ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1592-1594.
[Sidenote: Second escape of Hugh O'Donnell, 1592.]
[Sidenote: His sufferings from exposure.]
[Sidenote: He reaches Donegal.]
It was no new thing that prisoners should escape from Dublin Castle,
nor that they should be brought back again; and Hugh Roe did not
despair. A year after his first attempt, and at the same evening
hour, he knocked off his irons and lowered himself with a long rope
into the ditch. His companions were Shane O'Neill's sons, Henry and
Art, and they were helped outside by Tyrone's confidential servant,
Tirlogh O'Hagan. The fugitives passed through the streets unnoticed,
and reached the mountains that same night. Their sufferings from
exposure were great, and Art O'Neill, who had grown fat in prison, and
had besides received a blow from a falling stone when getting out of
it, was forced to lie down under a rock at the foot of the mountains.
Edward Eustace, who had been sent by Feagh MacHugh to act as guide,
was now despatched to that chief, and food and beer were sent to their
relief. The men who brought the provisions said that O'Neill was past
help, and there he died. Hugh was badly frostbitten and the nails of
his great toes afterwards fell off, but he was able to drink some beer,
and they carried him to a solitary house in the woods of Glenmalure. In
due course Tyrone sent a messenger, with whom he travelled northwards,
though he had to be lifted into the saddle and out of it. Felim O'Toole
was now eager to help, and accompanied him to the Liffey, which he
forded unperceived just above Dublin. His guide spoke English, and led
him through Meath to the neighbourhood of Drogheda. Avoiding the town,
they diverged to Mellifont, which belonged to Sir Edward Moore, and
here they were lodged and helped on their way. After resting until the
evening of next day, they rode all night, and passed through Dundalk
as soon as the gates were opened in the morning. The danger was now
over, and Tirlogh MacHenry O'Neill, whose power lay in the south part
of Armagh, forwarded them safely to Dungannon, whence Tyrone sent Hugh
O'Donnell, under escort, to Lough Erne. Here he was met by Maguire, and
brought in triumph to Ballyshannon. Henry MacShane O'Neill did not go
to Glenmalure at all, but escaped northwards from the Dublin mountains,
among which his brother had died, and thus fell into Tyrone's hands.
The Earl kept him long in captivity, and it is probable that in helping
his son-in-law to escape, he also intended to prevent the Government
from setting up the MacShanes against him.[214]
[Sidenote: O'Donnell, Maguire,]
[Sidenote: and Tyrone.]
Hugh Maguire said that he had given Fitzwilliam 300 cows to free his
country from a sheriff, but that one had nevertheless been appointed,
in the person of Captain Willis. This officer did not confine his
attention to Fermanagh, and much of Tyrconnell was actually in his
power. This company, who bore a very bad character in the country, were
quartered in the monastery of Donegal, from which they expelled the
friars, and Hugh Roe's first care was to get rid of the intruders. The
O'Donnells mustered in large numbers, and Willis and his men were glad
to escape with their lives into Connaught. The friars then returned
to their house. During March and April Hugh was in the hands of the
doctors, who are said to have amputated both his great toes; but in May
his father made way for him, and he was installed as O'Donnell with the
usual ceremonies. Two expeditions against Tirlogh Luineach followed,
and all the country about Strabane was laid waste. Nor was Tyrone quite
idle, for he allowed his son Con to attack MacKenna, the chief of
Trough, who had profited by Fitzwilliam's settlement of the MacMahons'
country. The opportunity taken was while MacKenna was attending the
sessions at Monaghan, and the commissioners were forced to adjourn. It
suited neither O'Neills nor O'Donnells to have sheriffs and gibbets so
near them.[215]
[Sidenote: Tyrone induces O'Donnell to submit, 1592.]
Fitzwilliam proceeded to Dundalk, intent upon making Tyrone give up the
offenders, so that they might be hanged at Monaghan, but the outrage
turned out to be much less grave than was reported. Anxious to gain a
good character, which might be of use to him in arranging his law suits
with Tirlogh Luineach, Tyrone went to Donegal, and brought Hugh Roe
O'Donnell with him into the Lord Deputy's presence. Hugh made public
submission in the church at Dundalk, swearing to be loyal like his
father, and to expel strangers from his country. The result was that
all opposition to him ceased in Tyrconnell, since no pretender could
hope to cope with a chief who enjoyed the help of the Government.[216]
[Sidenote: Sir John Perrott is accused.]
