GOVERNMENT OF MOUNTJOY, 1600.
[Sidenote: The government is entrusted to Mountjoy.]
In October 1599 the government of Ireland was offered to Mountjoy, who
refused it. He may have thought that Essex would have to go back, or he
may have been unwilling to leave Lady Rich. But in the following month
he was nevertheless ordered to be ready within twenty days. It became
evident that Essex would not be employed again; he made Mountjoy and
Southampton guardians of his interests, and for his sake they both went
perilously near to treason. Mountjoy undertook the thankless office
with a heavy heart. He told the Queen that everyone of his predecessors
had without exception been blamed, and that there was no one in Ireland
whom he could trust. Very unjustly, he included even Ormonde in this
sweeping censure. It was Raleigh who had insisted that he should be
appointed, and the Queen listened chiefly to him about Irish affairs.
'This employment of me is by a private man that never knew what it
was to divide public and honourable ends from his own, propounded and
laboured to you (without any respect to your public service) the more
eagerly, by any means to rise to his long expected fortune. Wherein, by
reason of the experience I have heard your Majesty holds him to have in
that country, he is like to become my judge, and is already so proud of
this plot that he cannot keep himself from bragging of it.'[334]
[Sidenote: Raleigh's advice.]
The usual delays took place, and the twenty days were prolonged to
eleven weeks. Raleigh's advice, like that of everyone who really
understood the problem, was for a system of garrisons. A Lord President
in Munster with a considerable force, a local governor in Connaught
with smaller means, a strong post at Lough Foyle, and the remaining
troops under the Lord Deputy's immediate command--these were the means
by which it was hoped to reduce Ireland. A large army under Essex had
failed, and his successor was expected to do everything with 12,000
foot and 1,200 horse, though everyone but the Queen thought this force
too small. Lord Grey de Wilton, who was Essex's known enemy, desired
the command at Lough Foyle; but Mountjoy resented this idea as an
insult, and the choice fell upon Sir Henry Docwra, who had served under
Bingham in Connaught and under Essex at Cadiz. Grey consoled himself
by sending a challenge to Southampton, who said he was ready to fight
when time and place served, but that one so out of favour as himself
could hope for no mercy if he broke the law in England. Mountjoy took
leave of the Queen on the 24th of January, but was not made a Privy
Councillor, that honour being reserved till his return. Those who were
to accompany him also kissed hands, and Elizabeth read a little lecture
to each upon his duties. A fortnight later the Lord Deputy left London
with an escort of 100 horse, and wrote from Daventry to Cecil begging
that he might not be kept too closely to the 13,000 men. Southampton
was not allowed to go with him.[335]
[Sidenote: Tyrone's Holy War in Munster.]
Whether Tyrone cared much or little for religion, it became an object
with him to appear publicly as the champion of Rome, and as such he
sought help from Spain and Austria. He then marched into Munster, and,
acting in concert with Desmond and the ecclesiastics there, called
upon all to take part in the holy war. He wasted a considerable part
of Westmeath, and carefully ravaged Ely O'Carroll. 'All its movable
possessions,' say the Four Masters, 'were carried away, and nothing
left but ashes instead of corn, and embers in place of mansions. Great
numbers of men, women, sons, and daughters were left in a dying state.'
The reason or pretext for this severity was that O'Carroll had hired
certain warriors of the Macmahons, and had killed instead of paying
them when the settling day came round. At Holy Cross Abbey the relic,
which had been hitherto preserved in spite of the dissolution, was
brought out to do him honour. Ormonde and Delvin watched his course,
but did not venture to attack him. The annalists oddly remark that on
his progress by Cashel to the neighbourhood of Bandon he only injured
those who were opposed to him. Among these was David Lord Barry,
who had remained firmly loyal since his pardon in Lord Grey's time.
Tyrone reviled him for deserting the cause of the Church, and as the
principal means of preventing the southern nobility from joining him
in rebellion. 'Her Highness,' replied Barry, 'hath never restrained
me for matters of religion,' and he demanded the restoration of some
of his followers who had been captured, and of 4,000 kine and 3,000
horses. He defied Tyrone, and promised to have his revenge some day,
with her Majesty's assistance. He had hoped to save the island on which
Queenstown now stands, but the castle commanding the bridge over the
narrow strait was of no avail to protect his property. Tyrone landed
his parties in boats, and not a single house was left unburned.[336]
[Sidenote: Arrival of Mountjoy and Carew (February).]
In the meantime Mountjoy had been appointed Deputy, and Carew President
of Munster. They landed together at Howth on February 26, and found
things in as bad a state as possible, almost the whole island being
virtually under the sway of the victorious rebel. The Queen realised
that the country could not be bridled without fixed garrisons, but she
cautioned Mountjoy against frittering away his strength by multiplying
small posts. It had long been recognised that fortifications at Lough
Foyle would do more than anything to cripple the O'Neills, and 4,000
foot and 200 horse were assigned for this service to Docwra; while
3,000 foot and 250 horse were allotted, by official orders from
England, to the presidency of Munster. The force left under Mountjoy's
immediate control did not, therefore, exceed 5,000 men, and he was thus
prevented from repeating Essex's mistake, that of 'making progresses'
at a great expense without achieving any permanent results.[337]
[Sidenote: Tyrone plays the king in Munster.]
Carew was necessarily delayed in Dublin for about six weeks, and in the
meantime Tyrone went where he pleased in Munster. His principal camp
was at Inniscarra on the Lee, and thither came friendly messages or
hostages from nearly all the neighbouring magnates, whether of English
or Irish race. Among his trustiest lieutenants was his son-in-law,
Hugh Maguire, who, on or about the last day of February, made a raid
in the immediate neighbourhood of Cork. Sir Warham St. Leger and Sir
Henry Power, the acting commissioners for Munster, went out for a
ride, in no expectation of an attack so near the town. Their men were
marching at ease and in loose order when they suddenly came in contact
with Maguire's party. St. Leger fired his pistol at the chief with
fatal effect, but the latter had strength enough to retaliate with
his half-pike; and so the two leaders fell by each other's hands, and
with few or no other casualties on either side. To Tyrone the loss was
great, and probably decided him to leave the province before Carew
could appear. Marching through the eastern part of Cork, and leaving
Cashel on his right hand, he passed through Westmeath and reached his
own country without striking a blow or ever seeing an enemy. Ormonde
and Thomond came out from Limerick with a considerable force, but no
battle took place, though Carew has recorded his opinion that the loyal
Earls were very anxious to fight.[338]
[Sidenote: Tyrone's march through Ireland.]
Tyrone left about 1,800 men behind him in Munster, chiefly under the
command of Richard Tyrrell, and with 600, which were probably his best,
he travelled so fast as to elude Mountjoy, who had made preparations
for intercepting him in Westmeath. The Ulster men marched twenty-seven
miles in one day, and reached Tyrone in less than a quarter of the
time that it had taken them to perform the outward journey. The Queen
and her viceroy did not escape 'the great dishonour of this traitor
passing home to his den unfought with.' Ormonde and Thomond, who had
been keeping Easter together at Kilkenny, then repaired to Dublin; and
Mountjoy matured his plan for the re-conquest of Ireland in detail.
Carew was ready before Docwra, and on April 7 he set out for his
province, the two Earls having preceded him to Kilkenny.[339]
[Sidenote: Ormonde is taken prisoner by the O'Mores (April).]
[Sidenote: The Jesuit Archer.]
Carew reached Kilkenny on the third day, and his company of 100 horse
were billeted in the neighbourhood by Ormonde's directions. Each day
the Earl proposed that the President should accompany him to a parley
with Owen MacRory at a point between Ballyragget and Ballinakill in
the Queen's County. So little did he dream of danger on the border
of his own county, that he refused Carew's proffered escort, and set
out with about forty mounted men, of whom more than one half were
'lawyers, merchants, and others, upon hackneys,' and with no weapons
but the swords ordinarily worn. His company of 200 foot were left two
miles short of the place of meeting. O'More brought a picked troop
of spearmen with him, leaving in the rear 500 foot and twenty horse,
'the best furnished for war and the best apparelled that we have
seen in this kingdom,' 300 of them being Ulster mercenaries, left by
Tyrone on his return to the North. The two parties met upon a heath
sloping down towards a narrow defile, and with a bushy wood on each
side, 'the choice of which ground,' says Carew, 'we much misliked.' An
hour's conversation then ensued between Ormonde and O'More about such
questions as would naturally arise between warlike neighbours. Carew,
who noticed that the Irish kept edging further forward in the covert on
each side, was for departing before mischief could happen; but Ormonde,
who was quite unsuspicious, desired first to speak with Archer, who as
a Kilkenny man might be open to the arguments of his natural chief.
