of a colonial
Viceroy, Governor, Adelantado, or any other official, and submit a
report.
_Alcalde_, Justice of the peace.
_Regidor_, Municipal councillor.
_Alguacil_, a Constable.
_Cabildo_, a Municipality, Municipal body, or even a Municipal
building.
The name by which Cieza quotes the capital of Peru, except in one or
two instances, is "_Los Reyes_" ("the Kings"), it having been founded
at Epiphany. I have substituted the present name "Lima," as more
convenient to the reader. The phrase _Los de Chile_ (They of Chile)
is constantly used in Cieza's text in reference to the members of
the Almagro faction; it was the current expression for Don Diego's
adherents at the time, because the leaders of his party were men who
had served under the elder Almagro in the expedition to Chile which
led up to his disaster.
There were two captains, men of very different type, with exactly the
same name--Francisco de Chaves. This is confusing. One was a friend
of Pizarro, but also a friend of the natives--a man of sound judgment
and high honour. He was struck down by the assassins outside the door
of Pizarro's _sala_, when remonstrating with them. The other, said
to have been a cousin, was the worst of Almagro's captains, and a
thoroughly bad character: to distinguish them I have called the first
Francisco de Chaves (the good), and the second, Francisco de Chaves
(the bad).
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The manuscript in Mr. Prescott's hands appears to have had on
the cover the name of Dr. Sarmiento, President of the Council of the
Indies, to whom it was addressed. Mr. Prescott supposed that he was
the author, and always quotes the manuscript as by Sarmiento.
[3] Pizarro had _encomiendas_ in places called Atabillos and Huaylas,
and it has been said that he was Marquis of Atabillos, but this is
a mistake. An elaborate coat of arms was granted to him, but no
territorial title was ever attached to his Marquisate during his
lifetime. He was simply the Marquis Pizarro. His great grandson was
created Marquis _de la Conquista_. See also my note on page xxxviii.
[4] In my note to the "Life and Arts of Don Alonso Curíguez de Guzmán"
I was misled, by Mr. Prescott's statement that it was not specified
how the line was to be measured, into an error. It was clearly
specified that the line was to be measured on a meridian and not along
the coast.
[5] This was done owing to the representations of royal officials who
had been appointed to the province of New Toledo. After the time of
Vaca de Castro, there was no more heard of New Toledo. The Viceroys
were appointed to govern the whole of Peru.
[6] A lame excuse was invented afterwards that Hernando Pizarro,
during the truce, had broken down the bridges over the Huatanay, the
river that flows through Cuzco. This was false. He had broken down one
bridge, for military reasons, _before_ the truce.
[7] In his "War of Las Salinas."
[8] Hernando Pizarro was in prison in the castle of Medina del Campo
for twenty-three years, a terrible fate for so active minded a man.
His detention, however, was not close or severe. When the daughter
of the Marquis Pizarro, by an Inca Princess, arrived in Spain under
the care of her step-father Francisco de Ampuero, she was married
to her uncle Hernando in prison. At length the old warrior was
released, having outlived all his enemies. He went to Truxillo, where
he had property, and lived there to a great age. Hernando Pizarro
had children, and the marquisate was revived for his grandson, with
the additional title "_de la Conquista_." The new Marquis was a
great-grandson of the Marquis Pizarro and also of the Inca Huayna
Capac.
[9] Saavedra, Sotelo, and Chaves (the bad one of the two).
[10] Gómez de Alvarado.
[11] Except F. de Chaves (the bad one), who soon afterwards was put to
death by Herrada.
[Illustration]
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
BY
CIEZA DE LEÓN
CHAPTER I
_How the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro went to the province of
Arequipa, to found a city there, and divided the natives among
the persons who would remain there as citizens._
The Governor, Don Francisco Pizarro, determined to go and found
the city of _Arequipa_. The affairs of the town of _Plata_ were in
good order, the captain Pero Anzures having made arrangements for
the maintenance of the settlers, and for the orderly service of the
Indians. Having visited the province of Collao the Governor set out
with the Spaniards who were in attendance on him. He travelled so well
that he arrived at the district where the city was to be founded.