[Sidenote: His enemies.]
It has been often said that Sir John Perrott was driven out of Ireland
by intrigue, but the fact is that he had long clamoured for his own
recall. In England he enjoyed considerable influence, sat as a Privy
Councillor, and remained in communication with several men of position
in Ireland. But he made enemies everywhere, and it is supposed that
the real cause of his downfall was a quarrel with the Chancellor, whom
he openly taunted with having danced himself on to the woolsack. 'Sir
John Perrott talked,' says one biographer, 'while Sir Christopher
Hatton thought.' He despised the usual and perhaps necessary arts of a
courtier, and was too frequently absent from the centre of favour and
intrigue. Burghley was certainly his friend, but, great as was the old
minister's power, he could not always prevail against combinations. In
Dublin the official set were generally hostile to Perrott, and many
had personal grudges against him. He himself attributed his misfortunes
to Loftus, whom he had abused for not allowing St. Patrick's Cathedral
to be turned into a college, and Bishop Jones had also his grievances.
Philip Williams, Perrott's secretary, having been dismissed and
imprisoned by him, offered to disclose matters affecting the Queen; and
it was to the Archbishop of Dublin and Bishop of Meath that he applied
for help. Sir Nicholas White, who in some degree represented the old
English families of Ireland, as distinguished from the purely English
and official element, was favourable to Perrott. His firmest ally was
Richard Meredith, a Welshman, who had been his chaplain, and who held
the deanery of St. Patrick's and the bishopric of Leighlin together.
Sir Richard Bingham, who had no cause to love Perrott, does not seem
to have borne malice; but Fitzwilliam evidently leaned to the side of
his accusers. The late Deputy's language was not only violent, but had
that unfortunate quality of picturesqueness which made people remember
it. Thus Loftus could tell Burghley, with the certainty of getting
corroborative evidence, how his enemy had boasted that he would send
the Council out of Dublin Castle on cabbage-stalks, and how he had
threatened to pull the Archbishop into small pieces, like grass between
his fingers. Such speeches were not treasonable, but they show why so
many men were anxious to prove that Sir John Perrott was a traitor.[217]
[Sidenote: Charges against Perrott.]
[Sidenote: The witnesses.]
Numerous accusations were brought against Perrott soon after his return
to England, but he had little difficulty in meeting them. Matters
became more serious when a letter purporting to be written by him was
actually produced, in which he offered to make Philip II. king of
England and Ireland, on condition of being made hereditary Prince of
Wales. It seems clear that the paper was forged by Charles Trevor, an
adventurer who had been employed by O'Rourke to manage his son's escape
from Oxford, and whom Perrott had formerly imprisoned. His companion
in the Castle, and perhaps his accomplice in the forgery, was one
Dennis O'Roughan or Roughan, who had originally been a Roman Catholic
priest and had lived in Spain. Finding it convenient to return, Roughan
professed himself a Protestant, and had several children by Margaret
Leonard of New Ross, whom some called his wife and some did not. He
was evidently a liar of the first magnitude, for he told Fitzwilliam
that he had said mass to Perrott, who was no persecutor, but who was
certainly a sincere Protestant and a hater of Spaniards. When Trevor
escaped from prison the forged letter, or one like it, remained in his
hands, and he seems to have been accused of several of the forgeries
and found guilty of at least one. Roughan produced his false letter,
and pretended to be in fear of his life from Perrott's friends. With
an evident desire to make the most of it all, the Deputy sent over
his son, with orders to give the document to the Queen herself.
Bishop Meredith observed that John Fitzwilliam would have to ride
very fast if Perrott did not know all before her Majesty. Considering
the abundant evidence as to Roughan's bad character--and he was a
perjurer by his own confession--it might be supposed that no credit
would have been given to him. Probably much of the truth was kept from
the Queen's knowledge. An enquiry in Dublin had but doubtful results,
and the commissioners, whom the Queen herself rebuked, were accused
of partiality to Perrott. They examined Roughan, who soon showed his
real colours, and they were probably disinclined to do anything on such
evidence. When the man went to London, where nothing was known about
him, he accused the commissioners of corrupt dealing, but he soon lost
credit in England too. Fitzwilliam evidently leaned strongly against
Perrott, and Sir N. White was placed under restraint by him. Whether
anyone really believed Roughan may be doubted, but the information
gained in connection with his story enabled Perrott's enemies to draw
their net round him.[218]
[Sidenote: Trial of Perrott, 1592.]