The Jesuit came forward, and after some talk the Earl called him a
traitor, and upbraided him with seducing the Queen's subjects into
rebellion. Archer replied that the Pope was the Sovereign of Ireland,
and that he had excommunicated Elizabeth. Ormonde then spoke of the
Pope in contemptuous terms, whereupon Archer threatened him with his
stick. At this signal, whether premeditated or not, the two parties
became suddenly intermingled, and Melaghlin O'More pulled the Earl off
his pony. Others, wrote Carew, and Thomond, 'tried to seize us too.
We had more hanging upon us than is credibly to be believed; but our
horses were strong and by that means did break through them, tumbling
down on all sides those that were before and behind us; and, thanks be
to God, we escaped the pass of their pikes, which they freely bestowed
and the flinging of their skeynes.... Owen MacRory laid hands on me the
President, and, next unto God, I must thank my Lord of Thomond for my
escape, who thrust his horse upon him. And at my back a rebel, newly
protected at my suit, called Brian MacDonogh Kavanagh, being a-foot,
did me good service. For the rest I must thank my horse, whose strength
bore down all about him.' Thomond received the stab of a pike in his
back, but the wound did not prove dangerous.[340]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy and Ormonde.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde a prisoner, (April to June).]
[Sidenote: His release (June).]
Mountjoy distrusted Ormonde, more perhaps from jealousy than because
there was any real pretext for doing so. 'Taking notice,' the Queen
told her Deputy, 'of our cousin of Ormonde's good services, and in
respect that he hath been much toiled now in his latter years, we have
left unto him the choice whether he will retain the place of Lieutenant
under you or not. We would have himself and all the world know that we
make extraordinary estimation of him.' He retained his post with an
allowance of three pounds a day, and his almost independent position
galled Mountjoy, as it had galled other Deputies before his time.
Ormonde had trusted to his own vast influence, and he would certainly
have been warned had the intention of seizing him been known generally
among O'More's followers. If there was any premeditated design, it
was probably divulged only to a few. At first he was confined at
Gortnaclea Castle, near Abbeyleix, where he was allowed to have his
own cook and other comforts, but not to see anyone, except in Owen
MacRory's presence. Archer plied him hard with religious argument,
and some believed that he conformed to Rome; but this is at least
extremely doubtful. Tyrone was anxious to get him into his power, but
O'More had no idea of giving up such a hostage, and it is probable
that the Leinster men would, in any case, have refused to let him
be carried out of their province. A rescue was feared, and after a
month the Earl was removed from Gortnaclea, and carried from cabin
to cabin in the woods. From the intolerable hardship of this life
he was relieved by Sir Terence O'Dempsey, who allowed his castle of
Ballybrittas, near Portarlington, to be used as a prison. It was
supposed that the Ulster mercenaries, or Bonaghts, wished to carry off
the Earl to Tyrone by force, and the transfer was made by the O'Mores
without their knowledge. Besides this, Dermot MacGrath, papal bishop
of Cork, who is called legate by the English, and who was, perhaps,
vicar-apostolic, was of opinion that the capture had been treacherous,
and was thus opposed to Archer. Fenton managed to get access, for
his spies, to the Earl, among whom a 'gentlewoman' named Honora is
particularly mentioned. Finding, perhaps, that his prisoner was not
likely to be as useful as he first supposed, and fearing that he might
lose all advantage by death, O'More gradually relaxed his demands.
The first terms offered were that all garrisons should be removed
out of both Leix and Offaly; that the former county should be given
up to Owen MacRory; that all his nominees should have protection for
six weeks; and that during that time there should be no invasion of
Ulster. Afterwards there was an attempt to make Ormonde sign a paper,
which would have involved him in the guilt of O'More's rebellion, but
he eluded these snares, and was released after two months' detention.
'It may please your sacred Majesty to be advertised,' he wrote to the
Queen, 'that it pleased God of his goodness to deliver me, though
weak and sick, from the most malicious, arrogant, and vile traitor
of the world, Owen MacRory, forced to put into his hands certain
hostages for payment of 3,000_l._ if at any time hereafter I shall seek
revenge against him or his, which manner of agreement, although it be
very hard, could not be obtained before he saw me in that extremity
and weakness, as I was like, very shortly, to have ended my life in
his hands.' He believed that he owed his liberty to the report that
Leinster would be overrun with troops, to prevent which the Irishry of
the province themselves offered hostages, and were ready to quarrel
with O'More should he refuse them. They were twelve in number, one
being Sir Terence O'Dempsey's son, and Ormonde's intention was to
ransom them one by one. Sir Terence had married a Butler, and whatever
became of the other hostages, a ransom appears to have been paid for
this one.
Mountjoy was fain to confess that 'the Earl doth continue with as great
affection as ever to her Majesty, and with much more spleen against
the rebel; but the tie upon him to the contrary are the pledges he
hath put in, whom no doubt the traitors will retain upon their own
conditions whatsoever his were. I do not think he will deliver his
daughter, although I believe he hath promised to do it... I cannot but
bear a kind of reverence to so ancient a servant of her Majesty, and a
compassion to the miserable fortune he was in... it shall be hard, but
I will put the Earl and the fathers of the pledges in blood against the
rebels, and that will soon mar all contracts between them. I have many
plots upon Owen MacRory to take him, and I think it is a thing that the
Earl doth very much practise, and will go very near to perform.'[341]
[Sidenote: Tyrone and Ormonde.]
Lady Ormonde was in bad health at this time, and her death in the
following year was perhaps hastened by anxiety. She begged that her
husband's military allowance might still be paid, as absolutely
necessary for her support. Mountjoy took proper measures for her
protection, and even if he had not done so from kindness, the custody
of her daughter was a matter of public importance. She was Ormonde's
only child, and there were sure to be many candidates for her wardship,
and for her hand. Besides which, possible heirs male would be ready to
advance their claims should anything happen to the Earl. Tyrone was
supposed to desire the heiress for his son, and he took the trouble
to deny the imputation, but this may not have been until he saw that
O'More had no idea of surrendering his great prisoner. 'Use him
honourably,' he wrote from Dungannon, 'but keep him very sure until he
be sent hither by the help of yourself and such as we have appointed
for that purpose. Therefore be not tempted to enlarge him upon any
proffer, for if you will desire ransom you shall have money and gold at
my hands.'
It was not till more than a month later that he denied any wish to have
the young 'lady' or 'my lady mistress,' as he calls Lady Elizabeth,
'for by demanding her, men would say that I should have her for my
son.' It seems clear that his first object was to get Ormonde into his
hands, and failing that he wished to have credit for liberality and
kindness. 'For any motion,' said Ormonde contemptuously, 'of marriage
of my daughter to any of that base traitor Tyrone's brood, upon my duty
of allegiance to your highness, I never thought of any like matter,
neither was it demanded of me.'[342]
[Sidenote: Carew in Munster. Florence MacCarthy.]
[Sidenote: Barbarous warfare.]
As soon as Mountjoy had provided for the safety of Kilkenny, Carew
started for his own province, where St. Leger's death had left Sir
Henry Power in temporary charge of a very troubled community. The
rebels in the county of Waterford came in to the Lord President at
once, and it was thought wiser not to ask questions. In Cork, Florence
MacCarthy was trying to play the impossible part of a neutral,
while Dermot O'Connor, at the head of a strong body of mercenaries,
was really the most powerful person in the province. Essex had
been authorised to give Florence a patent of inheritance to his
father-in-law, with discretionary power so to limit it as might seem
best for the public safety, but his sudden departure prevented this
being done. St. Leger and Power wished the patent to issue, and thought
the best way of restraining Donell's violence would be to acknowledge
Florence as MacCarthy More. To show his power, or to annoy a personal
enemy, Florence soon afterwards ravaged Lord Barry's barony of Ibane
with '700 of the traitors' bonies, otherwise called here among us
cabbage-soldiers.' Yet he continued constantly to protest his loyalty,
while maintaining that he dared not declare openly for the Queen, lest
Dermot should forsake him and secure the triumph of that 'bastardly
rascal Donell MacCarthy,' whom Tyrone had acknowledged as MacCarthy
More. O'Connor was not originally a person of much importance, but
he had married Lady Margaret Fitzgerald, the late Earl of Desmond's
daughter, and, being a valiant man, found himself at the head of
1,400 Connaught free companions. Tyrone had given him the chief
command in Munster, and the loose swordsmen flocked to his standard.