Then messengers arrived with news that the Inca Manco wished to make
peace. This was not true. The captain Gonzalo Pizarro having departed
from Cuzco in search of the Inca, some events happened between
them. Gonzalo occupied a rocky eminence, destroyed two bridges, and
pursued the Inca so closely that he was on the point of falling into
his hands. The Inca was so pressed that he sent messengers to the
Governor. Don Francisco Pizarro was anxious to bring the Inca into
obedience to his Majesty, so he determined to return to Cuzco to
secure that end. While he was on the journey from _Chuqui-apu_[12] to
Arequipa, he reflected that the affairs of Quito were very important,
that three or four cities were already founded there, while there
were reports of provinces where as many more might be founded. So he
resolved to send Gonzalo Pizarro there in accordance with a commission
from his Majesty authorizing him to send one of his brothers as
Governor of those parts if he should think it desirable. Having
come to this decision the Marquis wrote to his brother with orders
presently to set out for Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, on receiving the
command of the Marquis, set out for Quito with some followers, by the
royal road. He intended to penetrate into the land of cinnamon, where
great riches were reported.
As the Marquis had resolved to return to Cuzco, he directed the
batchelor Garci Díaz Arias, who is now Bishop of Quito, to look out
for the best site on which to found a city. He then, with a small
company, set out for the valley of _Yucay_, when he sent messengers to
the King Manco Inca Yupanqui, proposing that he should come and treat
with him, as he was waiting for him in that valley.
Manco Inca received the news, and showed a desire for peace on his
part. He, likewise, sent messengers to the Marquis that he should make
peace and depart. The Marquis, believing in what the barbarian had no
intention of doing, tried to increase his good will by sending him
a very handsome pillow[13] and clothes of silk. When the Inca heard
of this, he came out on the road, and in place of rewarding the two
messengers, he killed them both and returned to Viticos. They were two
Christian servants of the Marquis. The Inca placed no value on the
friendship of the Spaniards nor on their promise. When the Marquis
was informed of this, he was enraged to find that the barbarian would
yield no obedience to the King, and that he was in such a position
that submission could not be enforced. For this an expedition against
the Inca was not then undertaken.
In this valley of _Yucay_ the Marquis put the principal wife of the
Inca to death. This was looked upon as a great cruelty. The Marquis
had taken her prisoner, and some even say that he, or else Gonzalo
Pizarro, had had more than friendship with her. They even say the same
of Antonio Picado, the secretary. As the Inca would not make peace,
the greatest insult that could be put upon him would be to kill the
wife he loved most. So she was put to a cruel death. She was terrified
and asked why they were going to kill her, when she had done nothing
deserving of death. Finding herself in this extremity she distributed
all her jewels among the principal women who were with her, without
keeping any at all. Then she begged of them that, when she should be
dead, they would put her remains in a basket and let it float down the
Yucay river, that the current might take it to her husband the Inca.
When he learnt this, great was his sorrow. This done, the Marquis
returned to Cuzco.
Soon afterwards the news came that the batchelor Garci Díaz Arias and
those who had remained with him had gone down towards the sea coast,
seeking for a site on which to found the new city; but every place
was difficult and with many defects. All came to the conclusion that
Arequipa was the best place, and so they wrote to the Marquis. He
approved; and he made a distribution, indicating those who were to
become citizens, also naming the magistrates and municipal officers.
He gave the appointment of Lieutenant Governor to Garci Manuel de
Caravajal, a native of Truxillo. After the Marquis had made this
distribution, provisionally until the general distribution could
be made at Lima in concert with the Bishop, he sent orders to Pedro
Anzures at Plata, to take great care about the conversion of the
Indians, and to explore the mines which were reported to exist
near that town. He then set out for the city of _San Juan de la
Vitoria_,[14] where the inhabitants welcomed his arrival with much
content, and he stayed with them for some days. After he had made
arrangements conducive to good government there, he proceeded to Lima,
where the citizens came out to receive him, and he was very honourably
welcomed by all.
At this time fresh despatches arrived for the Marquis from his Majesty
and from several Grandees of Spain. Their date was previous to the
arrival of news of the death of the Adelantado. Among them there was
a commission, with the seal, in which his Majesty, being informed
of the holy life of Garcí Díaz Arias, appointed him Bishop-elect of
Quito. All were rejoiced, for he was much beloved, and they made great
festivities in the city in his honour.
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Now La Paz, in Bolivia.
[13] _Haca_ or _Jaca_ is a pony or hack, but the word seems to have
been used also for what was put on a pony--a cushion or pillow.
[14] Guamanga.