[Sidenote: He is found guilty,]
[Sidenote: though probably innocent.]
At the beginning of February, 1591, Sir John Perrott was in the custody
of the Lord Treasurer; and of his friends we are told that the Bishop
of Leighlin was merry in the Fleet, and Sir Nicholas White sad in the
Marshalsea. Contrary to the expectation of many, Sir John was sent
to the Tower on March 8; and there he was destined to end his days.
His imprisonment was close, and he complained of impaired memory from
the treatment he received. At last, in April 1592, he was brought to
trial for treason, his indictment specifying that he had compassed the
Queen's death. On one side were Popham, Egerton, and Puckering, and
on the other a rough old knight, conscious of many rash speeches, but
strong in the confidence which innocence gives, and 'renouncing the
merits and mercy of his Saviour Jesus Christ' if he was really guilty.
The court did nothing to supply the want of counsel. Chief Justice
Anderson behaved with his usual brutality, declaring that Perrott was
worse than Babington or than any of the traitors, and they were many,
at whose trials he had assisted. Hunsdon was one of the Commission, and
he also interfered very often and very unfairly. The accused could do
little but protest that he was innocent, and that Roughan and Williams
were perjured scoundrels. He wished the devil might take him body and
soul if he had uttered a certain coarse speech, which many thought the
real cause of Elizabeth's animosity. He appealed to Rokeby, master of
requests, who was one of his judges, whether his experience in Ireland
had not taught him that witnesses there had no respect for an oath and
might be cheaply bribed to swear anything. God, he said, would plague
his persecutors for their corrupt dealing. He was found guilty, but a
great judge of our own time has described his trial as 'the scandalous
attempt of prerogative lawyers--of which Elizabeth herself was
ashamed--to convert the peevish speeches against her, of that worthy
old soldier, Sir John Perrott, into overt acts of high treason.'[219]
[Sidenote: Death and character of Perrott.]
'Sir John Perrott,' says Swift, 'was the first man of quality whom I
find upon the record to have sworn by _God's wounds_. He lived in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth and was supposed to be a natural son of Henry
VIII. who might also probably have been his instructor.' According
to Naunton, who is not a bad authority on such a point, Perrott was
aware of his royal parentage. 'What,' he asked the lieutenant of the
Tower, with oaths and fury, 'will the Queen suffer her brother to be
offered up a sacrifice to my skipping adversaries?' Naunton shows that
circumstances make the fact not improbable, and adds that Perrott's
manners, appearance, and voice were like those which the Elizabethan
tradition ascribed to Henry. Hatton, the chief of Sir John's skipping
adversaries, was now dead; and the Queen was urged by Burghley and
others to spare a faithful, though rash, servant. At all events she
refused to sign his death-warrant, and when his speech to Hopton was
reported to her, she swore by God's death that they were all knaves.
It was thought that she intended to pardon him, and she was often
heard to applaud a rescript of Honorius, 'that if any person speak
ill of the Emperor through a foolish rashness and inadvertency, it is
to be despised; if out of madness, it deserves pity; if from malice
and aversion, it calls for mercy.' Perrott died in the Tower in the
following September; but his chief request was granted, and his son
was allowed to inherit. The fact of that son being married to Essex's
sister may have had something to do with this.[220]
[Sidenote: Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill resigns the chiefry]
[Sidenote: in Tyrone's favour, 1593.]
The disputes between Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach were hard to settle,
for the several grants were not easily reconcilable with one another.