He was, however, 'a mere mercenary serving in Munster only for pay,'
and probably quite ready to sell himself to the highest bidder. Lady
Margaret could speak English, and it was thought that she would do
anything to procure her brother's restoration to the earldom of
Desmond. According to Florence's account it was the fear of Dermot, and
the necessity of doing something to make his own people believe in him,
that induced him to appear in arms on the rebel side; and provocation
was not wanting which might justify such action on his part. Sir Henry
Power sent 1,000 men into Carbery, under Captain Flower, with general
orders to spoil all who failed to give securities for their good
behaviour. It does not appear that any time or much notice was given,
but Flower carried out the work of destruction thoroughly. From Kinsale
to Glandore harbour, and from that to Dunmanus Bay, not a grain of
corn was left unburned within ten miles of his line of march, 500 cows
were drowned to save the trouble of driving them, and 'the churls and
poor people' were treated as enemies and killed. On his return Flower
was threatened by Florence with a superior force, but reached Kinsale
without any serious encounter. Near Ballinhassig, between that town
and Cork, the troops were near falling into an ambuscade, and even for
a time put to flight. In the end they made good their retreat, but
the victory was not much to boast of. When Carew heard of the affair,
he regretted deeply what had been done. He could not reckon on much
above 1,700 effective men in the field, too few to fight the Sugane
Earl and the MacCarthies at once, and it was better to have Florence
as a faithless, but on the whole peaceable neutral, than as an open
enemy.[343]
[Sidenote: Sir Henry Docwra occupies Derry (May).]
While Carew was preparing to re-conquer the South by a mixture of force
and fraud, a successful lodgment was made in the extreme north. On May
6, Sir Henry Docwra sailed from Carrickfergus with 4,000 foot and 200
horse. Boards and spars for building, master carpenters and master
masons, and a great quantity of tools and victuals were provided.
The mortality among Randolph's men was not forgotten, and there were
100 flock-beds for a hospital. Three pieces of cannon were thought
sufficient in view of an Irish siege. On the seventh day the ships
grounded at the entrance of Lough Foyle, waited for the tide, advanced
a little, and then grounded again. At last, on May 16, the work of
unloading began at Culmore. One hundred men fired a volley from the
shore, and horse were also visible; but they did not venture to dispute
the landing, and in six days an entrenchment capable of sheltering 200
men was thrown up about some ruined walls. O'Dogherty had dismantled
his castle of Ellogh in the immediate neighbourhood; but it was easily
repaired, and received a garrison of 150 men. Having thus made good his
ground, Docwra marched with his main body to Derry on the 22nd, and
this is how he describes its then condition:--'A place in manner of
an island comprehending within it forty acres of ground, whereon were
the ruins of an old abbey, of a bishop's house, of two churches, and
at one of the ends of it an old castle, the river called Lough Foyle
encompassing it all on one side, and a bog, most commonly wet and not
easily passable except in two or three places, dividing it from the
mainland... the ground being high, and therefore dry, and healthy to
dwell upon. At that end where the old castle stood, being close to the
water side, I presently resolved to raise a fort to keep our store of
ammunition and victuals in, and in the other a little above, where the
walls of an old cathedral church were yet standing, to erect another
for our future safety and retreat unto upon all occasions.' Wisely
refusing to be tempted into pursuit of cunning enemies on their own
ground, Docwra devoted his whole strength to the task of making the
place habitable for the winter. Two ships were sent to coast along
for timber and building materials, and a strong party was sent to cut
birch in O'Cahan's woods on the other side of the Foyle. 'There was,'
he said, 'not a stick brought home that was not well fought for.' The
ruins of old Derry and of Randolph's settlement were utilised, stone
and slate were found hard by, and 'of cockle shells to make a lime we
discovered infinite plenty of in a little island in the mouth of the
harbour as we came in.'[344]
[Sidenote: Docwra fortifies Derry (May to June).]
To prevent Tyrone's whole force from being directed against Docwra
before he was in a position to stand a siege, Mountjoy himself moved
northwards at the same time. He advanced as far as Newry, and Tyrone
immediately faced him and turned his back to Lough Foyle. Southampton
followed the Deputy with a small force, and the Irish attempted to
cut him off in the Moyry pass. There was some sharp fighting, but the
Earl, who behaved valiantly, charging more than 200 horse with only six
followers, made good his junction with the main army, and Mountjoy,
having waited at Newry till he heard that Docwra was safe, turned back
to Dublin. Tyrone and O'Donnell, with about 5,000 men, then threatened
the new settlement at Derry, but the garrison stood strictly on the
defensive and nothing was done. Docwra thought it prudent to abandon
the project of detaching 1,000 men to Ballyshannon, and losses by
sickness soon showed the wisdom of his decision. Sir Arthur O'Neill,
son of old Tirlogh Luineach, came to the fort with a few followers, and
the garrison found abundant occupation in hunting cows for their own
consumption, and in skirmishing with the O'Cahans and O'Dogherties.[345]
[Sidenote: Carew in Munster. Florence MacCarthy.]
Carew's great idea was to divide his enemies by policy before he
proceeded to crush them by force. His first object was to disarm the
active hostility of Florence MacCarthy, and to that end he sought an
interview with him. 'So fearful a creature,' he said, 'I did never see,
mistrusting to be killed by every man he saw,' but both Lord Thomond
and Sir Nicholas Walshe swore solemnly that he should return safely.
The practical result of the conference was that Florence promised the
President to remain neutral, while the Sugane Earl reminded him that
he would be more than 1,700 strong, and that he would take no excuse.
Another means of weakening the rebels was to make them distrust each
other, and to this end Carew encouraged a protected rebel, named John
Nugent, who had been in the service of Sir Thomas Norris and had
deserted, to kill John Fitzthomas, the Sugane Earl's brother. The
attempt failed, and Nugent was promptly hanged; but it was known that
the would-be assassin had obtained money, a horse and arms from the
President, and the feeling of insecurity among the Irish became as
great as if the murder had actually taken place.[346]
[Sidenote: Carew employs Dermot O'Connor,]
[Sidenote: who arrests Desmond (June).]
Another plot was directed against the Sugane Earl himself, and it
came very near succeeding. Dermot O'Connor and his wife proved quite
ready to do the President's work, and Lady Margaret's unwillingness
to acknowledge any Desmond but her brother was an excuse which would
have some weight with the people of Munster. The jealousy between
Dermot's mercenaries and the followers of James Fitzthomas was already
excessive. At all events Dermot agreed to deliver up the Sugane Earl
for 1,000_l._ Archbishop MacGrath had been active in the matter, and
his two sons became securities for Carew, along with two of Lady
Margaret's foster-brothers, named Power. To give up these hostages
openly would have disclosed the plot, and it was arranged that they
should fall as it were accidentally into Dermot's hands. They very
nearly fell victims to the violence of his men, who were not in the
secret. To give Dermot the desired opportunity of seizing his ally, the
President ostentatiously dispersed his force, by way of putting him off
his guard. As a further protection Carew wrote a letter to the Sugane
Earl, which made it appear that he had undertaken to deliver O'Connor
alive or dead; and it was calculated that this would be sufficient
defence for the latter when the treachery should have taken effect.
The letter was placed in Dermot's hands in such a way that he could
say he had intercepted it. All precautions having been taken, O'Connor
asked for an interview with the man whom he intended to betray. They
distrusted one another, and each brought an armed force with him.
The ill-feeling already existing between the followers of Tyrone and
Desmond soon found a vent, and, to avoid further disunion, the two
leaders agreed to dismiss their men. Dermot had a few trusty adherents
in ambush, and with their help he arrested the Sugane Earl in O'Neill's
name, producing Carew's letter as sufficient warrant. The prisoner was
secured at Castle Ishin, near Charleville, and word was sent to the
President to come to Kilmallock, where Lady Margaret was to meet him
and receive the promised thousand pounds.[347]
[Sidenote: O'Donnell harries Clare]
In the meantime Hugh Roe O'Donnell had resolved to follow up
Tyrone's plan of persecuting all native lords who refused to join
the confederacy. Lord Barry had already suffered, and the Earls of
Clanricarde and Thomond were now to have their turn. It was seen
that Docwra was not strong enough to take the offensive, and Tyrone,
therefore, required no help as against him. Leaving a corps of
observation under O'Dogherty and Nial Garv O'Donnell, Hugh Roe mustered
all his forces at Ballymote. The chiefs who came to him were O'Rourke,
O'Connor Sligo, O'Connor Roe, MacDermot, and Theobald Burke, calling
himself MacWilliam Iochtar. The allies marched without fighting to the
neighbourhood of Gort, and then suddenly burst into Clare. A camp was
pitched near Ennis, where only the monastery was spared, and plundering
parties were sent in all directions west of the Fergus. 'Many a feast,'
say the annalists, 'fit for a goodly gentleman, or for the lord of a
territory, was enjoyed throughout Thomond this night by parties of four
or five men, under the shelter of a shrubbery or at the side of a bush.'
[Sidenote: and Clanricarde.]