But Coke's opinion was taken, and that great lawyer laid down that, by
virtue of an indenture made in 1587, the Earl might be forced to leave
Tirlogh and his son in quiet possession of such lands as should be
awarded to them by inquisition. This had been practically a condition
of reviving the earldom in Hugh's person, and the older grant of all
Tyrone by Henry VIII. was so far modified by it. As to the lands,
Fitzwilliam effected an arrangement nearly in accordance with Coke's
opinion; but Tirlogh was now old, and finding himself unable to resist
both Tyrone and O'Donnell, he thought it wiser to resign his chiefry
in his rival's favour. 'Hugh O'Neill, namely the Earl,' say the Four
Masters, 'was then styled the O'Neill, and Tirlogh Luineach, having
made peace with O'Neill and O'Donnell, sent away the English whom
he had with him. This was done in May 1593. Ulster was then under
the peaceable government of these two; and they had hostages of the
inhabitants in their power, so that they were subject to them.'[221]
[Sidenote: The Four Masters' notions of peace.]
[Sidenote: A titular archbishop.]
Tyrone's object for the movement was to keep things quiet and to gain
credit for loyalty; but neither he nor O'Donnell ever enjoyed much of
the peaceable power described by the annalists. Brian Oge O'Rourke had
a dispute with the Binghams about his composition rent, and plundered
the country about Ballymote. Maguire's emulation was aroused, and,
in spite of a promise to Tyrone, he also invaded Connaught, leaving
Lough Allen to his left, and penetrating to Tulsk in Roscommon, where
Sir Richard Bingham was encamped. The English party were outnumbered,
and Maguire drove off many cattle, but, in the running fight which
followed, Edmund MacGauran, titular primate of all Ireland, was killed.
According to Bingham, MacGauran was constantly occupied in stirring
up sedition, which he fostered by assurances of Spanish aid. 'He
was, he says, 'a champion of the Pope's, like Dr. Allen, the notable
traitor; but, God be thanked, he hath left his dead carcase on the
Maugherie, only the said rebels carried his head away with them that
they might universally bemoan him at home.' O'Sullivan said that the
Archbishop had special orders from Philip II. to stir up war against
the Protestants, and to hold out hopes of Spanish succours, and that
Maguire was sorry for his loss rather than pleased at the spoil which
he was able to secure.[222]
[Sidenote: Maguire attacks Monaghan,]
[Sidenote: but is defeated by Tyrone,]
[Sidenote: who soon changes sides.]
O'Rourke kept Bingham pretty busy during the summer, and Maguire turned
his attention to Monaghan. It was not difficult to raise a party among
the MacMahons, and Monaghan was vigorously attacked early in September.
The garrison repulsed the assailants, but not without considerable
loss, and Fitzwilliam found it necessary to make a great display of
force. Bagenal and Tyrone commanded the troops, which were collected
at Clones, and Maguire drove off his flocks and herds into Tyrconnell.
The fords over the Erne near Belleek were found indefensible against
so strong a force, but Tyrone was severely wounded in the thigh. This
victory of the brothers-in-law only increased their mutual hatred, for
the Marshal claimed most of the credit, which the Earl thought belonged
to him. The O'Neills were engaged in large numbers, and the tactics
which afterwards proved so fatal to Bagenal had been employed on his
side. 'Maguire's assailants,' says O'Sullivan Bere, 'had 700 horse
against 100, and musketeers against archers, and the leaden bullets
went further than the arrows. The musketeers in the woods bordering on
the river shot down with impunity the Catholics who stood in the open,
while the archers could take no aim at men protected by thick clumps
of trees.' The same writer says that Bagenal asked Tyrone to write in
praise of his valour both to the Queen and to the Deputy, and that
the Earl replied that he would tell the truth when he came into their
presence. It was one of Tyrone's grievances that Bagenal got more than
his due share of credit, but it is probable that this was mainly an
excuse for the course upon which he had already determined. According
to O'Sullivan, O'Donnell was on his way to help Maguire, but was
delayed by a messenger from Tyrone, who begged him not to compromise
him while in the power of the Protestants, whose party he was about
to desert. Tyrone believed, or pretended to believe, that the Marshal
had orders from Fitzwilliam to arrest him; and, wounded as he was, he
withdrew to Dungannon, out of harm's way. This was his last service to
the Crown during Elizabeth's life, and the annalists believed that it
was rendered unwillingly.[223]
[Sidenote: Bingham takes Enniskillen, 1594.]
Bingham pressed Maguire from the Connaught side, and boats were
launched upon Lough Erne, so that the defeated chief was hunted from
island to island, during a great part of the winter. To find his cattle
was to take them, for no resistance could be made; but Enniskillen
Castle held out for a long time against the fire of field-pieces. 'To
present her Majesty's forces,' said Fenton, 'before a castle in Ireland
and not to carry it were highly dishonourable to the State, and a
dangerous preparation to all the Irish to think less of her Majesty's
strength.' But the soldiers worked while the Secretary criticised, and
early in February Enniskillen was taken by assault, on the ninth day
of the actual siege. Boats, protected with hides and hurdles, kept
the garrison occupied, while the trenches were advanced, and ladders
were used for the final storm. But O'Sullivan declared that the place
would never have been taken had not Bingham bribed one of the warders,
known from his hideous countenance as 'the pig's son.' The traitor, he
says, made a feigned resistance only, and was spared, while the rest,
including some women, were put to the sword. Maguire was driven into
Tyrone with a few followers, but Bingham maintained that nothing had
really been done until Bundrowes, Ballyshannon, and Belleek were taken
from O'Donnell. The Lord Deputy did not like Bingham nor his advice,
but the event proved that the latter was right.[224]
[Sidenote: Recall of Fitzwilliam.]
[Sidenote: Negotiations with Tyrone.]
Fitzwilliam's health had been failing since the summer of 1592, and
latterly he had been very anxious to leave Ireland. The Queen had
been ready to recall him at Michaelmas, but Burghley said he should
have the honour of finishing Maguire's affair, and he could only beg
that he should not be expected to catch a runagate rogue. 'I am,' he
said, 'upon the pitch of sixty-nine years old, my body is weak, my
stomach weaker, the stone doth oft torment me, and now the gout hath
utterly lamed me in my leg. My sight and memory do both fail me, so
that I am less than half a man, and not much more than a dead man.'
Had the Queen adhered to her original intention he might have been
spared these pains. He was now directed to appoint Lords Justices if
he felt too ill to carry on the routine business of government, but
if possible to retain office until the arrival of his successor. The
new viceroy was Sir William Russell, fourth son of Francis, Earl of
Bedford, who had served with credit in Holland, who was by Sidney's
side when he received his death-wound, and who succeeded him as
governor of Flushing. Fitzwilliam did not find it necessary to appoint
Lords Justices, but he was unable to leave Dublin, and negotiations
with Tyrone were referred to commissioners. The Earl maintained that
he was quite loyal, but that the Lord Deputy and the Marshal were in
league against him. Bagenal had orders to treat with O'Donnell, and
sent one Darby Newman, from Newry, to make a beginning. Tyrone received
Newman at Dungannon, and refused to send him on to Strabane. Bagenal's
emissary, he said, was not sufficiently important to risk his credit
for; he had already done too much, and was determined that Tyrconnell
should not be treated as Fermanagh had been. The Marshal, he added,
raising his voice for all to hear, might do it by himself if he could.
Maguire was now again at the head of 200 or 300 men, and would not
leave a head on anyone's shoulders who wore hat or cloak, or who spoke
a word of English. With Bagenal he would have no dealings, nor would he
let O'Donnell have any; but any other commissioner should be welcome to
his country. Archbishop Loftus, Chief Justice Gardiner, and Sir Anthony
St. Leger, the Master of the Rolls, were chosen, and they proceeded
to Dundalk early in March. In the meantime, Tyrone tried to enlist
the great influence of Ormonde on his side, and his letters were so
startling that the latter thought it right to send them straight to the
Queen.[225]
[Sidenote: Tyrone's grievance]
Tyrone kept the commissioners waiting for some days, professing to be
afraid of Bagenal's treachery; but he appeared at last on protection,
and gave in a long list of grievances. Hatred of the Marshal, whom he
accused of bribing Fitzwilliam with money extorted from the people
under him, seems indeed to have been the mainspring of his movements at
this time. As to the settlement of Monaghan, for instance, he says that
'every peddling merchant and other men of no account had a share of the
land; and the Marshal (who never took pains in bringing of that country
to subjection) had a great part of it.' Besides the general statement
of his grievances given to the commissioners, Tyrone sent a secret
article to Sir Henry Wallop, whom he thought inclined to favour him.