Retreating slowly to Corcomroe Abbey, and scouring the country right
and left, the invaders burned every house; and we are particularly told
that the smoke enveloped the whole line of march, and that it was dense
enough to make them lose their way. The rocky passes of Burren were
passed without opposition, and the victorious raiders encamped near
Oranmore, where they divided their immense booty of cattle. A few had
been killed and wounded in the foray, especially in the attack on Clare
Castle, and the survivors were sent home in charge of Theobald Burke
and of those who guarded the cattle. O'Donnell himself, with 500 foot
and 60 horse, went to Loughrea, and drove off all the herds they could
find to Ballymote. The English account says that Thomond punished
his enemies with the help of Captain Flower and of over 800 English
soldiers, and that he recovered a great part of his cattle; but of
this the annalists--ever favourable to O'Donnell--make no mention. In
Clanricarde there seems to have been no opposition at all.[348]
[Sidenote: The Sugane Earl rescued.]
O'Donnell's enterprise restored the spirits of the Irish, and perhaps
prevented Carew from seizing his prey promptly. Piers Lacy collected
4,000 men and suddenly surrounded Castle Ishin. Carew had vainly
awaited Lady Margaret for a week at Kilmallock, and he now, in spite
of Flower's absence, advanced to the rescue. But it was too late. A
priest had persuaded the garrison, and the Sugane Earl was already
in Lacy's hands. Dermot O'Connor excused himself, and no doubt this
failure was not his fault; but the chance of 1,000_l._ was lost, and he
soon made friends with the rebels once more. The Munster Irish still
very naturally mistrusting him, he withdrew into Connaught, and on his
brother-in-law's restoration to the honours of Desmond again offered
his services to Carew. A safe-conduct was accordingly sent to him, but
he was waylaid near Gort by Tibbot-ne-Long Burke, with 100 men in the
Queen's pay, taken prisoner, and put to death. Private revenge was
Burke's motive, but Clanricarde and the President were 'exceedingly
incensed' at a murder which threw doubts upon the good faith of
both.[349]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy's share in the Essex conspiracy.]
Elizabeth's dislike to name a successor was well known, and should
have been respected by one who owed so much to her as Essex did. That
there was, in fact, no dispute about the matter was due to Cecil's
admirable management, but the Earl's uneasy ambition was not likely
to lose the chance of establishing a claim on the coming man. He
entered into negotiations with James in 1598, representing that Cecil
favoured the claims of the Infanta and was plotting to make them good.
James had little to fear from any rival; but it was in his nature
to be busy, and he intrigued with Tyrone as well as with Essex. In
August 1599, immediately before his journey to the north, the latter
thought seriously of taking 2,000 or 3,000 men over to Wales, and
broached the design privately to Southampton and Blount, who both
earnestly dissuaded him. It was about that time that Mountjoy also
opened communications with James, and with him the influence of Lady
Rich may have counted for much. His first proposals to the Scottish
king are not known, but we may judge of their nature by what happened
afterwards. When Essex after his return from Ireland, was committed to
the Lord-Keeper's house, and in daily fear of being sent to the Tower,
he called upon Mountjoy and Southampton to look after his interests.
They were willing to help him to escape, but he declared himself ready
'rather to run any danger than to lead the life of a fugitive.' When
it was finally decided that Mountjoy should undertake the government
of Ireland, Essex pressed him to take some more decided course. 'He
then swore,' says one who was present, 'exacting the like oaths from
my Lord of Southampton and myself, to defend with the uttermost of our
lives her Majesty's person and government during her life against all
persons whatsoever, and it was resolved to send Henry Lee again into
Scotland, with offer that if the King would enter into the cause at
that time, Lord Mountjoy would leave the kingdom of Ireland defensibly
guarded, and with 4,000 or 5,000 men assist that enterprise, which,
with the party that my Lord of Essex would be able to make, were
thought sufficient to bring that to pass which was intended.' It seems
that James was not expected to do more than show himself on the border,
while his ambassador in London pressed for a public acknowledgment of
his right to the succession. Lee was still in Scotland when Mountjoy
went to Ireland, and he was arrested as soon as he returned. What Essex
intended, or whether he had any definite plan at all, may be doubted;
but Mountjoy made it clear that he at least was playing only 'for the
establishment of the succession, and not for private ambition.'[350]
[Sidenote: James VI., Essex, and Mountjoy.]
Mountjoy told Southampton that he had foreseen Essex's ruin before his
return from Ireland, and that he had opened the correspondence with
James as a possible means of saving him. The king was advised not to
leave the whole realm in the hands of his enemies, and it was hoped
that a diversion might thus be made. In his second letter, if not
in his first, Mountjoy proposed that James 'should prepare an army,
declare his intent, and that he would be ready to assist him with the
army in Ireland, whither he was going,' but insisting on his former
stipulation that nothing should be done against Queen Elizabeth. This
might, perhaps, mean no more than that, if the succession were declared
in England, he would see the same done in Ireland. Southampton made
similar offers, but also reserved his allegiance to the Queen. James
gave an evasive answer, declaring that he would bear the matter in
mind, but that the establishment of a garrison at Lough Foyle was
a condition precedent to any action on his part. Mountjoy did not
afterwards deny that he had entertained the idea of bringing troops
over to Wales, but only in consideration of the heir to the throne
being engaged in the business. James's caution did not suit the
impatient Essex, who approved of a suggestion by Danvers, 'that the
army of Ireland would suffice alone.' He sent Southampton over to sound
Mountjoy, 'which,' says the envoy, 'I did, and he utterly rejected it
as a thing which he could no way think honest, and dissuaded me from
any such courses.' Lady Rich was on the other side of the Channel,
and loyalty now resumed its sway. Willing, as he says, to redeem his
fault of intention, the Earl remained as a volunteer in Ireland, and
Mountjoy vainly tried to have him made Governor of Connaught. This
was in June, and in the following month Southampton went to Holland.
The probability is that Cecil had a shrewd suspicion of the truth.
But Essex determined to make another attempt. Early in August Danvers
and Cuffe met at the Cross Inn at Oxford, and the latter brought a
direct message from Essex. 'My Lord requested,' says Danvers, 'that
notwithstanding my Lord of Southampton's departure, I would proceed
in my journey, and communicate the projects with my Lord Mountjoy,
and procure his letter.' He took the precaution of sending a special
messenger to London, who returned with reiterated instructions from
Essex, and thereupon he started for Ireland. He was met with a positive
refusal from Mountjoy, who spoke even more decidedly than he had done
to Southampton. 'He desired my lord to have patience, to recover again
by ordinary means the Queen's ordinary favour; that though he had
it not in such measure as he had had heretofore, he should content
himself; that at his coming home he would do for him like a friend;
that he hoped my lord would do nothing but that which should be
justifiable in honour and honesty. In that confidence, if he sent for
a letter, he would send him such a one as he might justify.' Very good
advice, but not such as Essex was capable of following for long. The
spoiled child would have all or nothing.[351]
[Sidenote: The Pale: Mountjoy's plan.]
The defeat at the Blackwater and the complete failure of Essex had
reduced the army to a miserable state. Under Mountjoy the soldiers
gradually gained confidence, and no doubt he was well advised in not
hurrying matters. After the skirmish in the Moyry pass he lay for some
days at Newry, and in the meantime a certain amount of damage was
done in the Pale. The causeway through the pass was partly broken up
by the Irish, and he thought it prudent to return by Carlingford to
Dundalk. 'At this time,' says Moryson, who, as Mountjoy's secretary,
was an eye-witness of what he describes, 'the county of Dublin on the
south of the Liffey was, in effect, entirely overrun by the rebels;
the county of Kildare was likewise possessed or wasted by them. The
county of Meath was wasted, as also the county of Westmeath (excepting
the barony of Delvin) and the county of Louth; so that in the English
Pale, the towns having garrisons, and the lands from Drogheda to Navan,
and thence back to Trim, and so to Dublin, were only inhabited, which
were also like to grow waste, if they were further charged with the
soldiers.' The English writer excepts Delvin, but the annalists say
it was invaded by Tyrone six months before, who wasted it until the
Baron 'submitted to O'Neill on his terms.' Maryborough and Philipstown
were cut off from Dublin, and Mountjoy's first care was to restore
perfect communications. His plan was to strengthen and victual the
garrisons so as to secure them against attack, while harrying the
country so thoroughly as to make it impossible for the Irish to keep
the field.[352]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy in King's County (July).]
The remnant of the O'Connors were still troublesome in Offaly, and
they had the help of Captain Tyrrell, a renowned partisan who was much
in Tyrone's confidence. Mountjoy, to quote his own words, went 'into
the country on foot over a bog, and went out of it in like sort.'
But he was not always on foot, for he records that grey Davies, his
easiest-going horse, was shot under him. With little loss he drove
the Irish up and down the country, and the O'Connors never made much
head against him. During the three or four years of Tyrone's supremacy
they had destroyed most of the King's County castles, and Mountjoy's
care now was to destroy the crops, so that they could not reoccupy
the ground. Not only did he reap the green corn, but used harrows and
grubbers with long teeth, called _pracas_, to root it up.[353]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy in Queen's County. Death of Owen MacRory (August).]