In this he alleged specific acts of corruption against Fitzwilliam and
Bagenal, saying that he did not mention these to the commissioners only
because they were in such haste to be gone. But before Loftus and his
colleagues left Dundalk he promised to keep the peace until his cause
could be heard impartially, and swore that if O'Donnell or any other
broke out in the meantime, he would be the first to cut his throat.
This did not prevent some of the O'Neills from immediately harrying the
Marshal's country, nor from burning houses with women and children in
them. Indeed there can be little doubt that it was a main object with
Tyrone, as it had been with Shane O'Neill, to get rid of the settlement
at Newry. It was planted on purpose to bridle Ulster, and it had proved
effective. And English laws or English officers are unpopular in
Ireland exactly in proportion to their efficiency.[226]
[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam's opinion of Tyrone]
[Sidenote: and of Captain Thomas Lee.]
[Sidenote: Lee's opinion of Irish chiefs]
[Sidenote: and of Sir Henry Bagenal.]
Fitzwilliam emphatically denied all charges of corruption against
himself, and said he had always treated Tyrone with the consideration
due to a useful instrument. Appearances were now very much against him,
and the Chief Justice had shown scandalous partiality in separating
from his fellow-commissioners and remaining for two or three days quite
alone with the Earl. Captain Thomas Lee too, who was a needy man and
suspiciously intimate with Tyrone, had stolen away to him and was not
likely to exercise a good influence. Lee, who was afterwards hanged at
Tyburn for his share in the Essex conspiracy, distinguished himself
in the Wicklow district, and he has left a curious paper in which he
cautioned the Queen against the probable cost and trouble of an Ulster
war. According to him the North could only be governed with Tyrone's
help. The chief authority there should be in his hands, and, that
being granted, there would be no difficulty in getting him to accept
a sheriff and to have regular assizes at Dungannon. 'Being often his
bedfellow,' says Lee, 'he hath divers times bemoaned himself, with
tears in his eyes, saying if he knew any way in the world to behave
himself (otherwise than he hath done) to procure your Majesty's assured
good opinion of him, he would not spare (if it pleased you to command
him) to offer himself to serve your highness in any part of the world
against your enemies, though he were sure to lose his life... which
tears have neither proceeded from dissimulation, or of a childish
disposition, (for all who know him will acquit him thereof) but of
mere zeal unto your highness, &c.' Of a childish disposition, indeed,
he may well be acquitted; but dissimulation was his strong point. And
Lee's proposed system of government involved arrangements with other
chiefs also; yet he averred O'Donnell, Maguire, Brian Oge MacMahon, and
Brian Oge O'Rourke to be traitors and villains and obstinate against
the Queen. O'Donnell was married to one of Tyrone's daughters, and
Maguire was soon to wed another. Again he says, 'all the friends to
your highness in those countries are but two, O'Hanlon and Magennis....
O'Hanlon is married to the Earl of Tyrone's sister, and merely enriched
by the Earl; Magennis's eldest son is to marry the Earl's daughter.
And if this affinity were [not], the manner of the Irish is always to
the part they see strongest; and when your Majesty (as there is no
doubt) shall prevail, they will then seek favour and make offer of much
service, but seldom or never perform any; whereof myself have been
too often a witness.' This testimony is remarkable because it exactly
coincides with that of Bagenal, who said his neighbours, O'Hanlon and
Magennis, were combined with Tyrone, not because they liked him, but
because he seemed, for the moment, to be the strongest. In Tyrone's
interest Lee stigmatises Bagenal as a slanderer and a coward, but he
agrees with him where his hero's interests are not specially concerned,
praising Bingham to the skies and losing no opportunity of calling
Feagh MacHugh a traitor.[227]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and Tyrone.]