A fortified post was established at the Togher, between Monasterevan
and Maryborough, thus securing access to Philipstown at all times;
and here again Southampton did good service by his gallantry and by
his example to the soldiers. Sir Samuel Bagenal was able to take the
offensive in the neighbourhood of Newry, and Sir Richard Moryson about
Dundalk. O'Donnell wasted much of his strength in useless forays,
and Docwra was beginning to make himself felt in Tyrone's rear. In
the middle of August Mountjoy started from Carlow with 800 foot and
100 horse, and entered the Queen's County, burning the villages and
destroying the standing corn. Owen MacRory remonstrated, in a letter
to Ormonde, against this 'execrable and abominable course,' and also
wrote to ask Mountjoy for a conference with some gentleman sent by him.
The Lord Deputy handed the letter to an Irish fool named Neale Moore,
who answered that no one in the camp was base enough to confer with
him, but that if Owen would submit to him on his knees, he, the said
Neale, would undertake that his submission should be accepted or that
he should return safe. Next day O'More was killed in a skirmish near
Timahoe, and with him Callogh MacWalter, the man who first laid hands
on Ormonde at his late capture. The Earl was now in the field with a
large force, and Mountjoy's plan of embroiling him with the O'Mores had
taken full effect. After Owen's death the sept never made head again,
and the English settlers gradually returned to their houses. There was
much hard fighting both going and returning, but everywhere the Lord
Deputy was victorious. From Carlow almost to the foot of Slieve Bloom
the cattle were driven off and the crops destroyed. But on returning,
the pass of Cashel was found to be occupied by more than 2,000 men.
Donell Spaniagh, seeing how the event was likely to turn out, begged
for protection to go to Dublin, which was granted, since it was
impossible to take him; and then, like Rob Roy at Sheriffmuir, he drew
his men off to a hill whence they could see the fight. Keeping on the
high ground, the troops passed safely to Stradbally and thence to Naas.
But Sir Arthur Savage, the new governor of Connaught, was unable to
effect a junction. The great point gained was that the soldiers began
to think themselves invincible, and that they had confidence in their
general.[354]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy presses Tyrone back (September to October).]
After a short rest in Dublin, Mountjoy established a camp at Faughard
near Dundalk. The array was supposed to be over 4,000 strong, but
was in reality under 3,000, and the weather caused much sickness.
'Our tents,' said the Lord Deputy, 'are often blown down, and at
this instant it doth rain into mine, so that I can scant write.'
Great floods prevented any forward movement, but there were constant
skirmishes. Tyrone had an entrenched camp in the Moyry pass, which was
twice captured, though no attempt was made to hold it; and finding
that Mountjoy's progress could not be stopped, Tyrone left the passage
open to Newry. The earthworks in the pass were levelled, and the woods
on both sides cut down. The facts are clear enough; but the Irish
annalists give a totally misleading account of these movements, and of
those that followed them.[355]
[Sidenote: Mountjoy bridles Tyrone (November).]
After waiting ten days at Newry for provisions, Mountjoy marched out
towards Armagh. Rather less than half-way he built a fort in a strong
position, and named it Mount-Norris, after Sir John, his master in the
art of war. Tyrone was near, and did what he could to hinder the work;
but he was defeated with loss, and the fort finished, victualled, and
garrisoned with 400 men in one week. Finding it impossible to keep
his horses alive in a country where the grass had been eaten down by
cattle, the Lord Deputy did not attempt Armagh, but proclaimed a reward
of 2,000_l._ for Tyrone alive and 1,000_l._ for him dead, and then
returned to Carlingford, where there was a good store of provisions.
At Narrow-water a vessel brought cheese and biscuit for the soldiers,
who had been fasting for two days, and having eaten it 'never men went
on in a greater jollity.' The narrow pass between Carlingford mountain
and the sea was disputed by Tyrone. The ground was thickly wooded, and
the Irish had erected a strong barricade and dug several trenches.
Mountjoy's principal secretary was killed by his side, and the place
fell to Moryson, the historian, but the troops made steady progress.
Tyrone narrowly escaped a shot, and his men gradually yielded to the
disciplined valour of soldiers who fought under the eye of a captain
in whom they believed. Fynes Moryson, who was staying that day with
his brother, the governor of Dundalk, could hear the volleys seven
miles distant 'sensibly by reverberation of the garden wall;' and says
'the Irish lost 800 men, while the English had 200 killed and 400 not
seriously wounded, and that Tyrone's reputation (who did all things by
reputation) was clean overthrown, so that from all places they began to
seek pardons and protections.' Strength, or the appearance of strength,
has always ruled in Ireland.[356]
[Sidenote: Docwra extends his power in Ulster.]
While Mountjoy slowly but surely reduced the Pale and the district
bordering on it, Sir Henry Docwra held his own at Derry. Sir Arthur
O'Neill, old Tirlogh Luineach's eldest son, joined him, and did good
service both as adviser and ally, but he brought no great force into
the field. Tyrone derided him as 'Queen Elizabeth's earl that cannot
command 100 kerne,' and she felt the sarcasm keenly, having really
contemplated the transfer of the arch-rebel's honours to his kinsman.
Sir Arthur advised a raid into O'Cahan's country, and 700 men were sent
by night along the Donegal shore of Lough Foyle. At Greencastle they
took boat, and crossing silently came upon all the cattle collected
in fancied security, for attack from that side had not been dreamed
of. One hundred live cows and some carcases were secured, 'but for
want of means to bring all away the soldiers hacked and mangled
as many as they could.' The process of exhausting the country was
deliberately undertaken. Sir John Chamberlain, who was the leader of
this expedition, was killed a few days later in repelling an attack
upon Aileach castle by the O'Dogherties, his body being pierced by no
less than sixteen wounds. Four days after this fight, in which Docwra
himself had a horse shot under him, a strong outpost was fortified
at Dunalong on the eastern bank of the Foyle. In this case also the
approach was made by water, and Tyrone, who was encamped not far off,
found the entrenchments unassailable after a single day's work upon
them. Within their lines everywhere the English were safe, but not a
mile outside.[357]
[Sidenote: Fighting about Lough Foyle.]
Among the Irishmen who had been recommended to Docwra by the
Government was Maelmory MacSwiney, who had been chief of O'Donnell's
gallowglasses, and connected with him by close ties; but who was now
in receipt of a life pension of six shillings a day and in command of
100 English soldiers. This man opened communications with O'Donnell,
and drove out a large number of horses on purpose that they might be
seized. This was done before daylight, and near 200 were swept off
into the heart of Tyrconnell. The alarm being given, Docwra leaped
from his bed and pursued with a score of horsemen, leaving the rest
to follow as soon as they were ready. He was wounded in the head and
his men had enough to do to carry him off, leaving the prey with the
O'Donnells. Docwra was confined to his bed for a fortnight, and on his
recovery found that not more than twenty per cent. of his men were able
to pass muster. It was clearly proved that MacSwiney was the cause of
the late disaster, and he was sent by sea to Dublin; but the hatchway
being left open for the reception of the beer barrels, he sprang on
deck, threw himself into the Foyle, and reached O'Cahan's country, the
people on board being too much amazed to stop him. Instigated perhaps
by this keen spirit, Rory O'Cahan, the chief's brother, brought a
present of sixty fat beasts, which were much wanted, and afterwards
put the soldiers in the way of taking as many more. Having thus made
himself agreeable, Rory asked for 800 men to do a more important piece
of service. Sir Arthur O'Neill warned Docwra not to trust him, and it
turned out that his object was to lead the soldiers into an ambuscade
prepared by Tyrone himself. Having secured his own safety, Rory then
offered to ransom his hostages for a certain quantity of cattle,
threatening that he would never spare an Englishman if they came to any
harm. Docwra's answer was to erect a gibbet on the rampart, and to hang
the poor wretches before the face of their principal, who stood with
300 men on the other side of the Foyle.[358]
[Sidenote: Sufferings of Derry garrison (September to October).]
[Sidenote: They are relieved.]
As the autumn days closed in, the garrison of Derry were in a miserable
state, 'men wasted with continual labours, the island scattered with
cabins full of sick, our biscuit all spent, our other provisions of
nothing but meal, butter, and a little wine, and that, by computation,
to hold out but six days longer.' The temptation to desert was great,
and both Tyrone and O'Donnell offered free passage through their
territories. Not only was the garrison diminished, but the loss of
horses and the miserable condition of those left made it impossible to
patrol at any distance from the walls. On the night of September 16,
O'Donnell crept up unseen to the very edge of the bog which bounded
Derry on the land side, and then, for some inexplicable reason, his men
fired a volley. The garrison sallied out, and put them to flight. It
was probably a last effort to frighten Docwra into a parley, for he was
relieved the very next day. A plentiful supply of provisions, 50 fresh
horse and 600 foot were introduced from the sea, as well as two timber
frames upon which water-tight storehouses might easily be erected. And
it was announced to the men that they were to receive 4_d._ a day extra
when they worked upon the fortifications. The Irish had lost their
opportunity, and it never returned.[359]
[Sidenote: Neill Garv O'Donnell.]
[Sidenote: Docwra wins Lifford (October).]
A more important recruit than either MacSwiney or Sir Arthur O'Neill
was Neill Garv O'Donnell, grandson of Calvagh and husband of Hugh Roe's
sister Nuala, who separated from him in consequence of his defection.
He brought 100 men with him, and was promised a grant of Tyrconnell as
soon as his brother-in-law had been expelled. The O'Donnells had never
been a united family, and Neill Garv probably thought his claim at
least as good as that of the actual chief. His three brothers took part
with him, the immediate consequence being that the English had plenty
of fresh meat and that they were much less closely beleaguered than
before. The first actual service required of Neill Garv was to take the
ancestral seat at Lifford, and for this purpose over 300 men were sent
under his guidance. The castle had been razed, but a weak earthwork
defended the small town, and Hugh Roe had left some thirty men in
charge. They fled without resistance, after setting fire to the place,
and the English proceeded to entrench themselves strongly, finding
welcome shelter in about twenty houses, which were all that the late
garrison had left unburned. Twice within a fortnight O'Donnell vainly
exerted all his force to recover the place, though his presence enabled
the country people to get in their crops and to carry away the produce
safely. On the second occasion there was a sharp skirmish, in which
Captain Heath was killed, and Neill Garv had a horse shot under him,
but Lifford was not retaken. Four days later Sir Arthur O'Neill died of
a fever brought on by 'drinking too many carouses on his marriage-day,'
and his brother Cormac claimed to succeed him. But Tirlogh, his son
by a former wife, was accepted by Docwra, and did such service as his
youth permitted.[360]
[Sidenote: Spaniards in the North (November).]
About the beginning of November, two Spanish ships put into Broadhaven,
with money, arms, and ammunition for the Irish. O'Donnell sent the
foreigners word that Killybegs would be a better place for them, and
also announced their arrival to Tyrone. Eventually the Spaniards put
into the little harbour of Teelin, whence the cargo was carried to
Donegal, and divided between the two chiefs. A descent of this kind
had been talked of for months, but Cecil had given little credence to
these rumours, and when the long-expected aid actually came, it was not
enough to affect the result, or to imperil Docwra's position in any
way.[361]
[Sidenote: Docwra annoys Tyrone.]
[Sidenote: The O'Dogherties.]
Neill Garv and his brothers Hugh, Donnell, and Con made several raids
from Lifford into Tyrone, and took Newtown, now Newtown Stewart, from
the O'Neills. O'Donnell's great object was to get possession of his
formidable kinsman, and he employed two of the MacDevitts, a sept
of O'Dogherties, named Hugh Boy and Phelim Reagh. Captain Alford,
the governor of Culmore, pretended friendship with these men, and
engaged to give up the fort to them, with Neill Garv inside. Alford's
object was to draw them into an ambuscade, and he pretended to make
conditions. 1,000_l._ down and 3,000_l._ a year pension from Spain
were promised him, and a chain of gold formerly given by Philip II.
to O'Donnell, and worth 160_l._, was actually given in earnest. A day
was appointed for the treason, but the Irish broke their tryst. In a
short time Hugh Boy and Phelim Reagh were Docwra's firm friends. Cahir
O'Dogherty, the chief's son, had been fostered by them, and was now
in O'Donnell's hands, who had announced that he should succeed his
father. But when Sir John died, he favoured Cahir's uncle, and the
foster-parents were very angry. On condition that their nursling should
be established, they offered to keep Innishowen at Docwra's service.
O'Donnell was induced to free the young man, and immediately all the
O'Dogherties, with their cattle, left him, and returned to their own
district. Supplies were thus secured to the English garrison, as well
as good intelligence, and Docwra confesses that without their aid the
progress made would have been comparatively small. Thus it ever was in
Ireland: the natives fought among themselves, and so lost all. 'They
had their own ends in it,' said Docwra, 'which were always for private
revenge; and we ours, to make use of them for the furtherance of the
public service.'[362]
[Sidenote: Carew subdues Munster (July to August).]
[Sidenote: Glin Castle.]
[Sidenote: Murder of a loyalist.]
Shortly before midsummer the White Knight made his submission, and
was soon to do signal service. The castles of Bruff and Lough Gur
were taken and garrisoned, the mere preparations for a scientific
cannonade being enough to cause their evacuation, and the triangle made
by Limerick, Cashel, and Kilmallock was freed from the rebels. The
county of Waterford was almost cleared, and Connello and Aherlow alone
harboured any considerable number. Cahir was voluntarily surrendered,
and the ordnance left there by Essex was sent to Clonmel. Glin in
Limerick and Carrigafoyle in Kerry still held out, and the first was
besieged by Carew on July 7. Sending his guns by water, he passed on
his way through the heart of Connello, and Piers Lacy abandoned Croom
Castle at his approach, having already ruined the other Kildare house
at Adare. The Sugane Earl marched near the President, and encamped
only a mile off at Glin, but never ventured to make any attack. The
ordnance, 'one demi-cannon and a saker,' were landed and placed in
position. The Knight, who believed in Desmond's boasts, expected to be
relieved, and would not surrender at discretion, although his son was
in Carew's power, and in some danger of being hanged. The first day's
firing made a breach, and a lodgment was effected in the basement under
the hall. Three out of the four towers were thus made untenable, and
the fourth, into which all the garrison had retired, was attacked in
the same way, and a fire lit in it, which burned many. Next day the
tower was assaulted, and those who survived of the eighty defenders
were cut in pieces or thrown over the walls. Captain Flower, who led
the stormers, was wounded in four places, and there was a loss to the
besiegers of eleven killed and twenty-one wounded. The moral effect
of this siege was great. Desmond seems to have believed that the
carriages of the cannon were unserviceable, but Carew had discovered
and remedied their defects some weeks before. O'Connor Kerry, who
despaired of defending Carrigafoyle, voluntarily surrendered it, and
was received to protection. The small castle of Liscahan near Ardfert
was taken by surprise, and entrusted to Maurice Stack, a native of
Kerry, 'and a man of small stature but invincible courage,' who with
fifty men successfully defended it against Desmond's attacks and
Florence MacCarthy's plots. Stack was afterwards murdered in cold
blood by Lady Honora Fitzmaurice's men, and Thomond never spoke to his
sister afterwards. Sir Edward Denny's house at Tralee, and Sir William
Herbert's at Castle Island, were found in ruins, no attempt being made
to defend these old Desmond strongholds. Lixnaw the Fitzmaurices had
not time to raze, and at the end of August Carew was able to give a
good account of Munster generally. 'All our garrisons,' he wrote,
'in Kerry, Askeaton, Kilmallock, Youghal, and Lismore, I thank God do
prosper and are now at their harvest, which must be well followed,
or else this summer service is lost. Wherein I will be careful to
lose no time, for the destruction of it will procure the next year's
famine; by which means only the wars of Ireland must be determined...
no day passeth without report of burning, killing, and taking prey ...
infinite numbers of their cattle are taken, and besides husbandmen,
women, and children, of weaponed men there hath been slain in this
province, since my coming, above 1,200, and of her Majesty's army not
forty slain by the enemy.'[363]
[Sidenote: Final defeat of the Sugane Earl (September).]
Tyrone was himself so much pressed by Mountjoy that he was less able
to send help to his Earl of Desmond, who was driven by Wilmot first
into Connello and then into the great fastness of Aherlow. A gallant
officer, Captain Richard Greame, lay at Kilmallock with his troop of
horse, and attacked Desmond's greatly superior force on the march. The
Irish were surprised, and completely routed, with the loss of 200 men.
The 400 who remained unwounded dispersed into Connaught or Ulster, and
the Sugane Earl never recovered the blow. 300 horseloads of plunder,
besides the usual prey of cattle, fell into Greame's hands; but Cecil
remarked that the prize was hardly so marketable as that which came in
Spanish carracks, and directed that 100_l._ should be given him. Carew
asked that he should be knighted, and Mountjoy willingly complied,
though he hesitated for some time in view of the very strict orders
which he had, not to make chivalry too cheap.[364]
[Sidenote: The Queen's Earl of Desmond.]