Burghley urged Ormonde, for his own honour and the State's safety, to
make some arrangement with Tyrone, and Sir George Carew, whose advice
was taken about this time, believed that the new Irish trouble might
thus be nipped in the bud. Ormonde, he said, 'has that credit with the
Earl as at his will he can lead him to do what he list, for upon his
wisdom and friendship he only dependeth.' A correspondence took place
accordingly, in which Ormonde entreated Tyrone to bear himself loyally
in the sight of all, and never to forget the Queen's benefits. He had
promised the commissioners to behave himself, and it was dishonourable
for gentlemen to break their words. By presenting himself frankly to
the Viceroy, as became a nobleman and a good subject, he would show
that he had nothing to fear, and he might be sure of justice if he
harboured no traitors in the meantime. Tyrone thanked his adviser
heartily, promised to come to Dublin like the Queen's loyal subject
as he was, and declared that he feared nothing but the spite of
Fitzwilliam and Bagenal, who sought his life. As to harbouring rebels,
there were two or three thousand proclaimed traitors in Ireland, and it
would be strange if some were not sheltered near him.[228]
[Sidenote: Florence MacCarthy in Munster, 1593-1594.]
Owing in great measure to Ormonde's intercession, who gave a bond in
1,000_l._ for his good behaviour, Florence MacCarthy had been released
from the Tower early in 1591 and left at liberty, provided he did not
go more than three miles from London. He was a persistent and skilful
suitor, and his constant pleas of poverty were not without their effect
on the Queen. First she granted him a warrant of protection against
arrest for debt, and then she devised a means of enriching him without
expense to herself. David Lord Barry had been implicated in the Desmond
treasons, and had been fined 500_l._, which he was not asked to pay.
He looked upon this as in the nature of a mere recognizance, and he
had done nothing whatever to forfeit it. The Queen had nothing new to
complain of, but she gave Florence MacCarthy leave to recover the fine
if he could. This was a poor reward for Barry's loyalty; especially
as he had been the first to warn the Government of the danger to be
apprehended from Florence's marriage, and was even now cautioning
them against letting Florence return to his own country. To Ireland,
nevertheless, he was allowed to go, and Fitzwilliam ordered Barry to
pay the 500_l._ in four quarterly instalments. It does not however,
seem to have been paid, and Florence spent more than the whole amount
in costs. Lord Barry, who remained staunchly loyal, put in one dilatory
plea after another, and in due course Florence was himself involved in
treasonable plots. His brother-in-law Donell--if the term can be used
of a bastard--continued to maintain himself in the character of Robin
Hood, and the undertakers had their difficulties with both.[229]
[Sidenote: Remarks on Fitzwilliam's government.]
Fitzwilliam's long public career was now at an end, though he lived
until 1599. Years before he had expected to be buried in Ireland and
slandered in England; and slandered he seems to have been, though
he was allowed to sleep in his own country. He was not a brilliant
man, and he was never given the means of doing very great things; but
he steadily advanced the power of the Crown in Ireland. Not being a
professional soldier he gained no remarkable victories; but of his
courage there could be no doubt, as the Dublin mutiny well proved.
The charge of corruption has been commonly repeated against him, but
this old-world gossip wants confirmation. It was the general practice
to make accusations of covetousness against Irish officials, and
especially against chief governors. Russell did not escape, and it is
clear that many things capable of an ill interpretation would be done
in a country where enough money was never forthcoming for the public
service. It is evident that neither Elizabeth nor Burghley believed the
stories against Fitzwilliam, and if an official satisfies those who
employ him he can afford to despise unpopularity. He was not a great
man, but he was eminently serviceable, and, if he gained no striking
successes, his reign was free from crushing disasters.
FOOTNOTES:
[214] _Four Masters_, 1592. On Feb. 27, Gardiner, C.J., writes to
Burghley that Hugh Roe is back in Donegal; under May 31, 1589, there is
a list of twenty-two prisoners who had escaped from Dublin Castle, of
which eleven had been brought back, but Hugh Roe is not mentioned. In
1594 Henry, Con, and Brian MacShane were all in Tyrone's custody; (No.
139) in _Carew_ of that year.
[215] _Four Masters_, 1592; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 7. Captain
Lee, in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. i. p. 106, says Willis had
with him three hundred of the very rascals and scum of that kingdom,
which did rob and spoil that people, ravish their wives and daughters,
and make havoc of all.
[216] _Four Masters_, 1592; Tyrone to Burghley, Aug, 2; Fitzwilliam to
Burghley, Aug. 8.