As the fortunes of one Desmond fell, those of another brightened for
a moment. James, the son of the rebel Earl who fell at Glanageenty,
was born in 1571, and had been in the Tower since 1584, much of his
time before that having been spent in Irish prisons. The quantity of
medicine administered to him was enough to ruin any constitution, and
in fact he possessed little vigour either of mind or body, though the
Desmond pride sometimes showed itself; and of course he knew nothing
of the rough world, or of the rough ways by which his ancestors had
raised themselves to almost regal power. But his letters show that his
education had not been neglected, though no mere instruction could make
up for the want of practical training. It occurred to Carew, who saw
the difficulty of purely forcible conquest, that the affection still
felt for his house might be utilised in Munster, and Raleigh strongly
supported this view. Cecil had not much faith in the plan, but he
submitted to the judgment of those who knew Ireland, and joined them in
urging the young man's restoration upon the Queen. Elizabeth yielded,
but slowly and with many misgivings. Failure would make her ridiculous,
and too great success on the legitimate Earl's part might make him
harder to pull down than the pretender had been. He was allowed to
assume the title, and here is his letter of thanks to Cecil:--
'Right honourable, I have received by Sir Geoffrey Fenton your honour's
directions how I should subscribe unto my letters, which I protest
unto your honour is much troublesome unto me, in regard that I had
no further assurance than by his word of mouth. I am so jealous and
fearful of her highness's grace and displeasure that I beseech your
honour to bear with my overpressing you with my many importunities.
I must hold myself as your honour's poor creature, in which ever I
will acknowledge your favours in that height of regard as to your
direction I will ever tie myself. And so I rest your honour's in very
affectionate assurance,
J. DESMOND.'[365]
[Sidenote: The Queen is persuaded to send Desmond over.]
[Sidenote: His reception in Munster.]
Cecil's idea was to send Desmond's patent to Carew, 'to be shewed to
that generation of incredulity' the people of Munster, and not to be
delivered to the Earl unless his services made it worth while. But
when the document was brought to the Queen she refused to sign it, and
Desmond left London before it was done. Two days later she relented,
and Archbishop Miler Magrath, who overtook him on the road, carried it
to Carew in Ireland. 'God doth know it,' said Cecil, 'the Queen hath
been most hardly drawn unto it that could be, and hath laid it on my
dish a dozen times: "Well, I pray God you and Carew be not deceived."'
Captain Price, a plain soldier who had no object but to do his duty
and return, was sent in charge of the young Earl. It seems that some
wished to send Raleigh, but Cecil objected upon Carew's account. The
party sailed from Bristol, and reached Youghal after being two days and
a night at sea. 'I was so sea-sick,' Desmond wrote, 'as whilst I live
I shall never love that element.... I had like, coming new of the sea,
and therefore somewhat weak, to be overthrown with the kisses of old
calleaks; and was received with that joy of the poor people as did well
shew they joyed in the exceeding mercy of her sacred Majesty towards
me.' Weak and sickly, and never likely to take to Irish life, was what
Cecil had pronounced him to be, and the kisses of the old wives at
Youghal were the only successes which awaited him. That noted loyalist,
Mr. John Fitzedmond, received him with profuse hospitality at Cloyne.
At Cork things were different, and there can be little doubt that
intentional discourtesy was shown to the Queen's Earl. Neither lodging
nor supper could be had, and Desmond was feign to seek shelter with the
mayor. This was John Meade, a lawyer who had been chosen in pursuance
of a settled policy adopted by the corporate towns at this time.
Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kinsale preferred political agitators
to merchants, and lawyers were the fittest to make civic immunities and
privileges a means of embarrassing the Government. The portreeve of
Cashel was the most profound civilian in Ireland, and as obstinate as
learned. As to Meade, said Desmond, he might be called Lack-law, 'if
he had no better insight in Littleton than in other observations of
his place for her Majesty's service, for it was much ado that we got
anything for money, but that most of my people lay without lodging,
and Captain Price had the hogs for his neighbours.' Meade excused
himself by saying that he did not know how far attentions to Desmond
could be agreeable to the President, since he came to Cork direct from
the sea, and that he feared any public welcome might be ill-taken by
the Government. The arrival of 400 Welsh soldiers had made lodgings
scarce, and the learned mayor found plenty of reasons for his neglect.
But Captain Price, who had the best means of knowing, took the same
view of the matter as the young Earl, and Meade was soundly reprimanded
by the Privy Council.[366]
[Sidenote: Fortunes of the restored Desmond.]
[Sidenote: Strange scene at Kilmallock.]
The Geraldine who held Castlemaine for the Sugane Earl now gave it up
to the real Desmond, and this was the only important result of his
restoration. The Queen was half-hearted about the matter, hesitated
to bestow an estate, and did not care to provide the means for much
show. Five hundred pounds a year was not a bad allowance in those days,
but the young Earl was inclined to extravagance, and he felt acutely
that he could do nothing unless he were trusted with the command of
men. His adherents among the people might give information as to his
rival's whereabouts, but there was no chance of catching him if he
had to apply to the nearest garrison for means to follow up the clue.
In the meantime Greame's victory had made the fugitive insignificant,
and Carew had little doubt about being able to hunt him down. The true
Desmond spent part of his time at Mallow, where some supposed him to
have become enamoured of Lady Norris. Carew sent him to Kilmallock in
the company of Archbishop Magrath, and of his friend Boyle, who was to
report privately as to his reception by the people. At Youghal men,
women, and children had upset each other in the streets to see the
restored exile, but at Kilmallock the excitement was still greater. A
guard of soldiers lined the street between his lodgings and Sir George
Thornton's house, where he went to sup; but the crowd broke the line,
and the short walk took half an hour. Doors, windows, and roofs were
filled with people, 'as if they came to see him, whom God had sent to
be that comfort and delight their souls and hearts most desired, and
they welcomed him with all the expressions and signs of joy, everyone
throwing upon him wheat and salt (an ancient ceremony used in the
province upon the election of their new mayors and officers) as a
prediction of future peace and plenty.' Next day was Sunday, and the
Protestant Earl went to church. On his way the country folk shouted to
him not to go, and when he came back after service they abused and spat
upon him. The multitude which had flocked the little garrison town soon
deserted it, and he whom they had come to welcome might walk the empty
streets and sup where he pleased with as little danger of being mobbed
as any private gentleman. He oscillated between Kilmallock and Mallow,
but felt himself powerless, and the murder of his brother-in-law,
Dermot O'Connor, made him think that his life was not safe. The poor
lad soon expressed his desire to be back in England, and to live there
quietly, in preference to any Irish greatness which the Queen might
intend for him. Cecil rather encouraged him to return, at least for a
time, and till the question of an estate could be settled, and held
out some hopes of an English wife, 'a maid of noble family, between
eighteen and nineteen years of age, no courtier, nor yet ever saw you,
nor you her.'[367]
[Sidenote: The end of the house of Desmond.]
In 1598 Tyrone announced, and possibly believed, that Desmond had
escaped 'by means of the Lieutenant of the Tower's daughter, who had
gone with him,' that he had reached Spain, and that he would be in
Munster within a month, with men, munitions, and treasure. Had this
been true, he could hardly have done Elizabeth more harm than the
Sugane; but coming, as he did, with an Earl's patent and a Protestant
archbishop, he neither hindered Tyrone nor served the Queen, and he
slunk back to England almost unnoticed. He did not marry, nor was his
allowance at all lavish, but he was kindly treated and not shut up
in the Tower; and his last days seem not to have been unhappy. 'If I
turn me,' he wrote from Greenwich, 'into time past, I behold a long
misery; if into the present, such a happiness in the comparison of
that hell as may be a stop to any further encroachment.' He died nine
months after his return from Ireland, leaving five sisters, for whom
the Queen made some provision until they found husbands. The eldest,
Lady Margaret, was married to Dermot O'Connor, and his murder left her
a widow; she received a pension of 100_l._ Catharine, the third, was
the wife of Lord Roche, and the three unmarried ones had pensions of
33_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ The second, Lady Joan, was destined by her mother,
who had married O'Connor Sligo, to match with Hugh Roe O'Donnell. Her
brother opposed this, as well as Carew, and she seems to have had no
great mind for it herself; but the plot cost her a short detention
with the Mayor of Cork, who again made what difficulties he could.
Lady Joan afterwards married Dermot O'Sullivan Bere. Lady Ellen, the
fourth sister, married three times, her last husband being Edmund Lord
Dunboyne, and she lived till 1660, when her stepson was restored to his
country but not to his property. Lady Ellice, the fifth, married Sir
Valentine Browne the younger, of Ross Castle at Killarney, and thus,
as the wife of an undertaker's son, enjoyed some portion of the vast
estates which had been forfeited by her father's rebellion. The title
of Desmond was given by James I. to a Scotch courtier, upon whom he
also bestowed the only daughter and heir-general of the great Earl of
Ormonde. It was Buckingham's plan to depress the Butlers by separating
their title and estates, and by giving the latter to a favourite like
himself. But Lady Elizabeth Preston defeated this scheme by marrying
her cousin, the future Duke; and thus, through the greatest of the
cavaliers, the long strife between Ormonde and Desmond was ended at
last.[368]
FOOTNOTES:
[334] Mountjoy to the Queen, printed in Goodman's _James I._ (ed.
Brewer) ii. 23; Letters of Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney, Oct. 31,
1599, to Jan. 12, 1600, in _Sidney Papers_.
[335] Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney, Nov. 29, 1599, to Feb. 9, 1600,
in _Sidney Papers_; Fynes Moryson, book ii. chap. i.
[336] Letters in _Carew_, Dec. 31, 1599, and Feb. 13, 23, and 26, 1600;
Tyrone to Barry with the answer, in _Pacata Hibernia_, Feb, 26, 1600;
_Four Masters_, 1599 and 1600.
[337] Docwra's _Narration_; _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. cap. 1.
[338] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. caps. 2 and 14. The Four Masters say
St. Leger's encounter with Maguire was premeditated, but the English
account is here to be preferred. Compare O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii.
lib. v. cap. 12. Lady St. Leger had been previously married to Davells
and Mackworth, and was thus by violence left a widow for the third time.
[339] The Queen to Mountjoy, March 10, in _Carew_; Carew and Thomond to
the Privy Council, April 18, _ib._
[340] Carew and Thomond to the Privy Council, April 18, in _Carew_ and
_Pacata Hibernia_. See also the Catholic accounts of the Four Masters
and of O'Sullivan and Peter Lombard. All the documents are collected
in a memoir by the Rev. James Graves, in the Irish _Archæological
Journal_, N.S. vol. iii. pp. 388 sqq. There are two contemporary
drawings, one of which is reproduced in _Pacata Hibernia_ and the
other in _Facsimiles of Irish MSS._, part iv. 1. I have endeavoured to
harmonise the various accounts.
[341] Ormonde to the Queen, June 16; F. Stafford to Cecil, June 18;
Mountjoy to Cecil, July 4--all in Mr. Graves's memoir cited above. And
see his further note in _Irish Arch. Journal_, N.S. vol. v. p. 333. On
Aug. 21, Redmond Keating submitted to Mountjoy, on condition to deliver
the Earl's pledges remaining in his hands; see in _Carew_ under Aug.
26, 1600. The Kellies and Lalors did the same.
[342] Fenton to Cecil, April 12; Carew and Thomond to the Privy
Council, April 18; Tyrone to O'More April 22/May 2; to Ormonde April
29/May 9 and May 26/June 6; to Lady Ormonde May 25/June 5; Ormonde to
the Queen June 16--all these are in the memoir cited. Elizabeth, Lady
Ormonde, was the Earl's second wife, and daughter of John, second Lord
Sheffield. In Eugene Magrath's Irish panegyric on her husband (_circ._
1580) every laudatory epithet is lavished on the 'amiable, lovely, &c.
countess.' See this curious poem in _Irish Arch. Journal_ (Kilkenny),
i. p. 470.
[343] Note of Captain Flower's journey, April 1; Joshua Aylmer to
Cecil, April 21; Sir Henry Power to the Privy Council, April 30; Carew
to Cecil, May 2; Florence MacCarthy to Cecil, May 6; _Pacata Hibernia_,
lib. i. cap. 5. Cecil's letter to Essex, April 1599, St. Leger's and
Power's to Cecil, Dec. 10, and Lord Barry's to Cecil, Feb. 12, 1600,
are printed in Florence MacCarthy's _Life_, chap. 9.
[344] Docwra's _Narration_, edited by O'Donovan for the Celtic
Society's _Miscellany_. The cockle-shell island was probably one of the
'kitchen-middens' which are common on the Irish coast.
[345] Docwra's _Narration_; Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. lib.
i. cap. 2; _Four Masters_, 1600. Mountjoy left Dublin on May 6, and
remained out till the end of the month. See also his letter to Carew of
July 1 in _Carew_. 'The garrison of Derry,' say the annalists, 'were
seized with disease on account of the narrowness of the place and the
heat of the summer. Great numbers died of this sickness.'
[346] Carew to Cecil, May 6 and Aug. 17; _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i.
chaps. v. and vi.
[347] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. ch. vii.; _Four Masters_. June 18 is
the proper date of this capture; the annalists wrongly say that it was
in January.
[348] This raid was at midsummer.--_Four Masters_ and _Pacata
Hibernia_, lib. i. ch. viii.
[349] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. cap. 18. The date of the murder was
Oct. 24.
[350] Declaration of Sir Charles Danvers in the correspondence of James
VI. with Cecil (Camden Society). The evidence of Cuffe, Blount, and
Southampton in the same collection bears this out. Southampton saw
James's answer to Mountjoy's first letter. It contained nothing but
compliments, allowing of his reservations, and referring him for the
matter to the bearer (Lee), who delivered unto him that the King would
think of it, and put himself in readiness to take any good occasion.'
There is a letter to Essex at Hatfield dated from the Court at Nonsuch,
Aug. 18, 1599, in which Thomas Wenman warns the Earl that he had been
slandered to the King of Scots as being opposed to his succession, that
James would work all craft for his destruction, and that he should be
careful who he had about him.
[351] Declaration of Danvers _ut sup._; Henry Cuffe to the Council,
_ib._, and his Examination, March 2, 1601 (printed by Spedding);
Confession of Southampton, _ut sup._
[352] Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. book i. cap. 2; _Four
Masters_, 1600.
[353] Mountjoy to Carew, Aug. 12, in _Carew_; Moryson, _ut sup._; _Four
Masters_, 1600. This raid was during the last days of July and the
first of August.
[354] Moryson, _ut sup._; Journal, 11-26, under latter date in _Carew_;
Mountjoy to Carew, Sept. 4, _ib._
[355] The dates are Dublin, Sept. 14; Faughard, Sept. 20; Newry, Oct.
21. Moryson, _ut sup._; Lord Deputy and Council to Carew, Oct. 8, in
_Carew_; Mountjoy to Carew same date (No. 478); _Four Masters_, 1600.
[356] Nov. 2-13. The _Four Masters_ add nothing to Moryson's account.
[357] Docwra's _Narration_, June 1 to July 29; _Four Masters_, 1600;
Cecil to Carew, Sept. 28, in Maclean's _Letters of Sir R. Cecil_.
[358] Docwra's _Narration_, July 29 to Sept. 16; _Four Masters_, 1600.
[359] Docwra's _Narration_, Sept. 16 to Oct. 3.
[360] Docwra's _Narration_, Oct. 3-28; _Four Masters_, 1600; Journal
of Mountjoy's proceedings, in _Carew_, vol. v. p. 497. In the Ulster
settlement Docwra was granted 2,000 acres about Lifford.
[361] The _Four Masters_ are here to be preferred to Docwra; see also
Cecil to Carew in _Maclean_, Aug. 29, 1600.
[362] Docwra's _Narration_, 'about Christmas'; _Four Masters_, under
Jan. 27, 1601.
[363] Carew to the Privy Council July 18-20 and Aug. 25; _Pacata
Hibernia_, book i. chaps. ix.-xii.
[364] This fight was on Sept. 16. _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap.
xiii.; Mountjoy to Carew, Oct. 8, in _Carew_; Cecil to Carew, Oct. 15;
Carew to the Privy Council, Nov. 2.
[365] Desmond to Cecil, MS. _Hatfield_. The letter is not dated, but
Fenton was in London during July and August 1600. Writing to Carew on
July 11, Cecil calls the young man James Fitzgerald, and Desmond in
later letters. The patent was ready by Aug. 29, and received the Great
Seal on Oct. 1. It is printed in _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap. xiv.
[366] Desmond landed on Oct. 14. Nearly all the letters are collected
in Florence MacCarthy's _Life_, pp. 485-500, where details as to the
Tower life, medicines, &c. may be read, and in Cecil's letters to Carew
(ed. Maclean).
[367] _Pacata Hibernia_, vol. i. ch. xiv. and the letters in Florence
MacCarthy's _Life_; Carew to Cecil in _Carew_, March 22, 1601. 'I do
not at all, or at least very little,' Desmond wrote to Cecil on Dec.
18, 1600, 'participate of the Italian proverb, _Amor fa molto, argento
fa tutto_.'
[368] Fenton to Cecil, April 20, 1598. William Power, writing from Cork
to Cecil, Jan. 17, 1602, says 'you were a father to the unfortunate
young Earl, as himself often told me.'--Carew to the Privy Council,
Dec. 20, 1600, and March 6, 1601; _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap.
xviii.; Desmond Pedigree in _Irish Arch. Journal_, 3rd series, vol. i.;
Desmond to Cecil, Aug. 31, 1601. Among the 1602 papers at Hatfield,
there are petitions from two of the Desmond ladies asking Cecil for
part of the allowance meant 'for our poor brother, that we might end
the rest of our unfortunate days without being troublesome.'