[217] Loftus to Burghley, Dec. 27, 1590, and Feb. 4, 1591; Lloyd's
_State Worthies_. Loftus began the attack by recommending Philip
Williams to Burghley, Dec. 18, 1586. Williams's wife applied to Jones a
few days later, and the Archbishop forwarded her letter, Jan. 1, 1587.
Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley in favour of Williams, Sept. 17, 1590;
see also Sir R. Bingham to Geo. Bingham, Oct. 29, 1591.
[218] The forged letter is dated June 25, 1585, and calendared Feb.
16, 1590; Commission dated March 20, 1590, from the Privy Council to
the Bishops of Meath and Leighlin, Sir L. Dillon, Sir N. White, Sir E.
Moore, Sir E. Waterhouse, Walshe, J., and Calthorpe, A. G. Dillon and
White to Burghley, June 26 and 28, 1590; Bishop Meredith to Burghley,
July 13, 1590. Fitzwilliam's letters are too numerous to cite;
their general tenour bears out the text; many letters as to Trevor,
especially Sir R. Bingham to G. Bingham, Oct. 29, 1591. For the priest
Roughan see an amusing account in Strype's _Life of Aylmer_, and for
Perrott's quarrel with Loftus and Jones see his _Annals_ (Eliz.) book
ii. chaps. 3 and 4. For evidence of Roughan's perjuries see Morrin's
_Patent Rolls_, 42 Eliz. No. 21.
[219] Lord Campbell's _Chief Justices_, i. 247; Howell's _State
Trials_, vol. i.
[220] Introduction to Swift's _Polite Conversation_; Naunton's
_Fragmenta Regalia_; Howell's _State Trials_. There is a curious
account of Sir Thomas Perrott's marriage with Lady Dorothy Devereux in
Strype's _Aylmer_.
[221] Fitzwilliam and Bagenal to Burghley, July 25, 1592; Mr.
Solicitor-General Coke to Burghley, Aug. 13; _Four Masters_, 1593.
By the articles of agreement concluded at Dundalk on June 28, 1593,
Tirlogh Luineach was awarded a life-interest in the Strabane district,
while the Earl's supremacy was acknowledged over all Tyrone.
[222] Bingham's letter of June 28, 1593, is quoted in Brady's
_Episcopal Succession_, i. 223; O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap.
6. There is an original intercepted letter at Hatfield from Primate
MacGauran to Captain Eustace, dated Madrid, June 28, 1591, in which the
writer says:--'I hope in God Ireland will soon be free from Englishmen,
and notwithstanding that the Catholic King his captains be slow in
their affairs, I am certain that the men now purposed to be sent to
comfort the same poor island, which is in distress a long time, will
not be slow. I ought not to write much unto you touching those causes,
for I know that a Spaniard shall be chief governor of them. The Irish
regiment is written for.'
[223] O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 7; _Four Masters_, 1593;
Shirley's _Monaghan_, pp. 97 and 98; the Earl of Tyrone's grievances,
March 14, 1594.
[224] Fenton to Burghley, Feb. 2, 1594; Captain John Dowdall to
Fitzwilliam, Feb. 2, 3, and 7; Bingham to Puckering, C.S., Feb. 15;
Cornelius Maguire to Fitzwilliam, Feb. 7; O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 7,
cap. 7.
[225] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Jan. 30, 1594; to Cecil same date;
Ormonde to Burghley, Feb. 20; Tyrone to Bagenal, Feb. 17; declaration
of Darby Newman, Feb. 19; draft minute by Burghley and others
concerning the viceroyalty, March.
[226] Tyrone's grievances, March 14, 1594; Tyrone to Wallop, April 3;
Bagenal to Fitzwilliam, March 20; Ormonde to Tyrone, May 21.
[227] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Feb. 28 and April 19, 1594; Bagenal to
Fitzwilliam, March 20. Lee's declaration to the Queen is printed (with
some obvious mistakes) in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. i. pp.
89 to 150. It was written in England between Oct. 1594 and March 1596,
as is proved by the references to Sir Robert Gardiner's movements. Lee
was of Reban castle near Athy, where he had property.
[228] Ormonde to Tyrone, April 19 and 30, and May 21, 1594; Tyrone's
answer to the letter of April 30; Burghley to Ormonde, April 7; Carew
to Burghley, April 13.
[229] Florence MacCarthy's _Life_.